Raglan Castle.]

resemblance--as if Nature herself had chosen him to be his

representative--the right stone being pulled out, and a counterfeit set

in the right ring--and what with the likeness of his countenance, and

the identity of apparel, he passed for current; which jest my Roman

thought so good, that he must needs brag of it to the Marquess. But my

lord no way liked it; asking him--‘Would you put another upon doing that

which you would not do yourself? What if the devil--you two being so

like one another--should mistake you for him? I assure you he would go

neare to mar the conceit.’ For, he might have added, though honesty be

no Puritan, yet it will do no hurt.”

“Mine honour is my _life_; both grow in one;

Take honour from me, and my life’s undone.”

In the next passage, the Marquess undertakes the duty of admonishing a

party who had come to visit him; and his method of doing so is somewhat

amusing. We shall give the lecture, as nearly as we can, in his

chaplain’s own words:--“There was a new-married couple,” says he,

“presented before the Marquess. The bride was a goodly proper woman, her

face well-featured, an excellent eye she had, but she was pitifully

disfigured with the smallpox. The Marquess, looking much upon her, and

saying nothing to her for a long while, we all knew that silence was in

labour for some notable production. At last he advances toward the young

bride, and asked her: ‘Gentlewoman, do you know why it is said that God

Almighty created man and builded woman?’ The lady, somewhat out of

countenance, answered, ‘No, indeed, my lord.’ The Marquess asked her

again: ‘Do you know why you women are called housewives?’ ‘I think, my

lord,’ said the bride, ‘because good wives should keep at home, and not

gad abroad.’ ‘It is a good answer,’ said the Marquess, ‘but not the

right one; for women may be bad wives at home, as well as abroad;

otherwise they would never scold their husbands out of doors. The answer

to my first question is: Woman is not said to be _made_ as Adam was,

which only signifies plain work; but to be _built_, which signifies

curiosity and contrivance; and, therefore, as to my second question, a

woman is called a housewife, because she is a house out of which all the

royal families of kings and emperors derive their extract. Neither are

you only compared to houses; but unto cities, kingdoms, churches, and

commonwealths. But do you know what house you are like?’ ‘No, indeed, my

lord,’ answered the bride. ‘Why, then, I’ll tell you,’ resumed the

Marquess; ‘when God builded the first woman, he made her his storehouse,

wherein he had laid up all the race of mankind, wherewith he replenished

the whole earth. But I must tell you, my lady, God Almighty did not make

you coaches nor waggons, that you should be always gadding about.’

Whereat the bridegroom made answer: ‘My lord, I thank you for this; I

hope my wife will remember it.’ ‘My lord,’ said the young bride, ‘you

will read such a lecture to my husband, that he will never let me go

abroad.’ ‘Oh no, my lady,’ said the Marquess, ‘he must not debar you of

that liberty, provided you never go abroad but when you go out like the

snaile; who seldom stirs abroad but whilst that blessing, the dew of

heaven, is upon the earth, that she may gather benefit; and by her

greatest care, and equal management, still carries her house upon her

back.’ ‘Oh, my lord,’ said she, ‘if I should goe abroad like the snaile,

I should carry not only a house upon my back, but horns upon my

forehead!’ ‘No, lady,’ said the Marquess; ‘though she pockes at you, yet

they are not horns; the snaile can soon draw them in if you touch them,

which no horned creature can perform; but she carries them in her head

to teach you what you should provide, and bear in mind against you go to

hay-making.’

“But the Marquess fearing he had a little displeased the young couple,

he thought to make amends by the following, though somewhat equivocal,

discourse:--‘Sir,’ said he to the bridegroom, ‘you know I have compared

your wife unto a building, and I much commend your choice, for a goodly

house should not be chosen for the smoothness or whiteness of the

wall--for such a one may be but a dairy-house or a milk-house; nor

according to the colours or paintings of the outside--for such a one may

be but a tavern or an alehouse; but if I see a house that is lofty and

stately built, and hath fair windows, though the outside be but

rough-cast, yet I am sure there are goodly rooms therein.’

“And so,” adds Bayly, “both parties were well pleased.” For what the

Marquess meant to express by this string of similes was, that although

the lady was much disfigured by the smallpox, yet her fine expressive

eyes, intellectual forehead, noble carriage, and cultivated mind, amply

atoned for accidental disfigurement; and left a balance in her favour

which no outward appearance could disparage or conceal.

These <g>anecdotes</g> of an octogenarian, however unsuited to modern ideas,

and of rather doubtful merit on the score of compliment, are

characteristic of times when the court-jester was still thought a

necessary appendage to a great household; and when riddle and allegory

were the daily vehicles of political wit and private satire, as well as

the legitimate promoters of loyalty, mirth, and good-fellowship. That

they were considered by Dr. Bayly himself--a grave and learned man--as

reflecting honour upon the Marquess who uttered them, and creditable to

his own taste and industry in transmitting them to posterity, is a proof

that, agreeably to the taste of the age, they were fully entitled to the

distinction of ‘apophthegms.’

Here follows another, in a more serious and figurative sense, to which

Juxon himself would not have objected, even from the pulpit:--“We were

talking upon one occasion of Christ’s miracles, more particularly of his

turning water into wine, and of the five loaves and two fishes. ‘Truly,’

said the Marquess, ‘these miracles He works amongst us every day; but

they are so ordinary, or familiar, that we take no notice of them. God

sends rain upon the earth; this water gets up into the vine, and the

sappe of the vine-tree God turneth into wine. And as few graines of

corne as will make _five loaves_ being covered in the earth, will

multiply and encrease to such advantage as will feed five thousand with

bread; and _two fishes_ will bring forth so many fishes as will suffice

so many mouths.’” It was by these serious and intelligible, as well as

original, remarks upon subjects accidentally brought out in

conversation, that the Marquess sought to impress upon all around him

those religious sentiments and convictions which he had himself imbibed

by diligent study of the Scriptures; the benefit of which he daily

acknowledged, when overtaken by the accumulated evils of age and almost

unparalleled adversity.

“Such a house broke--

So noble a master fallen! All gone--

And not one friend to take his fortune by the arm!”

* * * * *

We now turn to the faithful friend who has recorded these anecdotes of

his illustrious patron; who attended him during the whole progress of

the siege, and, after the closing scene at Raglan, accompanied him to

London, soothed him under the new series of afflictions to which he was

there exposed, and never left him until he saw the Master whom he loved

and honoured consigned to his final resting-place in the Beaufort Chapel

at Windsor. This companion, friend, and counsellor, was Dr. Bayly; and,

although our notice must be brief, it is a grateful task to commemorate

the virtues of a man, whose name has almost passed into oblivion; but

whose loyal devotion, genius, talent, and misfortune, justly entitle him

to a place in the same page that records the merits and sufferings of

Henry, first Marquess of Worcester.

<g>Dr. Thomas Bayly</g> was the fourth and youngest son of Dr. Lewis Bayly,

Bishop of Bangor. After finishing his curriculum at the University of

Cambridge, and receiving the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1638, he was

presented by King <g>Charles</g> to the subdeanery of Wells. In the troubles

that continued to distract the nation, he took an active and unremitting

interest; and having retired with other loyalists to Oxford in 1644, he

was there created Doctor of Divinity. Previously to the battle of

Naseby, he had accepted Lord Worcester’s appointment as chaplain to the

household; and, as we have seen in the preceding account, acted in

several instances as confidential adviser between the King and the

Marquess. He was present during the whole course of the siege of Raglan,

more as a soldier than a chaplain, and took his full share of the perils

and responsibilities in which the officers of the garrison were then

involved.

When terms of capitulation were finally tendered by General Fairfax, and

accepted by the Marquess, Dr. Bayly was employed to draw up the articles

upon which the garrison was to be disbanded: and when the castle was

delivered up to the besiegers, he accompanied the Marquess to London,

attended him during his imprisonment as a friend and servant, consoled

him as a minister of religion, vindicated his character, advocated his

rights, and, when the final hour arrived, he performed over his grave

the last sad offices of religion and humanity.

After this event, Dr. Bayly repaired to the Continent, where he

continued to reside, chiefly in France, until the “martyrdom of King

Charles,” when he returned to England, and published the work already

mentioned, entitled, “Certamen Religiosum; or, a Conference between King

Charles I. and Henry, late Marquess of Worcester, concerning Religion,

in Raglan Castle, anno 1646.” This conference, however, was believed by

many to whom he stood opposed, to have no real foundation in truth; and

to be merely sent forth as a prelude to his declaring himself a convert

to the Roman Catholic faith; or, in the original words, to his “becoming

a Papist.”

In the course of the same year he published another work, entitled, “The

Royal Charter granted unto Kings by God himself,” &c.; to which is

added, “A Treatise,” wherein is proved that Episcopacy is _jure divino_.

By these writings he incurred the heavy displeasure of the

Government--to which all such topics were obnoxious--and the author was

committed to Newgate, where he languished for some time. But at length,

a favourable opportunity having been presented, he made his escape into

Holland, where he carried his religious views into immediate practice,

and became a zealous Roman Catholic.

Previous to this date, and during his confinement in Newgate, he wrote a

piece, entitled, “Herba Parietis; or, the <g>Wallflower</g>, as it grows out of

the stone chamber belonging to the metropolitan prison; being an

historie which is partly true, partly romantic, morally divine; whereby

a marriage between Reality and Fancy is solemnized by Divinity.”[282]

Shortly after this publication, he quitted Holland, and took up his

residence at Douay in France, where he sent forth another book, with the

title of “The End to Controversy between the Roman Catholic and

Protestant Religions, justified by all the several manner of ways

whereby all kinds of controversies, of what nature soever, are usually

or can possibly be determined.”[283] This was followed by “Dr. Bayly’s

<g>Challenge</g>,” the last of his published works; after which he proceeded to

Italy, where he spent the residue of his days, and died, as his

biographers conclude, in poverty and distress. It is more likely,

however, that, after having, by his controversial talents, rendered some

service to the church of his adoption, he retired into a monastery, and

there ended his chequered pilgrimage in exercises of devotion. This,

however, is matter of conjecture, for he is said by Dodd to have died in

the family of Cardinal Ottoboni; while Dr. Trevor, Fellow of Merton

College, who travelled in Italy in 1659, reports that he died in a

public hospital, and that he had seen his grave. His fate, however, like

that of many others--driven into involuntary exile by similar causes--is

involved in a mystery which no recent attempt has been made to

elucidate. _Requiescat in pace._

To the books or pamphlets above named, Dr. Bayly received various

replies, which showed that, by their spirit and execution, they had

excited no little attention among the able and fierce controversialists

of that day. Among those who took the field against him were Christopher

Cartwright, L’Estrange, Robert Sanderson, Peter Heylin, and others.

A “Life of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester,” is also ascribed to the pen of

Dr. Bayly; but his title to that work is not fully substantiated. His

Dedication of “Worcester’s <g>Apophthegms</g>,” to the second Marquess, author

of “A Century of Inventions,” is manly and elegant. The conclusion is in

these words:--“I layd your noble father in his grave with mine own

hands; and I could not let a memorial of him lye buried under my own

manuscript, but thought it a duty belonging to his fame, and your own

merit, to dedicate this book unto your lordship, heir to all, but

apparently to nothing but his virtues and this memorial of them.”

In his Epistle to the Reader, he enters upon a lively vindication of the

genuineness of his “Certamen; or, Discourse Concerning Religion;” the

veracity of which had been bitterly impugned by his enemies; and states

that he published it in vindication of the King’s constant affection to

the _Protestant_ religion. There is considerable spirit in the

preface:--“Some,” he says, “will not admit of that controversie

otherwise than as a parable: First, because they were there--that is, at

Raglan Castle--and heard no such thing; Secondly, because they believed

not the <g>Marquess</g> of Worcester to be so able a man; as I hear it hath

been said by some of his Majesty’s field chaplains, who envying that a

loyal pen should wagge, where they can be contented to sew pillowes

under the elbowes, to bead cushions over the heads of the people,[284]

and preach such wholesome and sound doctrine of mortification,

sanctification, justification, and good life, that they thought they

might safely get up into any pulpit, not caring what bottom it had, nor

what canopie was over head. Not much unlike the man who went to preach

after [upon] the sureness of his foundation, when his house was all on

fire. These men will tell you that this was no real thing; because they

were there--at <g>Raglan</g>--all the while; whilst, in fact, they were not

there at all except at _meales_; and when I tell you that they were the

doctours, that were better at smelling a good dinner than a disputation,

I have as good as told you their names. I expected truly better reason

from those doctours, than from the knight that said, ‘He was sure there

should be no such thing at Raglan, for his boy Tom was there all the

time!’

“But you will say,” he continues, “you do not believe there was any such

private discourse. Chuse then; who cares? Let him believe that will; it

was writ for the satisfaction of Christians--not of Infidels. But it may

be that ‘mendax Fama’ means to requite me for the wrong she did my

father, who writ a good book;[285] and some would not believe it to be

his; and now that I have set out a book none of mine own, she will have

it to be _mine_. I thank her kindly; but I had rather be without her

praises, than to be thought such an ingenious lyar.”

The suspicion that Bayly was the inventor, and not reporter, of the

“Certamen Religiosum,” is not supported by any testimony to which we can

attach implicit reliance; for those who charged him with the deception,

were of the party to whom he was politically as well as religiously

opposed. That conversations of the kind actually occurred between the

King and the Marquess, can hardly be doubted; but as Bayly, in the midst

of a garrison, could not be so cool and accurate as a modern reporter

for the press, we may fancy that he clothed the arguments, sent forth in

the “Certamen,” in his own language; and perhaps insensibly coloured

them with his own sentiments.

It has been farther said of him, that, besides taking part in the

defence of <g>Raglan</g>, he fought, on some occasion of his subsequent and

chequered career, as a common soldier. This is by no means unlikely; for

he was of an active and adventurous spirit; never reluctant to take up

arms in a good cause; and like some other ecclesiastics of his day, as

well known in the “tented field” as in the pulpit.

In his “Book of Apophthegms,”[286] he mentions the fact of his having

saved Lord Worcester from the enemy, by giving him timely notice of

their approach, when he found him wandering on the Welsh mountains; and,

recording this incident as the occasion and origin of his acquaintance

with the Marquess, he says: “From that time forward, until I laid him in

his grave in Windsor Castle, I never parted from him.” Such enthusiastic

attachment--disinterested as, under all the peculiar circumstances of

the case, it must have been--does infinite credit to the memory of

Bayly; for it generally happens that fallen greatness, like court

favourites, has no real friends.--We now return to the closing scene of

the master whom he had served with so much constancy, and whom it was

literally his misfortune to survive; for after his obsequies at Windsor,

Bayly was left a friendless wanderer, denounced at home, received with

suspicion abroad, and indebted to charity for bread and--a grave.

Reduced, as we have seen, to the humiliating condition of a prisoner,

the Marquess of Worcester did not long require the vigilance of the

Black Rod. From the day that Raglan was delivered up to General Fairfax,

his health, which during the siege had suffered from great mental

anxiety, rapidly declined under the absence of all that reconciles

worldly men to the evils of life. But, armed with that Christian

philosophy which is the only panacea for the outrages of fortune, he

preserved the inward calm of a resigned and tranquil spirit; and,

looking forward to another and a happier existence, he regarded passing

events, like his own bodily infirmities, as visitations from an unseen

Power, who, through a rugged and stormy path, was conducting his servant

into a new region of sunshine and peace. At his death, which took place

in December, all that descended to his family, as unconvertible to

Parliamentary uses, were the example he had set before them of unshaken

loyalty, well-grounded faith, and a patient endurance of evils which the

practice of such hereditary virtues might incur. By his wife, whom he

long survived, he had issue nine sons and four daughters: namely, Lord

Herbert, Earl of Glamorgan, who succeeded to the honours; Lord John, who

married a daughter of Thomas, Lord Arundel of Wardour; and Lord Charles,

who, during the siege of Raglan, acted as second in command under his

father, and after signalizing himself in the royal service, devoted

himself to the church, and died, as already observed, in exile at

Cambray. These are the only members of the family that require to be

noticed in this place.

<g>Edward</g>, the second Marquess, maintained the same spirit of loyalty which

had actuated his father through life. The services which he had

hitherto, as Lord Herbert, rendered to the royal cause, were followed by

others which won for him the entire confidence of his Sovereign, by whom

he was constituted Lord Lieutenant of North Wales, and invested with the

highest authority ever delegated by a king to his subject. To this

remarkable fact allusion has been already made;[287] but in this place,

where it may be more properly introduced, we shall quote the original at

full length. In the preceding history, as we have seen, the King

addressed him in letters patent from Oxford, by the title of Earl of

Glamorgan, Baron Beaufort of Caldecot; and to complete the honours

showered upon him, his Majesty invested him, in 1644, with the following

commission:--

“<g>Charles</g>, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France,

and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our right trusty and

right well-beloved cousin Edward Somerset _alias_ Plantagenet, Lord

Herbert, Baron Beaufort of Caldicote, Grosmond, Chepstow, Raglan,

and Gower, Earl of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our entirely

beloved cousin, Henry, Earl and Marquess of Worcester, greeting.

“Having had good and long experience of your prowess, prudence, and

fidelity, do make choice, and by these nominate and appoint you

our, &c., to be our generalissimo of three armies, English, Irish,

and Foreign, and admiral of a fleet at sea, with power to recommend

your Lieut.-General for our approbation; leaving all other officers

to your own election and denomination, and accordingly to receive

their commission from you, willing and commanding them, and every

of them, you to obey as their general, and you to receive immediate

orders from ourself only. And lest, through distance of place, we

may be misinformed, we will and commend you to reply unto us, if

any of our orders should thwart or hinder any of your designs for

our service. And there being necessary great sums of money to the

carrying on so chargeable an employment, which we have not to

furnish you withal, we do by these empower you to contract with any

of our loving subjects of England, Ireland, and dominion of Wales,

for wardships, customs, woods, or any our rights and prerogatives;

we by these obliging ourselves, our heirs, and successors, to

confirm and make good the same accordingly. And for persons of

generosity, for whom titles of honour are most desirable, we have

entrusted you with several patents under our <g>Great Seal</g> of England,

from a Marquis to a Baronet, which we give you full power and

authority to date and dispose of, without knowing our further

pleasure. So great is our trust and confidence in you, as that,

whatsoever you do contract for or promise, <g>We</g> will make good the

same accordingly, from the date of this our commission forwards;

which, for the better satisfaction, We give you leave to give them,

or any of them, copies thereof, attested under your hand and seal

of arms. And for your own encouragement, and in token of our

gratitude, we give and allow you henceforward such fees, titles,

preheminences, and privileges, as do and may belong to your place

and command above-mentioned; with promise of our dear daughter

<g>Elizabeth</g> to your son Plantagenet in marriage, with three hundred

thousand pounds in dower or portion; most part whereof we

acknowledge spent or disburst by your Father[288] and you in our

service; and the title of <g>Duke</g> of Somerset to you and your heirs

male for ever; and from henceforward to give the <g>Garter</g> to your

arms, and at your pleasure to put on the <g>George</g> and blue ribbon.

And for your greater honour, and in testimony of our reality, we

have with our own hand affixed our great seal of England unto these

our commission and letters, making them patents.

“<g>Witness</g> ourself at Oxford, the first day of April, in the

twentieth year of our reign, and the year of our <g>Lord</g> one thousand

six hundred and forty-four.

“<g>Charles.</g>”

The result of this commission, full of promises, offers a striking

instance of the uncertainty of “the best laid schemes” of men. Lord

Glamorgan’s eldest son married; but no matrimonial alliance took place

between the Royal family and his. Nor is it mentioned that any use was

made of his unprecedented power to make peers; and what is singular

enough, the title of Glamorgan, granted to Lord Herbert himself, was

disputed, on account of some informality, at the Restoration of Charles

II., and surrendered by him when Marquess of Worcester. He seems,

indeed, to have regarded neither his private interest nor his public

reputation in comparison with those of his Royal master. He was sent to

Ireland, as already noticed, with a secret commission to negotiate with

the Roman Catholics; and upon its discovery, and being disowned by

Charles, he took all the fault on himself, to the imminent hazard of his

own life. At the Restoration he met with no adequate reward for his

devoted loyalty. Charles the Second, probably, had not all the power

that was supposed, as he certainly had not all the inclination that was

expected, to reward the adherents of his family.

Horace Walpole, in his “Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors,” gives a

lively, but a very careless and unfair, account of this Marquess of

Worcester. He ridicules his “Century of Inventions;” but, in truth, Lord

Orford’s opinion will not go far on scientific subjects. An opinion,

very different from that of the critic-peer, will be formed on

consulting the new edition of the “Century of Inventions,” with

historical and explanatory notes, published in 1835, by Mr. Charles F.

Partington.

The title the Marquess gives the original work is, “A Century of the

Names and Scantlings of such Inventions, as at present I can call to

mind to have tried and perfected, which (my former notes being lost) I

have, at the instance of a powerful friend, endeavoured now, in the year

1655, to set these down in such a way, as may sufficiently instruct me

to put any of them in practice.”

“Artis et naturæ proles.”

He dedicates it to the King in language of unabated loyalty; and in a

second address impressively recommends his discoveries to the attention

of both Houses of Parliament. In the sixth of these “Inventions,” Mr.

Partington recognises an improved construction of the telegraph, as it

was used before the electric telegraph came into use.

In VIII. IX. and X. various engines of war are hinted, which have since

been perfected by Congreve and others. The reader who is curious in such

subjects, will be well repaid by a perusal of Mr. Partington’s book. We

can only find room for those inventions which foreshadow the

steam-engine.

“XC. An engine so contrived that, working the _primum mobile_ forward or

backward, upward or downward, circularly or cornerwise, to and fro,

straight, upright or downright, yet the pretended operation continueth

and advanceth; none of the motions above-mentioned hindering, much less

stopping the other; but unanimously and with harmony agreeing, they all

augment and contribute strength unto the intended work and operation;

and, therefore, I call this a _semi-omnipotent engine_, and do intend

that a model thereof be buried with me.

“XCIX. How to make one pound weight raise an hundred as high as one

pound falleth; and yet the hundred pounds weight descending doth what

nothing less than one hundred pounds can effect.

“LXVIII. An admirable and most forcible way to drive up water by fire,

not by drawing and sucking it upwards, for that must be, as the

philosopher calleth it, _infra spheram activitatis_, which is had at

such a distance; but this way hath no bounder, if the vessels be strong

enough; for I have taken a piece of a whole cannon, whereof the end was

burst, and filled it three quarters full, stopping and screwing up the

broken end, as also the touchhole; and making a constant fire under it,

within twenty-fours it burst, and made a great crack. So that having

found a way to make my vessels, so that they are strengthened by the

force within them, the one to fill after the other, have seen the water

run like a constant fountain stream forty feet high; one vessel of

water, rarefied by fire, driveth up forty of cold water; and a man that

tends the work is but to turn two cocks, that one vessel of water being

consumed, another begins to force and refill with cold water, and so

successively, the fire being tended and kept constant, which the

selfsame person may likewise abundantly perform in the interim between

the necessity of turning the said cocks.

“C. Upon so potent a help as these two last-mentioned inventions, a

waterwork is, by many years’ experience and labour, so advantageously by

me contrived, that a child’s force bringeth up, an hundred feet high, an

incredible quantity of water, even two feet diameter. And I may boldly

call it the most stupendous work in the whole world! Not only, with

little charge, to drain all sorts of mines, and furnish cities with

water, though never so high seated, as well to keep them sweet, running

through several streets, and so performing the work of scavengers, as

well as furnishing the inhabitants with sufficient water for their

private occasions; but likewise supplying the rivers with sufficient to

maintain and make navigable from town to town, and for the bettering of

lands all the way it runs; with many more advantageous and yet greater

effects of profit, admiration, and consequence. So that, deservedly, I

deem this invention to crown my labours, to reward my expenses, and make

my thoughts acquiesce in the way of farther inventions. This making up

the whole century, and preventing any farther trouble to the reader for

the present, meaning to leave to posterity a book, wherein, under each

of these heads, the means to put in execution and visible trial all and

every of these inventions, with the shape and form of all things

belonging to them, shall be printed by brass plates.” And he devoutly

concludes:--“_In bonum publicum, et ad majorem_ DEI _gloriam_.”

On these Mr. Partington has the following note:--“The three last

inventions may justly be considered as the most important of the whole

‘Century;’ and when united with the 68th article, they appear to suggest

nearly all the data essential for the construction of a modern

steam-engine. The noble author has furnished us with what he calls a

definition of this engine; and although it is written in the same vague

and empirical style which characterises a large portion of his

‘Inventions,’ it may yet be considered as affording additional proofs of

the above important fact.”

The Marquess’s “Definition” is exceedingly rare, as the only copy known

to be extant is preserved in the British Museum. It is printed on a

single sheet, without date, and appears to have been written for the

purpose of procuring subscriptions in aid of a water company, then about

to be established:--

“A stupendous, or a water-commanding engine, boundless for height or

quantity, requiring no external nor even additional help or force, to be

set or continued in motion, but what intrinsically is afforded from its

own operation, nor yet the twentieth part thereof. And the engine

consisteth of the following particulars:--

“A perfect counterpoise, for what quantity soever of water.

“A perfect countervail, for what height soever it is to be brought unto.

“A _primum mobile_, commanding both height and quantity, regulator-wise.

“A vicegerent, or countervail, supplying the place, and performing the

full force of man, wind, beast, or mill.

“A helm, or stern, with bit and reins, wherewith any child may guide,

order, and control the whole operation.

“A particular magazine for water, according to the intended quantity or

height of water.

“An aqueduct, capable of any intended quantity or height of water.

“A place for the original fountain, or river, to run into, and

naturally, of its own accord, incorporate itself with the rising water,

and at the very bottom of the aqueduct, though never so big or high.

“By <g>Divine Providence</g> and heavenly inspiration, this is my stupendous

water-commanding engine, boundless for height and quantity.

“Whosoever is master of weight, is master of force; whosoever is master

of water, is master of both; and, consequently, to him all forcible

actions and achievements are easy.”

“It is said,” continues our authority in another place, “that the

Marquess, while confined in the Tower of London, was preparing some food

in his apartment, (a singularly good result from a marquess having been

obliged to be his own cook,) and the cover of the vessel having been

closely fitted, was, by the expansion of the steam, suddenly forced off

and driven up the chimney. This circumstance attracting his attention,

led him to a train of thought, which terminated in the completion of his

‘water-commanding <g>engine</g>.’”

Thus, we think, posterity has something more to thank the noble owner of

Raglan for, than deeds of arms, or the defence of castles. His great

castle, however, was ere this time in ruins, and furnishing another

instance of the folly with which the conquerors at that period destroyed

the noble buildings which had belonged to their enemies the Royalists;

as if it had not been enough, and more wise and provident, to have kept

them in their own possession, and converted them to republican uses.

<g>The Marquess</g> survived the publication of his “Century” only about two

years. He died in retirement, near London, on the 3d of April, 1667, and

was buried in the vault of Raglan Church, on the 19th of the same month,

near his grandfather, Edward, Earl of Worcester.[289]

After the <g>Restoration</g>, as already noticed, a committee was appointed by

the House of Lords,[290] to take the patent above quoted into serious

consideration. The consequence was, that in a very few days thereafter

it reported that the Marquess was willing, without further question, to

deliver it up to his Majesty; and accordingly, on the third of September

following, the said patent, “granted,” as it was alleged, “in prejudice

to the Peers,” was formally surrendered to the Sovereign, as the only

fountain of national honours.

[Illustration]

<g>Henry</g>, only son of the second Marquess, succeeded him in all those high

titles and appointments, by which the King endeavoured to make him

amends for the vast sacrifices which his family had incurred by a long

course of unflinching and untarnished loyalty. And to crown the whole,

he was installed K.G., and finally advanced to the highest rank of the

peerage. Having been “eminently serviceable to the King”--as expressed

in the patent--“since his most happy restoration to the throne of these

realms; in consideration thereof, and of his most noble descent from

King <g>Edward</g> the Third, by John de Beaufort, eldest son of <g>John of Gaunt</g>,

Duke of Lancaster, by Catherine Swinford, his third wife,” the Marquess

of Worcester was created, in December, 1682, Duke of Beaufort, with

remainder to the heirs male of his body.

At the funeral of <g>Charles</g> the Second, his Grace was one of the

supporters to <g>George</g>, Prince of Denmark, chief mourner. By <g>James</g> the

Second he was made Lord President of <g>Wales</g>, and Lord Lieutenant of

twelve different counties in the Principality; and at the Coronation, in

April following, he had the distinguished honour of carrying the Queen’s

crown. He was afterwards made Colonel of the 11th Regiment of foot, then

first raised. He next exerted himself against the Duke of Monmouth; and

endeavoured, though ineffectually, to secure Bristol against the

adherents of the Prince of Orange. Upon that Prince’s elevation to the

British throne, his Grace refused to take the oaths, and abjuring public

life, lived in retirement until his death, which took place in 1699, in

the seventieth year of his age.

<g>Charles</g>, the second but eldest surviving son of the first Duke, is

mentioned in the family history as a nobleman of great parts and

learning. He died in the lifetime of his <g>father</g>, in consequence of an

accident, in the thirty-eighth year of his age. His horses, we are told,

taking fright, and running down a steep hill, the danger became

imminent; when, to avoid the casualty which threatened him, he unhappily

leaped out, broke his thigh-bone, and only survived the accident three

days.

<g>Henry</g>, his eldest son, succeeded his grandfather as second Duke of

Beaufort. On <g>Queen Anne’s</g> visiting the University of Oxford in 1702, and

going thence in her progress to Bath, the Duke met her Majesty near

Cirencester, on the twenty-ninth of August; and, attended by great

numbers of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the county,

conducted her with great pomp to his seat at <g>Badminton</g>, where she was

received with regal splendour. This act of loyal hospitality--so

becoming in a descendant of Henry the first <g>Marquess</g> of Worcester--was

most graciously acknowledged by the Queen and her royal consort Prince

George of Denmark.

Three years after this event, the Duke took his seat in the House of

Lords; but did not appear at court until after the change of ministers

in 1710, when he frankly told her Majesty that he could “then, and only

then, call her Queen of England.”

After being installed in various high offices, and while promising a

long and distinguished career in the service of his country, he was

prematurely cut off in the thirty-first year of his age, and buried at

Badminton, where a monument records his titles, character, and public

services.

<g>Badminton</g>, which we have just named, is the principal seat of the

Beaufort family, and comprises one of the finest parks in England.

Badminton Church, which contains the monuments above-named, was rebuilt

at the expense of the late Duke of Beaufort in 1785, after a plan by

Evans. It stands within the Ducal Park; and, besides various other

specimens of art, represents the arms of Somerset--“foy pour

devoir”--faith for duty--worked in mosaic in the pavement of the

chancel. On the destruction of

<g>Raglan Castle</g>, as already described in these pages, was laid the

foundation of Badminton Park, where the household gods of the family

were formally enshrined, and insured the possession of a more peaceful

and propitious home.

“Here, in forgetfulness of many woes,

The loyal <g>Founder</g> sought and found repose;

Here, in sweet landscapes to the Muse endeared,

Soothed by Religion, and by Science cheered;

Tasted the sweets that rarely can be known,

Save when we make the public weal our own.”

This beautiful seat--long prior to the time in question--had been the

hereditary demesne of the <g>Botelers</g>, whose names appear in the earliest

period of British history. The house is built in the Palladian style of

architecture--a style for which the first Duke of <g>Beaufort</g> had acquired

a taste at Vicenza; and when the time had arrived that a house, worthy

of his illustrious ancestors, should be erected in this county, a

decided preference was given to the Italian model. The principal front

is of great length, having in its centre division a composite colonnade,

surmounted by an attic, on which is sculptured the family arms. The

wings of the mansion, extending considerably on each side, are

terminated by Tuscan arches, leading to the offices and stables. Over

each extremity of the centre is a cupola. The interior decorations of

this palace are splendid, but still in good keeping, and evincing due

regard to the classical taste in which the building itself originated.

The great dining or banquet hall is tastefully ornamented by wood

carvings, from the designs of the celebrated Gibbons--all of elaborate

execution, and presenting some of the finest specimens ever produced by

that artist. The picture gallery--which the stranger will admire for its

fine proportions and classical simplicity--presents a series of family

portraits, with which, individually, are associated many pleasing, and

some painful events and circumstances of the national history--

“Of lofty stem! the beautiful, the bold--

Names that still blazon the historic page!

Faintly, yet brightly, hath the painter told

Their worth and virtues to a latter age--

‘In faith inflexible;’ in beauty’s charms

Triumphant; and invincible in arms.”

<g>The park</g>, by which the mansion is encircled, is of great extent--more

than nine miles in circumference; and although the natural scenery is

comparatively tame, the walks and drives are exceedingly picturesque;

and, to the practised eye of strangers, present many points of view

which will linger on the memory long after other and more romantic

scenes are forgotten.

“Here waving woods--a mass of living green--

With varied shade diversify the scene;

Flowers of all hues perfume the haunted dell,

Where streams descend, and bubbling fountains dwell;

Where busts of heroes glimmer through the trees,

And Nature’s music floats upon the breeze--

Such, as in olden time, was heard to wake

The slumbering echoes of the Larian lake;

Or soothed, with dulcet tones, the opal sea,

That clasps thy beauteous shore--Parthenopè!

Yet brighter rises--fairer sets the sun

Upon _thy_ classic shades--fair <g>Badminton</g>.”

With these particulars, which bring down the family history to

comparatively modern times, we close this portion of the subject, and

return to the scene of our illustrations--

<g>Raglan Castle.</g>--By those unacquainted with the subject, it has been

often regretted that, when prosperity had again visited the family of

Worcester, no effort was ever made to restore this castle to something

of its original splendour. But the obstacles that opposed such a

patriotic design were innumerable; and although the apartments at vast

expense might have been rendered habitable, yet the parks, and the

timber--the growth of centuries--having all been cut down and swept away

in the Revolution, and nothing left but a comparatively bleak and

uncultivated waste, the grand ornament of the manor was not to be

replaced by the hand of art. Turrets might again multiply along the

battlements, and splendid courts be rescued from the cumbrous ruins that

had long hid and disfigured them; but trees must be raised by a slower

process, and he who should replant the wasted demesne must do so, not

for himself, but for the benefit of future generations.

But, in addition to other obstacles that need not here be noticed, the

habits and manner of society had become so thoroughly changed after the

Restoration, that a feudal stronghold was no longer indispensable for

the security and comfort of great families. The military chief had now

thrown aside his cumbrous mail, and entered into the every-day duties of

civil life; and by improved intercourse with his fellow-men--confidence

in the stability of government--a taste for agriculture, and love of

national sports and pastimes, he felt his own happiness advanced by the

new facilities of promoting that of the people around him. He found that

to sleep soundly, required the aid of neither drawbridge nor portcullis.

Public order and confidence once restored, domestic feuds, which had so

long kept men strangers to one another--except in some field of

conflict--were succeeded by family alliances, which united them by new

ties of friendship and affection; and instead of mutual distrust and

mutual defiance, the nobles of the land were gradually weaned back from

an immoderate love of war to the arts of peace, and the practical

illustration of loyalty and patriotism. The feudal castle, built chiefly

for defence, was now of course a structure of which every one could

perceive the comfortless inconvenience. A host of retainers was no

longer required either for the safety or the baronial state of the

mansion; a new form of society required new and more simple forms of

accommodation; and the rural mansion, with its waving woods, gardens,

orchards, farm-like offices, well-stocked preserves, and richly

variegated lawns, succeeded those stern fortifications within which

former generations had maintained their haughty independence--but which,

in reality, was little better than “the freedom of a state prisoner”--

“For still the ramparts, tall and grim,

Were _barriers_ ’twixt the world and him!”

<g>Raglan</g> Castle, however--even while occupied as a feudal

residence--possessed many advantages over its contemporaries. Its

spacious courts, lofty halls, numerous suites of chambers, extensive

battlements, ancient gardens, shady walks, and variegated prospects,

were luxuries to which few, if any, of our domestic fortalices could lay

claim. Within the walls of the castle, the riches of art, pictorial and

sculptured, were scattered with taste and liberality on every object

that could please the eye or amuse the fancy; while the skill and

science illustrated in their arrangement improved the mind, and imparted

a classic grace and colouring to the whole structure. Of its luxuries in

this respect--in its library, its <g>Gallery</g> of paintings and

sculpture--the description of an old poet may be quoted as not

inapplicable to the scene presented by Raglan, at the commencement of

the seventeenth century:--

[Illustration: State Gallery--looking south.]

“For the rich spoil of all the continents,

The boast of art and nature, there was brought;

Corinthian brass, Egyptian monuments,

With hieroglyphic sculptures all inwrought;

And Parian marbles, by Greek artists taught

To counterfeit the forms of heroes old,

And set before the eye of sober thought

Lycurgus, Homer, and Alcides bold--

All these and many more that may not here be told.”

But of all the artificial embellishments for which Raglan Castle was

famed, its <g>Water-works</g>--on a most ingenious and expensive scale--are

allowed to have formed a principal feature; and these Lord Herbert and

the first Marquess appear to have brought to a degree of perfection

previously unknown in this country. In their day--long before the name

of Cromwell had inspired sentiments of either respect or alarm--Raglan

Castle was probably as much distinguished in this respect amongst

baronial mansions, as the “Palace of the Peak” among the aristocratic

mansions of our own times. During the numerous fêtes celebrated within

its gates in honour of the King’s visit, these water-works came in for a

large share of royal admiration; and who can doubt that the rushing

fountains of Raglan had, perhaps, as soothing an influence upon the

distracted mind of the first <g>Charles</g>, as those of Tivoli are said to

have had on that of Mecænas, whom the distracting cares of state, as

tradition reports, had rendered sad and sleepless? Fresh from the field

of Naseby, the sound of welcome that met King Charles at the gate of

Raglan, must have been peculiarly grateful to _his_ ear, on which the

shouts of loyalty were destined never to fall again with so much truth

and fervour. As the equestrian group in the <g>Fountain Court</g> threw up its

snowy column during the night, the spray may have reached the very

casement of the King’s chamber, and invited that repose which

unparalleled reverses had scared from his pillow. If, under the ordinary

circumstances of royalty, “uneasy lies the head that wears a crown,” his

must indeed have been “unrest,” from whose head the crown was so surely

but insensibly falling.--These, however, are sentimental conjectures,

with which the topographer has little or nothing to do; we turn,

therefore, to the subject in question, the water-works of Raglan, and

the hero of the scene, the first Marquess, of whom local history reports

the following

<g>Anecdote.</g>--At the beginning of the Long Parliament, we are told, certain

rustics of the neighbourhood, availing themselves of the prejudices

excited against Lord Worcester on account of his creed, presented

themselves one morning at the gate of Raglan, and in the name of

Parliament demanded possession of the household arms. Apprised of their

design, the noble owner met them at the White Gate; and after hearing

them repeat the demand for arms, put the question, “Whether, seeing that

they had come to disarm him and his servants, they intended also to

follow up that act of violence by robbing him of his money and goods?”

“No,” said the intruders; “we want your arms, and that only because you

are publicly denounced as a recusant!” “Nay,” said his lordship; “I am

indeed a peer of the realm, but I am no convicted recusant; and

therefore the law cannot in reason take notice of any such thing, much

less sanction this violent proceeding.”

Thus checked in their first attempt, the Marquess proceeded to warn them

of the danger they had incurred by pressing an unlawful demand; and

threatening them with serious consequences, they were well pleased to

forego the prime object of their visit, and turning round prepared to

retire without further parley. The Marquess, however, seeing their

contrition, invited them to enter the gate of the castle, and amuse

themselves, in a peaceable way, with a sight of whatever it contained.

His design, however, was to punish them, in a manner they little

expected, for the unnecessary alarm they had occasioned to the

household.

Condescending to be his own cicerone in the case, he conducted the

rustic band from one place to another, until--greatly wondering at

everything they saw--they had traversed nearly the whole premises. At

last, just when they had come to that part of the Castle Moat, over

which a lofty bridge communicated with the Keep,[291] he invited them to

pause, and examine the scene at leisure.

“Now, at this point,” says Bayly, “Lord Herbert had lately contrived

certain water-works, which, when the several engines and wheels were set

agoing, vast quantities of water through the hollow conveyances were to

be let down from the top of the high tower.” All being ready for action,

a signal from the Marquess brought down through these a deluge of

cataracts, which, by their roaring, hissing, and foaming through the

hollow tubes, produced such a hideous and deafening noise, that every

echo from the buildings around was roused into imitation; while the

visitors themselves, suddenly enveloped in a magic circle of roaring

cataracts, knew not what to think, nor which way to turn. Describing the

effect in his own graphic style, the Chaplain writes:--

“Such was the roaring, as if the mouth of hell had been thrown wide

open, and all the devils had been conjured up, that the poor silly men

stood so amazed, as if they had been half dead; and yet they saw

nothing!”

At last, as the plot was contrived, up comes a man in great haste and

affected trepidation; and staring wildly at the half-petrified rustics,

cried out as he passed them--“Look to yourselves, my masters; look to

yourselves; for, by’r Lady, the lions are all broke loose!” Hereupon the

rustic “arms-searchers” fell into such a dancing fit of ague, that, in

their attempts to escape the lions’ jaws, they tumbled so over one

another as they scampered down stairs, that it was feared one half of

them had broken their necks. Nor did they once look behind them, until

they found themselves a full mile beyond the gates of the castle.

By this _ruse_, the Marquess completely succeeded in warding off any

second party disposed to make a similar experiment. The demand for arms

was not repeated; the roar of Worcester’s “lions” kept all intruders at

bay; and the recent adventure, which had lost nothing by telling, did

more for a time to insure the tranquillity of Raglan Castle, than could

have been accomplished by a regiment of cavalry.

<g>View from the Keep.</g>--The Donjon Tower, where the above adventure

occurred--and which has been already described in these pages--commands

a magnificent view over the surrounding country, particularly to the

south-west, where the landscape--broken into verdant masses of

vegetation--gradually swells into a mountain range, which limits the

view, and depicts its own bold outline on the distant horizon. In

describing this view, we shall be as particular as our limits will

permit; for it is one of the finest in the county. The ascent, as usual

in such buildings, is by a tourniquet staircase, which opens at each of

the five different stories into the ancient, and, in the present case,

lofty apartments; to which, in cases of imminent danger, the family

could retreat as to an inviolable sanctuary. But this was an extremity

to which--so far as we are informed--none of the Worcester family were

ever compelled to resort. So that there are no dramatic incidents

associated with the tower, upon which a romantic story of siege and

storm might be founded.

Of this view, however, all visitors of taste in landscape-painting speak

in terms of admiration; and, having made the experiment on a beautiful

evening in September, we are bound, from the enjoyment it afforded us,

to recommend to all visitors a tour of the battlements, closing with a

view from the top of the Keep. In this view, as shown in the

accompanying engraving, is comprehended a wide panorama, enriched and

embellished with all the characteristic features of English landscape,

from the green valley and fertile wheat-field to the bleak pastoral

uplands that partly enclose the scene. All the foreground is occupied by

smiling cottages and cultivated farms, half buried, as Mr. Thomas[292]

has described them, in the umbrageous and many-coloured foliage that

enriches the scene, and in which the melancholy yew-tree is conspicuous.

The appearance of the ruins in this bird’s-eye view is particularly

striking. Every tower, arch, and battlement--here diverging into

distinct form and outline, and there grouped in picturesque

confusion--strike the spectator with mixed feelings of surprise and

amazement; for it is only from this elevation that he is enabled to form

any correct estimate of the beauty, variety, and extent of a building,

that seems every way fitted to have been the residence of a regal court.

The following table, as recommended by Mr. Thomas,[293] will assist the

curious visitor in discovering the various hills and landmarks which are

generally visible from the Tower of Gwent. Ranging from east to south,

the prominent features of the landscape appear in the following order:

namely--the Kymin, a conical hill overlooking the town of Monmouth, and

crowned with its pavilion. The next is Troy Park, the favourite seat of

the Ducal family; Craig-y-Dorth, the scene of a famous battle between

Henry IV. and Owen Glendower; then the Trellig range of hills,

particularly Beacon Hill--so called

[Illustration: _View from the Battlements._

The castles and abbeys of England; Vol. 2 of 2 from the national records, early chronicles, and other standard authors · 第 67 / 114 题