Tintern.]

the tendrils creep along the walls, wind round the pillars, wreath the

capitals, or, hanging down in clusters, obscure the space beneath. But

instead of dilapidated fragments, overspread with weeds and choked with

brambles, the floor is covered with a smooth verdant turf, which, by

keeping the original level of the church, exhibits the beauty of its

proportions, heightens the effect of the gray stone, gives relief to the

clustered pillars, and affords an easy access to every part. Ornamented

fragments of the roof, remains of cornices and columns, rich pieces of

sculpture, carved stones and mutilated figures of monks and warriors,

whose ashes repose within these walls, are scattered on the green sward,

and contrast present desolation with former splendour.”

Although the exterior appearance of these ruins is not equal to the

inside view, yet in some positions--particularly to the east--they

present themselves with considerable effect. From a point on its left

bank, and about half a mile down the river, the ruins assume a new

character; and seeming to occupy a gentle eminence, impend over the

river without the intervention of a single cottage to intercept the

view. “The grand east window, wholly covered with shrubs, and

half-mantled with ivy, rises like the portal of a majestic edifice

embowered in wood. Through this opening, and along the vista of the

church, the clusters of ivy, which twine round the pillars or hang

suspended from the arches, resemble tufts of trees; while the thick

mantle of foliage, seen through the tracery of the west window,[47]

forms a continuation of the perspective, and appears like an

interminable forest.”

<g>The Abbey</g> is a cruciform structure, built, it is said, after the model

of Salisbury Cathedral,[48] consisting of a nave, north and south

aisles, transepts, and choir. Its length from east to west is two

hundred and twenty-eight feet, and from north to south, at the

transepts, one hundred and fifty feet. The nave and choir are

thirty-seven feet in breadth; the height of the central arch is seventy

feet, of the smaller arches thirty feet; of the east window sixty-four

feet, and of the west window forty-two feet. The total area originally

enclosed by the walls of the abbey is said to have been thirty-four

acres.

The exterior of the western front is singularly striking; but, on

entering, as already observed, the scene that represents itself is

indescribably grand and impressive. “When we stood at one end of this

awful ruin,” says Gilpin, “the elements of earth and air its only

covering and pavement, and the grand and

[Illustration: VIEW FROM ENTRANCE.]

venerable remains which terminated both, perfect enough to form the

perspective, yet broken enough to destroy the regularity, the eye was

above measure delighted with the beauty, the grandeur, the novelty of

the scene.”

The inner walls of the church are nearly entire; most of the elegant and

massive columns, as already noticed, which separated the nave from the

south aisle are yet standing; and the four lofty and magnificent arches

which formerly supported the central tower are nearly perfect. The

columns that divided the nave from the north aisle have fallen; but

their bases still occupy the ground, showing their number, shape, and

dimensions.

<g>Windows.</g>--The magnificent windows are little altered by time: and though

somewhat obscured by a luxuriant and graceful drapery of ivy, the

tendrils of which twine in their tracery, creep along the walls,

encircle the columns, and form natural wreaths around the capitals, the

forms of the principal objects are still so far preserved as to be

easily discriminated. The tracery of the western window, as already

observed, is exquisite; while the eastern window,[49] high and graceful,

and occupying nearly the whole breadth of the choir, with its slender

umbilical shaft rising to a height of fifty feet, and diverging at the

top into rich flowery traces, has quite a magical effect. The other

windows, though less ornamented, are all in character, and have the same

elegant design and finish.[50]

The floor, originally covered with encaustic tiles, is now enveloped in

a thick smooth matting of grass, trimmed like a bowling-green, and here

and there spotted with little heaps of mutilated sculpture, and striped

with flat tombstones--all thrown open to the winds of heaven.

[Illustration]

The effigy of a knight in chain armour, a _pavache_ shield, and crossed

legs, is supposed to be that of <g>Strongbow</g>, first Earl of Pembroke,

already noticed, but more probably that of Roger Bigod, as Strongbow is

historically known to have been buried in Dublin. This interesting

relic, that had escaped the ravages of time and the hostile spirit of

resolution, was at last, as Mr. Thomas informs us, wilfully mutilated by

a native of the village.[51]

The next relic is a group of the Madonna and Child, much disfigured, but

with sufficient evidence of its having been the work of a skilful

artist. Mr. Bartlett considered it to be of very graceful design and

execution.

Near the eastern window is the sculptured head of a friar, with the

tonsure, but otherwise quite disfigured.

In the centre, between the transepts, is another broad stone slab,

supposed to cover the ashes of the <g>founder</g>; but the fall of the tower,

and the continual dropping of loosened fragments--until the ruin became

an object of interest and consideration--have not left one of the

sepulchral tablets or inscriptions entire. Many fragments may be

discovered among the rubbish, but to reunite the scattered members were

a very hopeless task. In the southern aisle is the only sepulchral

antiquity that bears a legible inscription. It is elaborately carved in

black or slate marble, with a cross finely sculptured on its surface

longitudinally, and near its base three trouts,[52] so entertwined as to

form the symbolic triangle, with the figure of a salmon on the right and

left. The inscription, in black letter, along the top of the cross, is

simple--

“<g>Hic jacet humatus Johann: Willino.</g>”

The sepulchral brasses have all disappeared. For a century and more

after the Dissolution, the Abbey appears to have been abandoned to every

species of wilful depredators, who defaced the altars, ransacked the

graves, and carried off without molestation whatever was curious or

portable.

[Illustration]

In the same aisle, close to the wall, and now preserved with great care,

is the lately-discovered pavement of encaustic tiles, with escutcheons

of the ancient <g>Clare</g> and <g>Bigod</g> families intertwined. The figures on

these coloured tiles represent flowers, animals, and knights in full

career at a tournament. This pavement was probably that of a private

altar, belonging to the founder, or benefactor of the Abbey. In the

process of clearing away the vast accumulation of rubbish, many of the

ancient memorials were removed in fragments; and of the few that remain,

not one, probably, now covers the dust over which it was originally

placed.

Leaving the grassy lawn-like floor of the Abbey, the ascent to the top

is still practicable by means of a spiral staircase in an angle of the

northern transept. Those who conclude their survey of the ruins by this

experiment, will be amply rewarded for any fatigue it may occasion. At

the time of our visit, however, in the month of August last year, some

unexpected obstacle prevented the custodier from gratifying our

curiosity by a view from the summit: for the steps were either so unsafe

or deficient, as to make the experiment rather hazardous.

Mr. Thomas, from whose notes we have already quoted, and whose late

professional residence near the Abbey rendered him familiar with all its

minutest features, tells us that the prospect it commands is highly

picturesque; and in turning from the outward landscape, to look down

into the cloistered depths below, the view of clustering pillars, lofty

arches, mullioned windows, and flowing tracery, is indescribably grand

and impressive.

The broken summit of the walls, throughout its whole outline, is adorned

with a profusion of shrubs and flowers, that, with interlacing leaves

and tendrils, cover the mouldering coping like a fragrant mantle. Where

the labour of man appears to decay, nature has put forth her vigour and

beauty, and transformed those roofless walls into a wild botanic garden.

Here, and amidst the débris immediately adjoining, Mr. Thomas[53] found

a luxuriant crop of shrubs and flowers, all of different families, some

of them rare, and in number between forty and fifty.

<g>Reed</g>, in his ‘Remains,’ gives the following eloquent and highly poetical

description of the Abbey by moonlight:--“The great tree or vegetable

rock, or emperor of the oaks, if you please, before which I bowed with a

sort of reverence in the fields of Tinterne, and which for so many ages

has borne all the blasts and bolts of heaven, I should deem it a

gratification of a superior kind to approach again with an ‘unsandalled

foot,’ to pay the same homage, and to kindle with the same devotion. But

I should find amidst the magnificent ruins of the adjoining Abbey,

something of a sublime cast, to interest and give pregnancy to my

feelings. I must be alone. My mind must be calm and pensive. It must be

midnight. The moon, half-veiled in clouds, must be just emerging from

behind the neighbouring hills. All must be silent, except the wind

gently rustling among the ivy of the ruins; the river lulling, by its

faint murmurings, its guardian genius to repose; and the owl, whose

funereal shriek would some time die along the walls in mysterious

echoes. I should then invoke the ghosts of the Abbey; and Fancy, with

one stroke of her magic wand, would rouse them from their dusty beds,

and lead them into the centre of the ruin. I should approach their

shadowy existences with reverence; making inquiries respecting the

customs, and manners, and genius, and fate of antiquity--desire to have

a glimpse of the destiny of future ages, and enter upon conversations

which would be too sacred and even dangerous to communicate.” The lines

by Sir Walter Scott, on “Melrose Abbey by Moonlight,” are equally

descriptive of Tinterne.[54]

It has been well observed, that, as the Abbey of Tinterne is the most

beautiful and picturesque of all our Gothic monuments, so is the

situation one of the most sequestered and delightful. One more abounding

in that peculiar kind of scenery which excites the mingled sensations of

content, religion, and enthusiasm, it is impossible to behold. There,

every arch infuses, as it were, a solemn energy into inanimate nature; a

sublime antiquity breathes mildly in the heart; and the soul, pure and

passionless, appears susceptible of that state of tranquillity which is

the perfection of every earthly wish.[55] By the late Sir C. Colt Hoare,

a man of taste and many travelled acquirements, this “seat of devotion,

solitude, and desolation,” is pronounced as surpassing every other ruin

he had seen in England or in Wales. Captain Barber, whose “Tour” is now

very scarce, was so charmed with the scene, that he locked himself up in

the Abbey, and employed several hours in delineating its picturesque

features.

From the general aspect of this venerable pile--a _coup d’œil_ that

never fails to captivate the stranger--we proceed to a few detached

features of the picture, all more or less interesting as relics of men,

and times, that have long passed away.

[Illustration]

<g>Walter de Clare</g>, the founder, was grandson of Osbert, Lord of Tudenham

and Wollaston, by gift of William the Conqueror.[56] He departed this

life on the 10th of March, 1139, and dying without issue, was succeeded

by his brother, <g>Gilbert</g>[57] de Clare, who survived him nine years, and

dying on the 6th of January, 1148, was buried in the church of

Tinterne. This Gilbert de Clare left two sons by his wife Elizabeth,

daughter of Walleran, Earl of Melent--Richard, surnamed <g>Strongbow</g>, and

Baldwin,[58] who, “fighting stoutly on the part of King Stephen, at the

battle of Lincoln, was there taken prisoner.” <g>Richard</g> was one of the

witnesses to that “solemn accorde,” made in 1153, between King Stephen,

and Henry, Duke of Normandy, whereby the latter was to succeed to the

crown of England after the king’s demise. In the year 1170 [16 Henry

II.], the said Richard, Earl of Striguil or Pembroke, being stript of

his paternal inheritance by King Henry II., invaded Ireland, and

captured the cities of Dublin and Waterford. Soon after this event, when

“the king, who was then at Argentine, was consulting with his nobles

about an expedition into that realm; certain messengers from this earl

being present, offered, on the part of Richard, the above-named cities,

with all the castles which he had there captured, at the death of

Dermot, king of Dublin, whose daughter and heiress he had married.” With

this conciliatory offer, King Henry was so well pleased, that he

restored to him all his lands, both in England and Normandy, and freely

granted that he should enjoy all those in Ireland which he had received

in dowery with his wife, constituting him at the same time constable or

governor of that realm, and “thereupon passing thither, subdued it

wholly without any considerable resistance.”

By the daughter of the said King of Dublin or Leinster, this last earl

of his family, Richard Strongbow[59] left an only child, Isabel, who

remained in ward fourteen years to the king, and was then given in

marriage to <g>William Marshall</g>, who thereupon became Earl of Pembroke,

Lord of Striguil, or Chepstow, and took possession of Leinster, with all

the inheritance of the said Strongbow; and being thus advanced to that

honour, he bore the royal sceptre of gold, with the cross on the head of

it, at the solemn coronation of King Richard I.[60] The history of this

family is given at full length in the Monasticon and Baronage of

England, but it is much too diffuse for our purpose. William Marshall,

who, by his marriage with Isabel, only child of Richard de Clare, came

into possession of his estates and titles, was a great benefactor to the

church; he built and endowed many religious houses both in England and

Ireland; and having, by his last will and testament, constituted the

abbot of St. Augustine’s at Bristol, and Henry Fitzgerald, his

executors, he departed this life at Caversham, in the third of Henry II.

Being thence carried to Reading, his body was received in solemn

procession by the monks of the abbey, and placed in their choir, whilst

mass was celebrated for him. It was then taken to Westminster, where

the solemnity was again performed, and on Ascension-day it was consigned

to the earth[61] with the following epitaph:--

Sum qui Saturnum sibi sensit Hibernia: Solem

Anglia; Mercurium Normannia; Gallia Martem.

These complimentary lines, meant to record his virtues, are

characteristic of the times when heathen mythology was so frequently

called in to assist in the eulogy of some great champion or benefactor

of the Christian church. He certainly appears to have merited all that

could be said of him as a great mover and promoter of monastic

fraternities--especially the <g>Cistercians</g>; and in the same strain,

Matthew of Paris has recorded that this mighty earl was a severe tamer

of the Irish, a great favourer of the English, achieved much in

Normandy, and was an invincible soldier in France--“Miles strenuissimus,

ac per orbem nominatissimus.”[62] But of the five sons whom he left

behind, with the fair and flattering prospect that his name and titles

would descend through many generations, all died prematurely and without

issue. This deplorable fact was much commented upon at the time:--“Some

did attribute it to God’s especial judgment, by reason that, when the

said William, first earl, was a great commander in Ireland, and,

according to the practice of soldiers, exercised such cruelties of fire

and sword as usually accompany that sort of life, he took away by

violence two fair manors from a reverend bishop there, and possessed

himself of them as the acquisition of war; and that the bishop, after

frequent and earnest entreaties for their restitution, without any

effect, did thereupon pronounce the sentence of excommunication against

him for the fact, which he the earl contemned.” The bishop,[63] having

proceeded to London, made his grievous wrong known to the king, showing

wherefore he had excommunicated the said earl. “Whereupon the king, then

very pensive, desired the bishop that he should go to his grave and

absolve him, and _then_ he would satisfy his desire. Whereupon the

bishop went, and the king with him, and spoke as followeth: ‘O William!

who liest here buried, and shackled with the fetters of excommunication,

if these lands which thou most injuriously didst take from my church, be

restored with full satisfaction, either by the king or any of thy

kindred or friends, I _then_ absolve thee: otherwise, I ratify that

sentence to this end, that, being wrapt up with thy sins, thou mayest

remain condemned in hell.’”

<g>The king</g>, who was “much displeased at these his expressions, blamed him

for his ghostly rigour;” but anxious to remove the curse from the

illustrious defunct, he sent private messages to the heir and his

brothers, advising them in a friendly manner to come to terms with the

bishop, and thus “in mercy release their father’s soul.” But the

brothers were obstinate; they would not restore even an acre of bog, nor

a stock of timber; observing that, “as the old doting bishop hath

pronounced the sentence unjustly, the curse will fall upon himself. For

my part,” quoth the heir, “I will never lessen my patrimony descended to

me by inheritance.” The king being still under tutelage, and fearing the

resentment of so powerful a family, “forbore to displease them.” But the

bishop, hearing thereof, was much grieved, taking more offence at their

contumacy, than of the injury first done by their father; and going to

the king, he said, “Sir, what I have spoken, I have spoken; and what I

have written is not to be reversed: the sentence therefore must stand;

the punishment of evil-doers is from God; and, therefore, the curse

which the Psalmist hath written, shall come upon this earl, of whom I do

thus complain. His name shall be _rooted out in one generation_, and his

sons shall be deprived of the blessing--_increase and multiply_. Some of

them shall die a miserable death, and their inheritance shall be

scattered. And this, O king, thou shalt behold in thine own lifetime,

yea, in thy flourishing youth.”

Having spoken “thus much in the bitterness of his spirit, the bishop

departed thence, leaving the defunct earl enthralled with that curse.

Whereupon it happened that, in a few years after, all his sons died

without issue.”[64]

<g>William</g>, his successor, who, “in his father’s lifetime, had taken part

with the barons, then in arms against the king, was one of those betwixt

whom and the <g>King</g> those covenants were made, whereby the government of

the realm was placed in xxv. of them, and the city of London thereupon

put into their hands. Yea, so great a confidant was he of that

rebellious pack, that they constituted him to be one of those xxv., for

which respect amongst _them_ he underwent the sentence of

excommunication by the Pope. But upon the death of King John, which

happened soon after, his noble father reduced him to obedience; so that

he became loyal to King <g>Henry</g> the Third, and thereupon had a grant of

the lands of <g>Saier</g> de Quinci, Earl of Winchester, and David, Earl of

<g>Huntingdon</g>, two of those great rebels, for his support in the king’s

service.”

A few years after this, “whilst he, the said <g>William Marshall</g>, was in

Ireland, <g>Leoline</g>, Prince of Wales, took two of his castles; and having

cut off the heads of those whom he found therein, manned them with his

own soldiers. But when tidings thereof came to him, he soon returned

into <g>Wales</g>; and having, with a great power, won them again, took the

like revenge upon the Welsh: and thinking this not enough, he invaded

the lands of <g>Leoline</g>, and wasted them with fire and sword. Whereupon

Leoline advanced towards him with all his strength, but to little

purpose; for, encountering him in battle, the Marshall totally routed

his whole army, of which to the number of nine thousand were slain and

taken.” This earl married Eleanor, daughter of King <g>John</g>; and dying at

Kilkenny, in 1231, was there buried in the choir of the Mendicant

Friars.[65]

[Illustration]

<g>Richard</g>, his brother and successor, being irritated by the violent

conduct of the king and his ministry, formed an alliance with <g>Llewellyn</g>

ap Jowarth, Prince of Wales, and in 1233 defeated the king’s army at

<g>Grosmont</g>; but with dutiful respect for his sovereign, he fell back with

the Cambrian army before sunrise, to allow his Majesty’s retreat from

the Castle of Gloucester. Henry, not appreciating the generous conduct

of his reluctant foe, resisted this attack; and on the return of the

Lord Marshall to his estates in Ireland, he was treacherously wounded to

death at Kildare,[66] and there buried by the side of his brother

William, whom he had survived only three years.

<g>Gilbert</g>, the third son, married a daughter of Alexander, King of

Scotland, and died in 1242.

<g>Walter</g> Marshall, the fourth son, died at Goodrich Castle, in December,

1245. And--

<g>Anselm</g>, the fifth and last son of this doomed family, died like his

brothers, childless, in the same month of the same year, in the Castle

of Striguil or Chepstow, and was interred with his brother in Tinterne

Abbey.

Of their five sisters, Eve, the youngest, married “William de Braliuse

or Braose,[67] of whose family more hereafter.

The male line in him having thus failed, Maude, their surviving sister,

and heiress to the family possessions, was espoused to Hugh Bigod, Earl

of Norfolk. From this alliance sprang two sons, Hugh and Roger, or

Rudulfus. The younger of whom, Roger, in right of his mother, was

installed lord-marshal of the kingdom, and granted a charter[68] to

Tinterne Abbey, confirming those granted by the Clares and Marshalls,

and adding large possessions to the brotherhood. Maude, on the death of

her husband, Hugh Bigod, married John de Warren, Earl of Surrey; and

departing this life, anno 1248, was buried in the Abbey of Tinterne;

when her four sons--two by each marriage--carried her body into the

choir. To prosecute the descent farther, would far exceed our limits;

but readers who may feel curious to trace the genealogy of the founders,

will find ample details in the Baronage, the Monasticon, and old

chronicles.

Of Earl Roger it is told, that, being “openly reproached by the king as

a traitor, he replied with a stern countenance that he lied; and that

he, Bigod, never was, nor would be a traitor;” adding, “if you do

nothing but what the law warranteth, you can do me no harm.” “Yes,”

quoth the king, “I can thrash your corn and sell it, and so humble you.”

“If you do so,” replied Bigod, “I will send you back the heads of your

thrashers.”

The <g>Hospitium</g>, or guest-chamber, was generally a large room with

columns, like the body of a church, and called _palatium_--the original

meaning of which was a place of short residence. If a visitor came

before dinner to the refectory, notice was given to the refectioner; if

he was too late to dine with the convent, he staid in the _locutorium_,

or parlour, until the refectory was swept, and then was introduced. The

_hosteler_ provided all things fit for Mass for the visitors; and if he

was prevented, any one asked by him sang the mass and hours to them, for

they had divine service as well as the convent. The visitors had meat

and drink at solicitation, and the hosteler was to fetch the viands

according to the rank of the person; all which, however, was accompanied

with the appendage of a “soiled table cloth, very indifferent wine,

grease in the salt, and a clownish servant.” The hospitaler[69] could

not introduce them to the collation before the end of the first verse.

When this was over, he lighted his lantern with which the visitors

waited before the Chapter door. He then introduced them into the

parlour, after which they had refection, and _Complin_ was sung to them.

When the visitors wished to depart before daybreak, or at that time, the

hosteler took the keys of the parlour from the Prior’s bed; but on

Sundays, before _procession_, no one could receive the benediction, or

ceremony of dismission.

[Illustration]

Persons of rank were received with processions and high honours. One of

the great bells was struck three times, to give the monks notice of

assembling in the church to robe themselves. Visitors were allowed to

make a stay of two days and two nights, and on the third day, after

dinner, they were to depart. If by accident a guest could not then go,

the hosteler signified his request to the Abbot, or Prior, for a longer

stay. If in health, he was to be present at Matins, and follow the

convent in everything, unless he had leave to the contrary. Women were

to be received who came with an honourable suite.[70] Particular

attention was paid to the parents of monks, for whom necessaries and

food were to be provided whenever they came to see their

children--especially on the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, wheresoever

they took refection, in the town or house; and they were to be

honourably received on the Vigil.[71]

<g>The Refectory</g>, as described by monastic writers, was a large hall

wainscoted on the north and south sides, and in the west and nether

parts was a long bench of stone, in mason-work, from the cellar-door to

the pantry, or cove-door. It had a dresser in it: above the wainscot

was a large picture of CHRIST, the Virgin Mary, and St. John; but in

most places--and here perhaps--was the Cross or Crucifixion, to which,

on entering the Fratry with washed hands, the monks made obeisance with

their faces to the east. Within the door on the left was an

_Almery_--where stood the grace-cup (the classical αγαθου δαιμονος), out

of which the monks, after grace every day, drank round the table--and

another large one on the right, with smaller within, where stood the

_mazers_, of which each monk had his peculiar one, with a ewer and

basin, which served the Sub-prior to wash his hands in at the table, of

which he sat as chief.[72] At the west end was a loft above the cellar,

ascended by stairs with an iron railing, where the convent and monks

dined together, the Sub-prior sitting at the upper end of the table. At

the south end of the high table, within a glass window-frame, was an

iron desk, ascended by stone steps, with an iron rail, where lay a

Bible, out of which one of the novices read a part in Latin during

dinner. The readers at the table were to give ear to the Prior in case

of error; and if they did not understand his correction, they were to

begin the verse again, even repeatedly, until they comprehended the

Prior’s meaning. When the reader had finished, the master of the novices

rang a silver bell hanging over his head, to call one of them to come to

the high table to say grace; a single stroke of this bell (_skilla_),

signified the conclusion of the lecture or the meal.[73]

[Illustration: H]<g>ospitality</g>, which the monastic rule enjoined upon all

its professors, was faithfully practised by the Cistercians. The

Refectory, as well as the Hospitium, or Guest Hall, of this Abbey,

appears to have been an elegant and capacious chamber, with a vaulted

stone roof supported on Gothic pillars, the massive bases of which still

remain. But as the buildings were long thrown open as a stone quarry,

for the use of the public, the squared and sculptured materials with

which they were built and adorned, were employed for ages in

constructing those shapeless hovels which now cluster, as if in

mockery, around the sacred pile, and show to what base uses in this

changing world, even the masterpieces of art may be applied.

<g>The Dole.</g>--An opening in the wall of the refectory westward, shows the

place where the monk appointed to that duty, administered to the poor

their daily portion of bread and beer. To that door the hungry and the

weary never applied in vain--

Pilgrim, whosoe’er thou art,

Worn with travel, faint with fear,

Halt, or blind, or sick of heart,

Bread and welcome wait thee here.

At the east end of the <g>Refectory</g> was “a neat table, with a screen of

wainscot over it, for the master of the novices, the elects, and

novices, to dine and sup at: two windows opened into the refectory from

the great kitchen, one large for principal days, the other smaller for

ordinary days; and through these the dishes were served. Over against

the door in the cloister was a conduit or lavatory, for the monks to

wash their hands and faces, of a round form, covered with lead, and all

marble, excepting the outer wall, without which they might walk about

the Tower. After the monks had waited a while on the <g>Abbot</g>, they sat

down at two other tables, placed at the sides of the refectory, and had

their service brought in by the novices, who, when the monks had dined,

sat down to their own dinner. Fires in the refectory were ordered from

All-hallows Day to Good-Friday, and the wood was found by the cellarer.

Pinafores or super-tunics, to protect the clothes at dinner, are

mentioned by Lynwood, and occur in foreign consuetudinals. Giraldus

Cambrensis, on dining with the Prior of Canterbury, “noted sixteen

dishes, besides intromels,” or _entremets_; “a superfluous use of signs,

much sending of dishes from the Prior to the attending monks, and from

them to the lower tables;” with “much ridiculous gesticulation in

returning thanks, with much whispering, loose, idle, and licentious

discourse;” herbs brought in but not tasted; numerous kinds of fish,

roasted, boiled, stuffed, fried, eggs, dishes exquisitely cooked with

spices; salted meats to provoke appetite; wines of various kinds;

_pimento_ made of wine, honey, and spices; with claret, mead, and other

beverages. Respecting these, it was not unusual, says Barnard, to see

brought a vessel half full to try the quality and flavour of the wine;

and that, after proof thereof, the monks decided in favour of the

strongest. Superior dinners were always given on the feasts of the

Apostles; but it was not lawful, it seems, to eat the flesh of any

animal nourished on the earth, because this had been cursed by God; but

the curse not extending to air and water, birds were permitted, as

created of the same element as fish. Hence the prohibition of

quadrupeds; but as it was found

[Illustration: _The Refectory._

The castles and abbeys of England; Vol. 2 of 2 from the national records, early chronicles, and other standard authors · 第 35 / 114 题