CANADA.--CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN.
In February, 1856, he removed to Chatham, Kent County, Canada, where
he continued the practice of medicine. While his “visiting list” gave
evidence of a respectable practice, his fees were not in proportion to
it. His practice embraced a great portion of those who were refugees
from American slavery; hence his income here did not exceed that
acquired at Pittsburg.
Here his activity found wider scope, and new fields of labor were
opened to him. It was not likely that one of such marked character
would remain unrecognized. He was ever suggesting measures tending to
ameliorate the condition of one class or another, which resulted in
gaining for him an influence only surpassed by that wielded by him at
his post of duty at the South.
Once, while in Canada, an important suggestion of his being
adopted, it resulted in driving both candidates--conservative and
reformer--together, compelling them to offer terms for the support of
the black constituency.
He took part freely in all political movements in his adopted home. For
several years he was one of the principal canvassers in the hustings
in the ridings of Kent for the election, and was one of the executive
committee, and belonged to the private caucus of A. McKellers, Esq.,
member of the Provincial Parliament from Kent County.
These facts will render it conclusive that his activity was none the
less in a country where the progress of his race met no resistance, but
only varied in its method. Whatever prominence here, as elsewhere, was
attained by him, was cast in the balance as an offering to his people.
Here were matured his plans for an organization for scientific
purposes, which afterwards gave him fame in other lands. Here also
was he connected with the beginning of a movement in behalf of human
liberty, the most sublime in conception, and mysterious in its
accomplishment, written of in modern times. The first was in 1858,
when had been completed a long contemplated design of his--that of
inaugurating a party of scientific men of color, to make explorations
in certain portions of Africa.
In the early part of May, 1859, there sailed from New York, in the
bark Mendi, owned by three colored African merchants, the first
colored explorers from the United States, known as the Niger Valley
Exploring Party, at the head of which was its projector, Dr. Delany.
His observations he published on his return to this country, so that
they need no repetition here, though an important treaty formed with
the king and principal chiefs of Abeokuta we have noticed in another
portion of this work. It was the importance attached to this mission,
and the successful accomplishment of it, that gave him prestige,
rendering him eligible to membership of the renowned International
Statistical Congress of July, 1860, at London. He travelled extensively
in Africa for one year.
In April, prior to his departure for Africa, while making final
completions for his tour, on returning home from a professional visit
in the country, Mrs. Delany informed him that an old gentleman had
called to see him during his absence. She described him as having a
long, white beard, very gray hair, a sad but placid countenance; in
speech he was peculiarly solemn; she added, “He looked like one of the
old prophets. He would neither come in nor leave his name, but promised
to be back in two weeks’ time.” Unable to obtain any information
concerning his mysterious visitor, the circumstance would have probably
been forgotten, had not the visitor returned at the appointed time; and
not finding him at home a second time, he left a message to the effect
that he would call again “_in four days, and must see him then_.” This
time the interest in the visitor was heightened, and his call was
eagerly awaited. At the expiration of that time, while on the street,
he recognized his visitor, by his wife’s description, approaching him,
accompanied by another gentleman; on the latter introducing him to the
former, he exclaimed, “Not Captain John Brown, of Ossawatomie!” not
thinking of the grand old hero as being east of Kansas, especially in
Canada, as the papers had been giving such contradictory accounts of
him during the winter and spring.
“I am, sir,” was the reply; “and I have come to Chatham expressly to
see you, this being my third visit on the errand. I must see you at
once, sir,” he continued, with emphasis, “and that, too, in private, as
I have much to do and but little time before me. If I am to do nothing
here, I want to know it at once.” “Going directly to the private parlor
of a hotel near by,” says Major Delany, “he at once revealed to me
that he desired to carry out a great project in his scheme of Kansas
emigration, which, to be successful, must be aided and countenanced by
the influence of a general convention or council. _That_ he was unable
to effect in the United States, but had been advised by distinguished
friends of his and mine, that, if he could but see me, his object
could be attained at once. On my expressing astonishment at the
conclusion to which my friends and himself had arrived, with a nervous
impatience, he exclaimed, ‘Why should you be surprised? Sir, the people
of the Northern States are cowards; slavery has made cowards of them
all. The whites are afraid of each other, and the blacks are afraid
of the whites. You can effect nothing among such people,’ he added,
with decided emphasis. On assuring him if a council were all that was
desired, he could readily obtain it, he replied, ‘That is all; but that
is a great deal to me. It is men I want, and not money; money I can
get plentiful enough, but no men. Money can come without being seen,
but men are afraid of identification with me, though they favor my
measures. They are cowards, sir! Cowards!’ he reiterated. He then fully
revealed his designs. With these I found no fault, but fully favored
and aided in getting up the convention.
“The convention, when assembled, consisted of Captain John Brown, his
son Owen, eleven or twelve of his Kansas followers, all young white
men, enthusiastic and able, and probably sixty or seventy colored men,
whom I brought together.
“His plans were made known to them as soon as he was satisfied that
the assemblage could be confided in, which conclusion he was not long
in finding, for with few exceptions the whole of these were fugitive
slaves, refugees in her Britannic majesty’s dominion. His scheme
was nothing more than this: To make Kansas, instead of Canada, the
terminus of the Underground Railroad; instead of passing off the slave
to Canada, to send him to Kansas, and there test, on the soil of the
United States territory, whether or not the right to freedom would be
maintained where no municipal power had authorized.
“He stated that he had originated a fortification so simple, that
twenty men, without the aid of teams or ordnance, could build one in
a day that would defy all the artillery that could be brought to bear
against it. How it was constructed he would not reveal, and none knew
it except his great confidential officer, Kagi (the secretary of war
in his contemplated provisional government), a young lawyer of marked
talents and singular demeanor.”
Major Delany stated that he had proposed, as a cover to the change in
the scheme, as Canada had always been known as the terminus of the
Underground Railroad, and pursuit of the fugitive was made in that
direction, to call it the Subterranean Pass Way, where the initials
would stand S. P. W., to note the direction in which he had gone when
not sent to Canada. He further stated that the idea of Harper’s Ferry
was never mentioned, or even hinted in that convention.
Had such been intimated, it is doubtful of its being favorably
regarded. Kansas, where he had battled so valiantly for freedom, seemed
the proper place for his vantage-ground, and the kind and condition of
men for whom he had fought, the men with whom to fight. Hence the favor
which the scheme met of making Kansas the terminus of the Subterranean
Pass Way, and there fortifying with these fugitives against the Border
slaveholders, for personal liberty, with which they had no right to
interfere. Thus it is clearly explained that it was no design against
the Union, as the slaveholders and their satraps interpreted the
movement, and by this means would anticipate their designs.
This also explains the existence of the constitution for a civil
government found in the carpet-bag among the effects of Captain Brown,
after his capture in Virginia, so inexplicable to the slaveholders,
and which proved such a nightmare to Governor Wise, and caused him, as
well as many _wiser_ than himself, to construe it as a contemplated
overthrow of the Union. The constitution for a provisional government
owes its origin to these facts.
Major Delany says, “The whole matter had been well considered, and
at first a state government had been proposed, and in accordance a
constitution prepared. This was presented to the convention; and
here a difficulty presented itself to the minds of some present,
that according to American jurisprudence, negroes, having no rights
respected by white men, consequently could have no right to petition,
and none to sovereignty.
“Therefore it would be mere mockery to set up a claim as a fundamental
right, which in itself was null and void.
“To obviate this, and avoid the charge against them as lawless and
unorganized, existing without government, it was proposed that an
independent community be established within and under the government of
the United States, but without the state sovereignty of the compact,
similar to the Cherokee nation of Indians, or the Mormons. To these
last named, references were made, as parallel cases, at the time. The
necessary changes and modification were made in the constitution, and
with such it was printed.
“Captain Brown returned after a week’s absence, with a printed copy
of the corrected instrument, which, perhaps, was the copy found by
Governor Wise.”
During the time this grand old reformer of our time was preparing
his plans, he often sought Major Delany, desirous of his personal
coöperation in carrying forward his work. This was not possible for him
to do, as his attention and time were directed entirely to the African
Exploration movement, which was planned prior to his meeting Captain
Brown, as before stated. But as Captain Brown desired that he should
give encouragement to the plan, he consented, and became president of
the permanent organization of the Subterranean Pass Way, with Mr. Isaac
D. Shadd, editor of the Provincial Freeman, as secretary.
This organization was an extensive body, holding the same relation to
his movements as a state or national executive committee hold to its
party principles, directing their adherence to fundamental principles.
This, he says, was the plan and purpose of the Canada Convention.
Whatever changed them to Harper’s Ferry was known only to Captain
Brown, and perhaps to Kagi, who had the honor of being deeper in
his confidence than any one else. Mr. Osborn Anderson, one of the
survivors of that immortal band, and whose statement as one of the
principal actors in that historical drama cannot be ignored, states
that none of the men knew that Harper’s Ferry was the point of attack
until the order was given to march. It was Mr. Anderson whom Captain
Brown delegated to receive the sword[2] from Colonel Washington, on
that night when the Rubicon of slavery was crossed by that band of
hero pioneers who confronted the slave power in its stronghold. The
first sound of John Brown’s rifle, reverberating along the Shenandoah,
proclaimed the birth of Freedom. Already he saw the mighty host he
invoked in Freedom’s name. He heard their coming footfalls echoing
over Virginia’s hills and plains, and upon every breeze that swept her
valleys was borne to him his name entwined in battle anthem. He saw in
the gathering strife that either Freedom or her priest must perish, and
with a giant’s strength he went forward to his high and holy martyrdom,
thereby inaugurating victory.