THE THEATRES
Unfortunately for lovers of Shakespearean drama no vestige of any early
Elizabethan theatre exists; in some instances even the very sites are
forgotten; in others, the plots of ground on which each theatre stood
are disputed. When the Shakespeare Reading Society placed a tablet
on the site of the first Globe Theatre, the handsome bronze plaque
was erected on the south side of Park Street, which has lately been
proved to be a palpable error, the real site of this historic building
being situated on the north side. The localities where stood the early
English theatres have changed so out of all recognition during the last
two centuries that only an antiquarian who has access to old deeds can
with any degree of certainty fix the limits of old houses and public
buildings. Nothing remains to-day but the bare names of the streets,
indicating in a few cases the places of entertainment in Elizabethan
times. During Shakespeare’s lifetime there existed in London eleven
regular theatres, a brief account of each of these will be chronicled
in the following pages:
THE THEATRE
The first public theatre in London was situated in the parish of
Shoreditch and quite appropriately named “The Theatre.” When visiting
to-day this depressing neighbourhood, similar districts being dotted
over all the London area, an observer immediately concludes that the
governing authorities of the London districts must be a most corrupt
body; how else can one account for the state of the filthy slums and
the appalling ignorance of the inhabitants? Which, after all, is
not so surprising when only the gorgeous gin-palace is allowed to
flourish. As for demolishing a slum alley, perish the thought! It
would offend the aristocratic and titled owner, whose property must be
protected at all costs. If I were on a Board Council, not only would
I confiscate the property and quickly sweep it off the face of the
earth, but would heavily fine and imprison the owners as being pests to
society. Shoreditch, God help us! is an awful place. The thought that
Shakespeare’s plays were first produced in this neighbourhood seems
to cast a stigma on his name, and that the present state of affairs
should exist after three hundred years of social progress! Something is
rotten in the parish of Shoreditch. How could any modern institution
or artistic building flourish in such a fetid and vicious locality,
where the London County Council only permits the public-house to flaunt
its vile face before the public gaze. A new terror is now added to the
grand historic city of London and its outer boundaries by the glaring
posters of the Cinema theatre depicting every sort of horrid crime so
that a stranger must conclude that Englishmen are for the most part
thieves and vicious characters, caring for little else but scenes of a
most depraved nature.
Until quite recently the site of the theatre was identified with
a plot of ground formerly occupied by Deane’s Mews, situated in
the neighbourhood of the present King John’s Court. This site had
never been questioned until the appearance of the London County
Council pamphlet giving the details where the structure was erected.
Halliwell-Phillipps first described the site as being on the Deane’s
Mews property in his Illustrations to Shakespeare. The pamphlet
mentioned above is the work of Mr. W. W. Braines, whose untiring
efforts and keen critical research have succeeded in revealing the
exact spot on which the first theatre was erected. For years past I
had searched in vain for Deane’s Mews but without success; in fact,
this place was becoming to be regarded as a myth, no one having heard
of such a name. A friend of mine, Mr. Charles Edwards, a fellow member
of the Stock Exchange, had presented me with a handsome folio volume,
giving details of all improvements in the Metropolitan area within the
last fifty years. This compilation has been enriched with a wealth
of plans, exact measurements and the necessary explanatory notes
reflecting the greatest credit on the accomplished editor, Mr. Percy
Edwards, a brother of my friend. On referring to this book I found
Deane’s Mews plainly marked, which stood about 200 ft. south of the
true site. The Mews was swept away in the construction of Gt. Eastern
St. in 1873-76, and its site is now covered by the latter thoroughfare.
On leaving the City at the junction between Wormwood Street and
Camomile Street, where formerly stood the gate entrance to the City,
called Bishopsgate, we will proceed down Bishopsgate towards Norton
Folgate, thence passing into High Street, Shoreditch. From the High
Street we soon reach New Inn Yard, turning up this lane, at a distance
of 120 yards we arrive near the site of The Theatre, which was situated
about fifty feet north of this street and within a few feet of the
east side of the Curtain Road. In earlier times this district formed
part of the celebrated Holywell Priory. A detailed account of this
ancient abbey would be a welcome addition to the ecclesiastical and
topographical history of London. I hope this little volume from which
the above details are taken will be consulted by all Londoners, a
perusal of which might instil into their minds a greater interest in
the past history of their wonderful city. Actual experience teaches me
that few people take any intelligent interest in the subject or any
other which does not in some particular manner add to their commercial
prosperity. Naturally, where so many neglect the pleasures of the
mind, the ignorance and stupidity of the majority of the people pass
unnoticed, otherwise any person totally unacquainted with the history
of the City of London would be looked upon as a common lout, fitting
only to herd with the base-minded.
I know from actual experience that few people take any intelligent
interest in this great and all-absorbing subject. I have, alas, met
several so-called educated men and women who have freely acknowledged
that they are quite indifferent concerning the history of the past,
although no subject of any importance can be thoroughly discussed
without allusion to previous events. This attitude almost of revulsion
exhibited by so many people for past history must have some deeply
based reason for its existence. Many would explain this contempt for
the past by the greater attraction of the wonderful world of science
and mechanical transport. In my opinion, the real cause of this feeling
is that the greater part of the population set up their idols to the
worship of sport, which the public schools and universities ever
delight to honour, and which, in my mind, is a public scandal which
should be inquired into, and the authorities that encourage such wild
orgies, severely reprimanded. The fascinating study of literature
and art fill no void in the daily routine of their lives, a state of
affairs greatly to be regretted; the welfare of the future generation
rests with the teachers of the elementary schools, who should endeavour
to foster in the young a genuine love for literature and all the arts
that tend in elevating the mind. My enquiry why so few take any
interest in these refining studies is generally met with the foolish
and ill-bred answer that no immediate benefit is derived from these
studies, as if the delights of the mind can be gauged by material
benefits.
One more parting shaft. A governing corporation that sanctioned the
demolition of Crosby Hall ought themselves to be demolished, or at
least hounded out of the City by the citizens that placed them in power.
Although this theatre was situated outside the City boundary, the
distance from the Metropolis was so short that Londoners were able
to reach their destination without undue discomfort and fatigue.
Notwithstanding that The Theatre was surrounded by fields, this
obstacle proved to be of a negligible quantity. The novelty of the
building and the vigorous dramatic force of the plays appealed to a
populace ever seeking for amusement, and made this playhouse a success
from its inauguration until its final destruction nearly a quarter
of a century later. Londoners of to-day would consider any place
surrounded by fields a pretty fair distance from the Metropolis, but
towards the end of the sixteenth century the country could be reached
in about a quarter of an hour by sharp walking from any point in the
City, which at that date constituted London proper. The reason that
Burbage, the proprietor, sought a locality for his projected theatre
outside the centre of the business life of the City was primarily
on account of the intense puritanical hatred against all theatrical
entertainments, the mark of the beast being shown by the Lord Mayor
and Corporation, who threatened with ejectment all the players from
the City. The crisis came in 1576, when an order was promulgated by
which all places of amusement were to be closed. This order principally
affected all inn-yards where plays were held, also bear and bull
baiting establishments. Driven almost to desperation, the players
resolved on quitting the City before the order was set in motion.
James Burbage, one of the leading actors in the Earl of Leicester’s
Company, was by trade a joiner, and quite appropriately the builder
of the first organized theatre not only in England but in modern
Europe. This momentous decision proved of untold benefit in the course
of the development of the drama, besides protecting his company from
molestation and persecution. This almost inspired act prepared the
way for the mighty genius who holds the world in awe, who was thus
able to profit by this vast improvement and decisive innovation in
the dramatic world. By taking this bold step the object of the City
Fathers was completely frustrated, and their deep-laid schemes, in
which the poor player was to be totally annihilated, recoiled on their
own heads. The new venture was an instant success, instilling into the
drama fresh blood and a long lease of life, daily growing more popular
and prosperous and drawing within the charmed circle every class of
citizen, with the exception of the puritan brigade.
The site chosen by Burbage for his first theatre was within the
precincts of the ancient Priory of Holywell, a celebrated landmark in
early Tudor times. The Priory was an ancient foundation originally
built in the second decade of the twelfth century. The ground on which
it stood was bequeathed by a Canon of St. Paul’s to a religious body
of women known as the Benedictine Nuns. The building remained in their
possession until the total suppression of all monastic orders in this
country by the Mandate of Henry the Eighth. The Dissolution began about
the year 1538, but the total extinction of the Abbey, including the
Chantries, Chapels, and Churches, was not finally accomplished until
ten years later. The last notice of the Priory as a living centre
can be traced to the year 1539, when Sybilla Newdigate, the prioress,
delivered up her house to the King. The suppression of the Monasteries
was one of those drastic acts by which means the King defied the
spiritual and temporal power of Rome, and proclaimed to the English
people that he alone was supreme head of the Church in England.
The origin of the name Holywell is traceable to a well which existed
in the parish of St. Leonard’s, Shoreditch, early in the twelfth
century. The exact site of this well is unknown, but somewhere in
close proximity to the new theatre. One authority states explicitly
that it is discoverable, but now concealed from view in the present
Bateman’s Row. An interesting relic of the ancient Priory can still be
seen in the shape of an old stone wall about 50 ft. long, in a timber
yard in High Street, Shoreditch. I must candidly admit that I have not
seen this relic, but its existence is vouched by excellent authority.
Immediately succeeding the Dissolution, the Priory was demolished
and let out on building leases to various tenants. Stow, the London
historian, writes: “Thence up to the late dissolved Priory, called
Holywell, a house of Nuns. The Priory was valued at the Suppression
to having lands £293 by year and was surrendered in 1539. The Church
thereof being pulled down, many houses have been builded for the
lodging of noblemen, of strangers and of others.” When the old Abbey
was portioned into estates, one important lot fell into the hands of
Henry Webb, who eventually disposed of it to Christopher Bumsted, who
disposed of the same property to Giles Allen, from whom James Burbage
took over a lease in 1576. All the minute particulars respecting the
site of The Theatre are mostly due to a protracted lawsuit between
Giles and Burbage, the records of which have been fortunately
preserved, and were made public by J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps. The
lease granted by Giles to Burbage contained a curious clause to the
effect that Burbage was willing to accept a lease for twenty-one
years provided that, at the termination of that period, the said
Burbage, having expended the sum of not less than two hundred pounds
on the building in the course of ten years, should have the option of
taking down and removing the same to any locality he might select. A
further clause also provided for an extension of the lease after the
expiration of 21 years. For the present we will pass over the first 21
years and come to the critical year in the affairs of this playhouse.
When the first lease was on point of expiry, James Burbage commenced
negotiations for an extension of time, but unfortunately, while these
particulars were being discussed, the original lessee, James Burbage
died. By his will the interest of his Shoreditch property devolved
upon his two sons, Richard and Cuthbert, the former being the famous
actor; of the latter little is known, he may have been an actor in his
brother’s company. The two sons, in an interview with Allen, the owner
of the property, now demanded afresh an extension of the lease, Allen
would have acceded to their request provided they paid an additional
ten pounds a year and further stipulated that after five years from the
signing of the new lease they must be prepared to use the property for
other purposes than theatrical entertainments.
The new lease was never signed; nevertheless, for a brief period the
Burbages remained in possession. No one will deny but that the tenants
had a very uncomfortable and insecure tenure of the premises. The
lessees must have realized the perilous position of their tenancy,
which was liable to foreclosure at any moment. Being faced with this
predicament they hit upon a desperate remedy. As stated above, a
clause was inserted in the original lease whereby they had the right
in pulling down and removing the said building. No sooner had they
resolved upon this expedient than the plan was quietly carried into
effect, thereby causing the lawsuit with Giles Allen, and incidentally
throwing light on the early annals of the theatre. The following
paragraph is an extract from Allen’s Bill of Complaints against
Cuthbert Burbage, who “unlawfully combining and confederating himself
with the said Richard Burbage and one Peter Street, William Smith, and
divers other persons to the number of twelve, to your subject unknown,
did about the eighth and twentieth day of December, in the one and
fortieth year of your Highness’ reign, and since then your Highness’
last and general pardon by the confederacy aforesaid notoriously
assemble themselves with divers and many unlawful and offensive
weapons as namely, swords, daggers, billes, axes, and such like, and
so armed did then repair unto the said Theatre, and then and there
armed as aforesaid in very riotous, outrageous and forcible manner,
and contrary to the laws of your Highness’ realm, attempted to pull
down the said Theatre whereupon divers of your subjects, servants
and farmers, then going about in peaceable manner to procure them
from that their unlawful enterprise, that the said riotous persons
aforesaid, notwithstanding procured then thereon with great violence,
not only then and there forcible and riotously resisting your subjects,
servants and farmers, and also then and there pulling down, breaking
and throwing down the said Theatre in very outrageous and violent and
riotous sort to the great disturbance and terrifying, not only of your
subjects, said servants and farmers, but of divers others of your
Majesty’s loving subjects there near inhabiting and having so done did
then also in most forcible and riotous manner take and carry away from
thence all the wood and timber thereof unto the Bankside in the parish
of St. Overyes and there erected a new playhouse with the said timber
and wood!”
All the world knows that the said new playhouse was the famous Globe
Theatre, the glory of the Bankside and the scene of Shakespeare’s
everlasting creations. Stow, the historian of London, in the first
edition of the Survey of the City of London, mentions The Theatre by
name in the following paragraph: “The church thereof being pulled
downe, many houses have been builded for the lodging of noblemen of
strangers borne and other. And neare thereunto are builded two publique
houses for the acting and shewe of Comedies, Tragedies and Histories
for recreation. Whereof the one is called the Courtein, the other the
Theatre, both standing on the Southwest side towards the field.” The
last few lines from “Whereof to field” were omitted in the second
edition in 1603. The learned editor of the latest and best edition of
this famous book, Charles Kingsford, M.A., by a slip of the pen, in a
note to this passage, refers to the Curtain as having been demolished
in 1600; of course, it should be the Theatre, and the date should
be 1598. The field mentioned by Stow formed part of the well-known
Finsbury Fields, the playground of Elizabethan Londoners; these fields
abutted on Moorfields, which formed the boundary of North-East London.
Many citizens took advantage of these open fields and used them as a
short cut to the playhouse, generally going thither on horseback. This
manner of approaching the playhouse may account for the tradition that
Shakespeare on his first arrival in London held horses outside the
building.
Sometime in 1576 the players were safely installed in the new
building, notwithstanding the removal from the precincts of the City,
persecution soon dogged their footsteps, inaugurated by a bitter attack
from the puritan section of the community. The onslaught came from a
clergyman in a book entitled _A Treatise against Dicing, Dancing and
Interludes with other idle pastimes_, published in 1577. The author
of this venomous tirade rebuking all kinds of amusement was John
Northbroke, a preacher and procurator for the Bristol Clergy in the
Synod of London. The tract is in the form of a dialogue between Youth
and Age.
“Youth. Do you speak against these places also which are made up and
builded for such plays and interludes as The Theatre and Curtain are
and other such like places tendes.”
“Age. Yea, truly for I am persuaded that Satan hath not a more speedy
way and fitter school to work and teach his desire to bring men and
women into his snare than these places and plays and theatres are, and
therefore necessary that these places and plays should be forbidden and
dissolved and put down by authority.”
One of the earliest references to the recently built theatres was made
by Thomas Wilcox, a notorious divine, on December 9th, 1576, whose life
will be found in the _Dictionary of National Biography_. He referred to
the Theatre and the Curtain as “those sumptuous theatre houses.”
The earliest references to The Theatre, by name, is mentioned in an
order of the Privy Council, dated 1st August, 1577, “for the avoiding
of the sickness likely to happen through the heat of the weather and
assemblies of the people of London to plays,” measures should be taken
that “such as are and do use to play without the Liberties of the City
... as the theater and such like, shall forbear any more to play until
Mighelmas be past.”
After an interval of one year from the Rev. Northbroke’s outburst
another preacher mounted the pulpit, delivering a vigorous sermon in
denunciation of “The Theatre.” This divine was a schoolmaster named
Stockton, headmaster of Tonbridge School, where he held indisputable
sway, widely known as a severe disciplinarian, and a writer of many
devotional works. The following is an extract from a sermon preached
at St. Paul’s Cross: “Have we not houses of purpose built with great
charges for the maintenance of them, and that without the Liberties,
as who shall say ‘There let them say what they will we will play.’ I
know not how I might with the godly learned especially more discommend
the gorgeous playing places erected in the fields than term it as they
please to have it called a Theatre. Will not a filthy play with a blast
of a trumpet sooner call thither a thousand than an hour’s tolling
of the bell bring to a sermon a hundred? Nay, even here in the City,
without it be at this place and some other ordinary audience where you
shall find a rehearsal of company, whereas if you visit to the Theatre
the Curtain and other places of players in the City you shall on the
Lord’s Day have their places with many other that I cannot reckon so
full as possible they can throng.”
In most ages, even the present one, the clergy have persistently set
their faces against play acting without sufficiently analysing the
reasons for their embittered attacks, therefore their testimony must be
accepted as prejudiced partisans, which neither voice the view of the
populace nor of the cultured classes. Contemporary records afford ample
proof that the stage was frequented by all sorts and conditions of
people, the rowdy section seeming to predominate, only the puritanical
section, chiefly composed of the middle classes, kept aloof. The
popularity of the drama, acclaimed by the upper classes, saved it from
complete annihilation, otherwise the authorities would have banished
every player beyond the City walls. The sole cause of hatred against
the players can only be accounted for by the strong puritanical feeling
existing in the breasts of the City Fathers, which expressed itself in
denouncing with unseemly rage and bitterness any kind of entertainment
in which the citizens evinced the slightest pleasure. Any pretext,
however flimsy, was seized upon with avidity, thereby exhibiting their
petty spite against the players. When the plague raged the theatres
were closed. If any act of disturbance occurred the theatres were
closed. On Saints’ days, Holydays and Festivals the theatres were
closed. Orders were frequently issued permitting stage plays only
on certain days in the week. Every device was instituted in their
endeavour to persecute the poor player, but, in spite of all these
tyrannical enactments, the drama continued to flourish exceedingly,
attracting hundreds of people who found employment in connexion with
the stage.
Another early reference to the Theatre is found in a volume of a
contemporary author. John Florio, an Italian refugee, who instructed
the English aristocracy in the niceties of the Italian language, in
a book entitled _Dialogues and Proverbs First Frutes_, published in
1578, is the following passage: “We will go into the Fields. Let us go
to the Theatre to see a comedie. What pastimes are they in England on
holidays? Of all sortes of pastyme, as Comedies, Tragedies, leaping,
dancing, playes of defence, Baiting of Beasts, etc.” The above
paragraph is in the form of a dialogue. This reference is rarely met
with, I believe Mrs. Carmichael Stopes was the first to point it out.
“In the year 1580, Burbage was summoned before the Middlesex Court on a
charge of bringing together unlawful assemblies of people to hear and
see certain colloquies or interludes called plays, exercised by James
Burbage and divers other persons unknown, at a certain place called
The Theatre, in Halliwell, in the aforesaid county. By reason of which
unlawful assembly of the people great affrays, assaults and tumults
and quasi-insurrections and divers other misdeeds and enormities have
been then and there done and perpetrated by very many ill-disposed
persons to the great disturbance of the peace.” This statement is a
gross exaggeration, but its very overstatement suffices in explaining
the attitude the authorities assumed in the extreme measures adopted
by them in suppressing play-acting. How unfair and unjust appear the
means by which a body of English magistrates endeavoured to abolish
theatrical institutions. No statement was too false, no lie uttered was
deemed sinful; the airiest motive was seized upon with eagerness if
by such means any discredit was cast upon the acting fraternity. For
years they were harassed, tormented and bandied about from place to
place, and this persecution lasted even whilst the greatest dramatic
literature of all time was daily being represented before an ever
increasing and admiring public.
For this drastic treatment we may seek some condonement and
extenuating circumstances in the religious belief of the country,
the people being chiefly guided by the clergy, who instilled in them
the belief that all things connected with the stage were injurious
and harmful to the community. Imbued with these ideas the clergy
considered themselves justified by using every means in their power
in overthrowing and abolishing the stage out of the kingdom. Many of
these reverend fanatics were admitted on the Council of Administration,
who continually persisted in their endeavours to oust the players,
at any rate, out of the City; in furtherance of their plans they
preached the sinfulness of the drama in order to drive away the people
from the playhouses. Their pleadings were partially successful; by
continual exhortations they succeeded in poisoning the minds of the
middle classes, who accordingly absented themselves from all places of
amusement. The chief patrons of the drama were drawn from the upper
and lower classes much in the same way as the Turf to-day exercises on
the same classes, the middle class in this instance displaying great
good sense and morality by staying away from such an unhealthy and
discreditable amusement.
Although the Corporation were powerful enough in forcing the players
from places under their control, they were powerless in suppressing
play-acting during the entire reigns of Elizabeth and James. The year
1584 was memorable on account of a disturbance which occurred outside
the Theatre, thereby causing the assembly of a great crowd. Quickly
seizing this event as an excuse, the authorities petitioned that this
building and the Curtain should be pulled down. The Court considered
the punishment too drastic; nevertheless, the Corporation persisted,
eventually obtaining letters ordering the demolition of both theatres:
“Upon Sunday my Lord sent 2 Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing
and pulling down of the Theatre and Curtain for all the Lords agreed
thereunto, saving my Lord Chamberlain and Mr. Viech, but we obtained a
letter to suppress them all. Upon the same night I sent for the Queen’s
players and my Lord Arundel his players, and they all well nigh obeyed
the Lords’ letters. The chiefest of her Highness’ players advised me to
send for the owner of the Theatre, who was a stubborn fellow, and to
bind him. I did so. He sent me word that he was my Lord Hunsdon’s man,
and that he would not come to me, but he would in the morning ride to
my Lord. Then I sent the under Sheriff for him, and he brought him to
me, and at his coming he shouted me out very Justice, and in the end I
showed him my Lord his master’s hand, and then he was more quiet, but
to die for it he would not be bound. And then I, minding to send him to
prison, he made suit that he might be bound to appear at the Oyer and
determined the which is to-morrow, where he said he was sure the Court
would not bind him, being a counselor’s man, and so I have granted
his request, where he shall be sure to be bound or else is like to do
worse.”
Again, for fear of riots, official notices were distributed that
the Theatre be closed. “There shall be no plays at the Theatre or
other usual place where the same are commonly used.” These orders
were frequently circulated; whether they were put into execution is
doubtful. Considering the restrictions that hemmed around the poor
player, Shakespeare’s lament that through ill-fortune he became a
player need cause no surprise, considering the persecution that was
directed against the theatrical profession.
A passage in Dante’s “Inferno” might, with slight alterations, exactly
fit the actions of our own civic authorities during the reign of
Elizabeth. “As in the Venetian Arsenal, the pitch boils in the winter
time wherewith to caulk their rotten ships. But, looking down into
the chasm, I could see nothing except the bubbles that its boiling
raised. And as I looked at it fixedly and wondered, my guide drew me
back hastily, saying, ‘Look! look!’ And when I turned I saw behind us
a black devil come running along the rocks. Oh, how wild his face,
oh, how bitter his action, as he came with his wings wide, light upon
his feet, on his shoulder he bore a sinner grasped by both haunches,
and when he came to the bridge foot he cried down the pit: ‘Here’s an
Alderman from the City of London; put him under that I may fetch more
for the land is full of such.’”
Before the total destruction of The Theatre there is a reference to the
“unfrequented Theatre” in Skialetheia, a series of satires entered in
the Stationers’ Register on the 15th September, 1598.
The literature of the day barely mentions the name of The Theatre,
yet this building had flourished for over a period of twenty years.
Stow mentions the Theatre once, only to be withdrawn from his second
edition, possibly the sour old Puritan, condemned in his heart all play
acting, and fervently desired the expulsion of all actors, plays, and
their authors from the domain of the City. The antiquary, Stow, may
well represent a type of the better class citizen utterly unsympathetic
with the new drama, and entirely adverse to all kinds of amusement.
This prejudiced feeling may account for the complete silence in any of
his works of theatrical life, which during his time was daily growing
into importance and significance. We have explained the silence of the
old topographer, but how can we interpret the passing over of this
side of London life by all literary coteries. The Metropolis swarmed
with writers of books and pamphlets dealing with contemporary events,
most of the authors were connected with the theatrical world, yet you
may search in vain thousands of books in the expectation of finding
any critical or explanatory notices of the stage. The conspiracy of
silence is so well maintained that we are left almost unacquainted with
theatrical conditions which governed the Elizabethan stage, whilst of
the Greek stage which flourished over two thousand years previously we
have minute particulars in all its branches. Why such a great novelty,
as an enclosed theatre should not have been freely discussed, written
about, and above all, criticised, remains one of the mysteries of the
age? Fortunately, a few foreigners from among the throng who visited
these shores jotted down their experiences of London, including therein
the amusements of the town, not forgetting to describe briefly a list
of theatres.
No drawing, print, or any kind of illustration depicting the first
theatre erected in London has been handed down to us. Under these
circumstances conjectural reconstruction of its walls is quite
permissible, although extreme caution is necessary when guided by
imaginary probabilities. The information we possess regarding the later
theatres may in some measure help us in forming a fairly accurate
account of the early theatres. A period of over twenty years had
elapsed between the building of The Theatre and that of the Fortune;
concerning the latter, interesting details are forthcoming. Between
these dates the type may have altered and improvements been introduced,
which is only natural considering the long interval. We obtain our
first glimpse of the early theatre buildings from quite a most
unexpected quarter.
Samuel Kiechel, a foreigner, visited England in 1585. On his arrival
in London he patronised several places of amusement, recording in his
Diary the impressions and facts of his journey. The following extract
is taken from his published journal; the notice about the stage
only concerns us. “There are some peculiar houses in which are so
constructed that they have about three galleries one above the other.
It may indeed happen that the players take from £10 to £12 at a time,
particularly if they act anything new, when people have to pay double.
And that they perform nearly every day in the week, notwithstanding
that plays are forbidden on Friday and Saturday; this prohibition is
not observed.”
Contemporary literature informs us that the exterior of The Theatre
was round, either hexagonal or octagonal, differing little from the
illustrations as shown in maps of the period. Nash, in the _Unfortunate
Traveller_, writes: “I saw a banquetting house belonging to a merchant
that was the marvel of the world. It was built round, of green marble
like a Theatre without.”
As will be seen above, only scraps of evidence are available in piecing
together the reconstruction of The Theatre; as regards the interior
absolutely nothing definitely is known beyond the important statement
that three galleries surrounded the building. The first theatre was not
solely devoted to dramatic entertainments, as records exist of fencing
matches and other exhibitions of skill taking place there. Stow, the
historian, notes that “activities were produced within its walls.” The
word “activities” denotes tumbling, rope dancing, vaulting and other
acrobatic feats. Halliwell-Phillipps publishes a letter dated July
1st, 1582, from the Earl of Warwick to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
requesting them to allow his servant, John David, to play at “The Bull”
in Bishopsgate Street, or in some other convenient place. On the 23rd
of the same month the Earl again wrote to the Lord Mayor complaining of
the treatment and disgrace put upon his servant in not being allowed
to play for prizes after the publication of his bills. The following
day the Earl received a reply from the Lord Mayor saying he had not
refused permission for his servant to play for prizes, but had granted
him a licence, only restraining him from playing in an inn for fear of
the infection, and had appointed him to play in an open space at the
Leaden Hall. Not having availed himself of the permission for fourteen
days, and the infection increasing, it became necessary to prohibit the
assembly of the people to his play within the City, but permission had
been granted him to perform in the open fields. “I have herein yet
further done for your servant what I may, that is that if he may obtain
lawfully to play at The Theatre or other open place out of the City, he
hath and shall have my permission with his company, drums and show, to
pass only through the City, being not upon the Sunday, which is as much
as I may justify in this season, and for that cause I have with his own
consent appointed him Monday next.”
Another reference occurs in the following year, in which the Lord
Mayor writes to the Justice of the Peace, praying for the assistance
of the Corporation in preventing a breach of the peace by refusing
the people permission to congregate about “The Theatre.” Gosson, in
both his prose works, _The School of Abuse_ and _Plays Confuted in two
Actions_, mentions two plays usually produced at the Theatre, namely,
“The Blacksmith’s Daughter” and “Cataline’s Conspiracy”; the former is
mentioned in _Plays Confuted_ and the latter in _The School of Abuse_,
1579.
The most interesting notice in connexion with plays acted at The
Theatre will be found in a paragraph from Thomas Lodge’s book entitled
_Wit’s Miserie or the World’s Madness_, 1596, in which a reference
is made to the old play of “Hamlet,” whose authorship is generally
assigned to Thomas Kyd, the writer of the famous “Spanish Tragedy,”
the most popular drama of the Elizabethan period. Shakespeare himself
refers to this play more than once. Although the old “Hamlet” is lost
there are excellent grounds for presuming that this play is the main
source of Shakespeare’s supreme masterpiece of “Hamlet,” the greatest
achievement in the dramatic literature of the world. The paragraph
in reference to the Theatre reads as follows: “He looks as pale as
the vizard of the ghost which cries so miserably at the Theatre like
an oysterwife Hamlet revenge.” The Theatre is again referred to by
Middleton in the Black Book, 1604: “He had a head of hair like one of
the devils in Dr. Faustes when the old Theatre cracked and frightened
the audience.”
A foreign prince visited these shores in 1596, and wrote a poem in
commemoration of the event, dated the same year as his visit. He writes
that London possesses four theatres, which are utilized not only for
dramatic purposes but for baiting of bulls, besides cock fighting.
Another early reference to The Theatre occurs in a rare pamphlet
called “Tarlton’s Newes out of Purgatory,” published without date,
but definitely known to be printed either in 1590 or earlier. The
passage is as follows: “And forsooth upon Whitsun Monday last I would
needs to the Theatre to a play when I came I found such a concourse of
unrulye people that I thought it better solitary to walk in the fields.
Feeding my humour with this fancy, I stept by Dame Anne of Cleares well
where after I had rested awhile I fell asleep.” Nash, the dramatist,
mentions Tarlton as playing at the Theatre in a pamphlet named “Pierce
Penilesse,” 1592. Stow, in his survey of London, mentions this well;
the origin of the name is founded on a sordid story of old London. A
rich London widow, named Annis Cleare, who, matching herself with a
riotous courtier in the time of Edward II, who vainly consumed all her
wealth and leaving her in much poverty, there she drowned herself,
being then but a shallow ditch or running water. Mr. Kingsford, in his
learned edition of the Survey, notes “that this well was near Paul’s
St., Finsbury, in the neighbourhood of which there still is a St.
Agnes Terrace. The name of St. Agness Clare Fields continued till a
hundred years ago.” I wandered all over this district in the hope of
finding St. Agnes Terrace, but my search was fruitless. On my return
I consulted the London County Council’s directory of the Streets of
London, and after looking through that ponderous volume for over one
hour, I found that the terrace was formerly a part of what is now
Tabernacle Street, the old name being abolished in 1884.
During the early years of the theatres the stage was merely a platform,
which could be easily removed when necessary; as before mentioned, the
theatres were used for other than dramatic performances. The stage
platform jutted out far into the yard, the technical name for the
space allotted to the audience. The spectators who occupied this part
of the building were called the groundlings. The yard surrounded the
platform on three sides, the stage buildings occupying the fourth,
the audience reaching up as far as the barrier, which divided the
stage from the auditorium. The roof was open to the sky, the actors
protecting themselves from the elements by erecting a kind of lean-to
or pent-house, sloping down from the tiring house; this contrivance
was technically called the “Heavens” or “shadow,” either thatched or
tiled. At the rear of the stage was the tiring-house, sometimes used
as an inner-stage, when not required by the actors, and was concealed
by a curtain. Above the inner stage stood a balcony, flanked on both
sides by rooms for noblemen or gentry. These special places were known
as the Lords’ rooms. Over the second story rose a turret, from which
commanding view a flag fluttered announcing the immediate performance
of a play. Only two doors of entry were considered necessary, one in
front of the house admitting the audience to the yard and galleries,
and a second situated at the back of the building, used by the actors
and better class of spectators who occupied the expensive seats. The
reason for the limited number of doors can be explained by the terms of
agreement between the lessee and the actors. Burbage did not lease his
theatre to a company of actors, but shared the risk of the undertaking
with them, receiving for his share the money taken for the galleries,
the players dividing among themselves the rest of the proceeds. This
arrangement, in course of time, was subject to alterations. The same
system, with slight variations, was adopted in all theatres during the
Shakespearean era.
The chief action of the play took place on the outer stage, no curtain
of any description concealing this part of the stage either before or
after or during the performance, the only curtain or tapestry in lieu
of a curtain noticeable was that dividing the inner from the outer
stage, and even beyond Shakespeare’s time this ever open stage existed.
When the Theatre was first erected in 1576 there may have been no
inner stage, and the entire change of properties may have been placed
in sight of the audience. The Theatre was built entirely of wood, and
only good fortune must have saved the building from being destroyed
by fire. The Theatre, no doubt, stood in its own grounds, and this
isolated position accounts for its withstanding the accidents which all
wooden buildings are more or less subject. All performances in a public
theatre were enacted during the day time, in the afternoon between the
hours of two and five or three and six. The theatre, not being lighted,
necessarily enforced the closing of the play before dusk. The acting of
a play lasted between two to three hours; a Shakespearean drama would
take nearer three than two hours to perform, sometimes even longer,
even in those days the blue pencil was liberally used, many passages
being cut, not on account of dramatic propriety but merely to shorten
the performance. On entering an Elizabethan theatre the first object
that met the eye of the spectator was a placard announcing the name of
the play for the afternoon. Although theatre posters were put up in
different parts of the City and on the theatre walls, informing the
public of the date of a given play, unforeseen circumstances sometimes
prevented the advertised play being performed. Unfortunately none
of these bills has survived. How interesting would be the perusal
of the play bill announcing the first performance of “Hamlet.” That
these placards were affixed to posts is corroborated by the following
anecdote related by Taylor, the water-poet, in one of his pamphlets.
“A merchant was riding down Fleet Street at a great pace, when he was
stopped by an actor, who questioned him as to the name of the play
being acted. The merchant was indignant at being thus waylaid, and
asked the man why he had stopped him; the answer he made was ‘I took
you for the post you went so fast.’”
How a play was presented before a public audience when first produced
at The Theatre cannot be satisfactorily solved, the subject dealing
with all branches of theatrical customs, has never been thoroughly
investigated, owing chiefly to want of the necessary literary
materials; every writer on the subject may thus air his theories
without much fear of contradiction, the critics themselves disagreeing
how far scenic decorations had advanced during the Shakespearean era.
Though the little we do know on this thorny subject would seem to
militate against scenery of any description being employed, I have
always held the opinion that the stage was not so bare of scenic
effects as most historians of the early stage would have us believe.
Stage properties of every size and description were extensively used by
all companies of players of any importance. With respect to the stage,
the general view maintained is that the outer stage or platform of The
Theatre closely resembled the stage of a French theatre during the
performance of a play of Molière’s; in that case the Elizabethan stage
would be absolutely bare with the exception of a table and a couple
of chairs. Experience convinces me that in the course of time this
theory will be thoroughly revolutionized, and proof will be forthcoming
that scenic effect with certain limitations, flourished during the
Shakespearean age.
As previously stated, the title of the play was exhibited on the stage,
printed or written in large text letters. Some writers affirm that the
title was exposed in full view of the audience from the balcony of the
stage. Exact confirmation on these minor details cannot be expected.
When the play advertised on the posts differed from the one actually
performed, the playgoer was entitled to have his money refunded
provided he quitted the theatre.
Three blasts of a trumpet announced the beginning of a play, and a
flag was displayed flying from the turret showing that a play was in
progress. The spectators in the yard, being unprovided with seats, were
left standing during the entire performance.
I remember years ago visiting a theatre in Vienna, where a musical
comedy was acted, and where all the occupants of the _parterre_, or
pit, viewed the play standing, as no seats of any kind were provided in
this part of the theatre.
How a change of scene was notified, if indeed any change was made,
nothing definitely is known. The most likely plan adopted lacking
painted scenery, would be by what is technically known as locality
boards, something resembling the device employed by the modern music
hall artist engaged in character sketches. A board is placed in a
prominent position of the stage in full view of the audience with the
name of the character assumed by the performer, the board being changed
on each separate occasion when a different character is assumed.
Apply this method in the changing of the scene in an Elizabethan
theatre and then you can better understand Shakespeare’s exhortation
in his prologues of “Henry V” when he urges the audience that their
imagination must fill up the void caused by want of necessary scenery.
To our modern notions the number of scenes in a Shakespearean play
is quite bewildering; the very number precludes the idea that the
scene was changed at all. The question is such a difficult one, and
of such an intricate and technical nature that further discussion at
our present state of knowledge would only confuse the reader without
providing him with a key for its solution.
The primitive device of locality boards was sarcastically alluded to
by Sir Philip Sidney in his “Defence of Poesie”: “What childe is there
that coming to a Play, and seeing Thebes written in great letters on
an olde doore, doth believe that it is Thebes. You shall have Asia on
the one side and Africa on the other and so many other under Kingdoms
that the player when he cometh in must even begin with telling where
he is or else the tale will not be conceived. Now ye shall have three
ladies walk to gather flowers and then we must believe the stage to
be a garden. By and by we have news of a shipwreck in the same place,
and then we are to blame if we accept it not for a rock. Upon the back
of that comes out a hideous monster with fire and smoke, and then the
miserable beholders are bound to take it for a cave. While in the
meantime two armies fly in represented with four swords and bucklers,
and then what hard heart will not receive it for a pitched field.”
In reading the above paragraph the reader must bear in mind that this
ironical criticism was penned many years before Shakespeare commenced
his dramatic career. During the long interval several improvements
may have taken place in stage effects, so that a Shakesperean play
may have been produced under more promising conditions than Sidney’s
statement would allow.
An interesting chapter could be written explaining the mode of
payment existing at these times on entering an inn-yard or theatre
when a play was in progress. On the erection of the public theatres
our information, although scanty, becomes a trifle more definitive;
unfortunately no light is thrown on the methods in vogue at the
inn-yards, although we learn that payment was collected on entering a
theatre. As we should naturally expect, the system is different in many
respects from modern methods. From literary sources we gather that a
man, or even a woman, was stationed at the entrance door of a theatre,
in his hand he held a box into which everyone who entered dropped a
penny; note well that the money was always deposited in the box and not
handed over into the keeping of the boxholder, by which act we must
regretfully conclude that Elizabethan doorkeepers were in no way more
trusted than our ’bus and tram conductors of the present day, more’s
the pity! This preliminary payment admitted the playgoer into the yard,
where he could remain without further fee; if a more comfortable place
was desired, the disbursement of an extra penny provided for him a seat
or stool in the topmost gallery. At this stage we learn how the extra
money was collected. At each separate entrance of the different parts
of the house stood a doorkeeper, technically known as a “gatherer.”
This system of payment was adopted on account of the lessee of the
theatre sharing in the profits of the house instead of, as in modern
times, leasing the building into the hands of a third party, only
receiving the rent and taking no share in the proceeds of the house.
In a lawsuit respecting the different shares claimed by each
shareholder, Cuthbert Burbage, the son of the original builder of The
Theatre, states that his father, James Burbage, borrowed large sums of
money at interest with which he built the first playhouse known as The
Theatre. The players that lived in these times, 1576-1597, had only
the profits arising from the doors, but now the players receive all
the comings in at the doors to themselves. By the term “housekeepers”
is meant the proprietors, those that are responsible for the rent and
money laid out in connexion with the managing of a theatre.
The entrance fee for seats in the lowest tier of the gallery was
sixpence, twelvepence was the charge for a seat in the Lords’ room;
these boxes were partitioned off from the other seats in the lowermost
gallery. Rooms and boxes were also provided on each side of the
balcony, which formed part of the stage buildings; these seats were
also expensive, but in later years they were abandoned on account of
the poor view, and also for the evil repute into which they had fallen.
These high-price seats equalled the price of a stall at our present
West End theatres. Whether these charges ruled at all Elizabethan
theatres during the last decade of the sixteenth century cannot be
definitely affirmed, but considering the conservatism maintained in
theatrical customs, for generations, no doubt, only slight changes were
introduced. Whether seats were allowed on the stage of “The Theatre” is
nowhere recorded; most probably this was a much later custom. Even at
the Globe Theatre, built twenty years after the erection of the first
theatre, a well known historian of the stage positively asserts that
seats on the Globe stage for privileged spectators were practically
unknown.
A list of plays acted at the Theatre would have been a valuable and
interesting document, but unfortunately no such account exists, in
place thereof we must be thankful for the known fragmentary records.
Gosson, in his _School of Abuse_, 1579, mentions the Blacke Smith’s
Daughter and Catalins Conspiracies “usually brought into the Theatre”;
he likewise refers to “the history of Cæsar & Pompey and the Playe of
the Fabic, at the Theatre.” The old “Hamlet” and Marlowe’s “Dr. Fauste”
were also produced there.
The last order issued against The Theatre appeared in 1597 from the
office of the Privy Council to certain of the Middlesex Justices to
the effect that “Her Majesty being informed that there are very great
disorders committed in the common playhouses both by lewd matters that
are handled on the stage, and by resort and confluence of bad people,
hath given direction that these playhouses that are erected and built
only for such purposes, shall be plucked down, namely, The Curtain and
The Theatre near to Shoreditch. They were accordingly commanded to send
for the owners of the Curtain theatre or any other common playhouse and
enjoin them by virtue hereof forthwith to pluck down quite the stages,
galleries and rooms that are made for people to stand in, and to deface
the same as they may not be employed again to such use.” This order was
never enforced, but henceforth the Theatre as a playhouse was doomed,
and after that year the actors quitted it for ever.
Many of the above details connected with the early theatres are derived
from innumerable lawsuits caused by disputes among people engaged at
the different theatres; these old cases have been unearthed and printed
_in extenso_. Another source of information is obtained from the
continual bickering, backbiting and petty annoyance emanating chiefly
from the City authorities. These purse-proud, pompous and puritanical
individuals endeavoured by any means and at all costs in suppressing
theatres, players and playwrights with their followers. Through these
jealousies, acrimonious actions, on both sides ensued, quite out of
harmony with the innocent recreations of play-acting. Actions at law
followed these unseemly outbursts, thanks to which we are indebted for
many details concerning the early theatres. From the beginning of the
history of the stage, the reader will observe that the players were
always prohibited from erecting a theatre within the City boundaries.
The favour of the Court saved the actors from being excluded altogether
from the City; proof of this last statement will be found in the many
instances of the actors setting up their stages in the yards of the
City taverns and inns all through the reign of Elizabeth.
THE CURTAIN THEATRE
Within the same year of the building of the first playhouse in London,
another appeared upon the scene. The plot of ground on which this
second building stood was called the Curtene, and the theatre adopted
this name, and not, as generally supposed, receiving its nomenclature
from any theatrical accessory. Whether this establishment claimed
rivalship with Burbage’s theatre, or was another speculative venture
of this energetic and far-seeing man remains unknown, as few records
exist in connexion with this second enterprise. Anyone in search of the
actual site of the Curtain theatre must walk up Holywell Lane until
the Curtain Road is reached, then turning on the left, proceed about
one hundred paces along this road until we arrive at Hewitt Street,
formerly known as Gloucester Street, and earlier still as Gloucester
Row. In George II’s reign this alley bore the name of Curtain Court,
and is thus named in Chassereau’s map of Shoreditch. On this very spot
stood the Curtain theatre. Even so accurate a scholar as Professor
Lawrence locates the theatre as being in Gloucester Street, whereas
this street has for several years been known as Hewitt Street.
London topography is at times very misleading, and requires the
proverbial patience of the time honoured prophet in unravelling many
of its mysteries. Not a single inhabitant of Shoreditch could direct
you to the site of the theatre and would stare in bewilderment if you
enquired for Gloucester Street, even so slight an error can cause
vexation and loss of time, which is my reason for pointing out this
mistake. The form of the stage buildings, the auditorium, entrances
and exits were in all probability similar in construction with that
in vogue at the Theatre. No two theatres would exactly resemble one
another in every petty detail, but how they differed we have no means
of ascertaining, although this theatre was in existence for over three
quarters of a century.
Amidst all the rubbish that was printed during this period, barely a
reference is made concerning this place of amusement, which loomed so
largely in the life of the citizens of London.
When the clergy denounced the playhouses, they invariably coupled
the two theatres then in existence, The Theatre and The Curtain. In
the memorials of the Council the two houses are likewise associated.
An instance in which the Curtain alone is mentioned is of a most
interesting nature. The production of “Romeo and Juliet” at the Curtain
theatre brought forth the following verse, which appeared in John
Marston’s book, entitled “_The Scourge of Villanie_”, 1598.
“Luscus, what’s play’d to-day? faith now I know
I set thy lips abroach from whence doth flow
Naught but pure Juliet and Romeo.
Say who acts best? Drusus or Roscio,
Now I have him nere of ought did speak,
But when of Plays or Players he did treat
Hath made a common place book out of plays,
And speaks in print at least what ere he says
Is warranted by Curtaine plaudites.
If ere you heard him courting Lesbia’s eyes
Say, courteous Sir, speaks he not movingly
From out some new pathetic Tragedy.
He writes, he rails, he jests, he courts what not
And all from out his huge long scraped stock of well-penned plays.”
[Illustration:
THE
HECTOR
OF
GERMANIE,
_OR_
THE PALSGRAVE;
PRIME ELECTOR.
A New Play, an Honourable Hystorie.
As it hath beene publikely Acted at the Red Bull,
and at the Curtaine, by a Companie of
Young men of this Citie.
Made by W. SMITH, with new Additions.
_Historia vita Temporis._
LONDON,
Printed by _Thomas Creede_, for _Iosias Harrison_, and
are to be solde in Pater-Noster Row, at the
Signe of the _Golden Anker_. 1615.
]
A difficulty arises with the word “Curtain.” Does the word refer to
the theatre of that name or is it a casual way of speaking of any
theatre whereby attaching the modern theatrical meaning to the word?
Expecting a solution ready at hand, I consulted Dr. Murray’s New
English Dictionary, but in this case was grievously disappointed. The
actual phrase “Curtain Plaudities” was quoted under the definition
appertaining to Curtain or curtains without any reference being given
to the Curtain Theatre, the quotation should have been omitted, rather
than mislead the enquirer. Shakespearean students generally agree that
the phrase refers to the theatre of that name, and there can be no
question that this is the correct view, strongly supported by the fact
that at so early a date the front stage curtain was entirely unknown.
The transcriber of the manuscript from which the quarto edition of
“Romeo and Juliet” was printed in 1599, inadvertently substitutes
the name of Kemp, the actor, for the character he played, namely,
Peter. This same Kemp was quite a noted personage in his day. In
1600 he published a book, _Kemp’s Nine Daies Wonder Performed in a
Dance from London to Norwich_. Among other stories, he relates that
once when staying at an inn at Burnwood two pickpockets claimed his
acquaintance, “the officers bringing them to my inn. I justly denied
their acquaintance, saving that I remembered one of them to be a
noted cut purse, such a one as we tie to a post on our stage for all
people to wonder at, when at a play they are taken pilfering.” In the
Middlesex County Records there is a notice concerning the Recognizances
for William Hawkins, he being charged with a purse taken at the Curtain.
One can scarcely credit the idea that these wonderful dramas of
Shakespeare, so well constructed in the action of the plot, the
delicacy and skill necessary in handling and writing the diverse
stories of the play, the complex nature of the characters portrayed,
the beauty of the rhythm of the verse, combined with the easy flow
of dialogue, the possibility, I contend, is almost inconceivable
that these plays were produced in the noisy and somewhat uncouth
surroundings of an inn-yard. Every link in the chain of evidence only
confirms my implicit belief that these masterpieces were first acted in
an enclosed building, where the necessary quiet and seclusion could be
obtained for the actors in worthily interpreting the mighty thoughts
and inspired words of the almost divine author.
Although actual proof is wanting that Shakespeare’s company occupied
continually the Theatre and the Curtain during the last decade of the
sixteenth century, we may with certainty presume that these playhouses
were the scene of Shakespeare’s first dramatic productions. The oft
quoted suggestion that these plays first saw the light in an open air
yard seems incredible, especially when a properly organized theatre
was ready at hand, whose owner was father of the most prominent actor
of the day, namely, Richard Burbage, a fellow actor of Shakespeare.
On several occasions the Curtain Theatre was threatened with
total extinction. Fortunately the Bulls of excommunication never
materialized, the building surviving all the attacks and thunderbolts
which were hurled against her doors.
Immediately prior to the dismantling of the Theatre an order was signed
by the Privy Council, and issued to the Justices of Middlesex, for
the suppression of the theatres and all places of amusement in the
following terms: “Her Majesty being informed that there are very great
disorders committed in the common playhouses both by lewd matters that
are handled on the stages and by resort and confluence of bad people,
hath given direction that not only no play shall be used within London
or about the City or in any public place during the time of summer, but
also the playhouses that are erected and built only for such purpose
shall be plucked down, namely, the Curtain and the Theatre near to
Shoreditch, or any other within that county. These are, therefore, in
Her Majesty’s name to charge and command you, that you take present
order there be no more plays used in any public place within three
miles of the City until Allhallows-tide next, and likewise that you do
send for the owner of the Curtain Theatre and other common playhouses
and enjoin them by virtue hereof forthwith to pluck down quite the
stages, galleries and rooms that are made for people to stand in and so
to deface the same as they may not be employed again to such use, which
if they shall not speedily perform you shall advertize as that order
may be taken to see the same done according to Her Majesty’s pleasure
and commandment.”
The above order was issued in 1597, but was never executed. Three years
later another attempt was made enforcing the closing of the Curtain,
during the time that the Fortune Theatre was erected. Notwithstanding
this order for utterly destroying the building, the good old theatre
stood defiant, keeping the flag waving aloft in spite of all
puritanical onslaughts for her downfall. The next year yet another
mandate was issued ordering the abolition of the Curtain; afterwards no
further commands threatening this theatre were circulated, the Curtain
continuing its career until an Act of both Houses of Parliament finally
closed the doors of all places of amusement.
A few years after the accession of King James, his consort, Anne of
Denmark, extended her patronage unto a company of players who performed
at the Curtain until 1609, when they acted at another theatre called
the Red Bull. A most important point for consideration is whether,
on transferring their allegiance to the new theatre, the Curtain was
altogether abandoned.
This theatre is again noticed in Heath’s epigrams, 1610, where
the Globe, Fortune and Curtain are mentioned as the three leading
playhouses. A later notice occurs in the year 1613 in Wither’s _Abuses
Stript and Whipt_.
“Base fellows whom mere time
Hath made sufficient to bring forth a rhyme,
A Curtain Jig, a libel a ballad.”
For many years the Curtain was let out on hire, but was chiefly
occupied by dramatic companies. A play called “Hector” was acted at
the Curtain by some young men of the City; the author of the play
was Wentworth Smith, whose initials are identical with William
Shakespeare. This same Wentworth Smith may be the author of several
plays signed with the initials W. S. which appear on the title pages of
many quarto editions of old plays. Although these plays are sometimes
associated with our poet, there is absolutely no evidence in claiming
them as his.
Another notice appears in _Vox Graculi, or the Jackdaw’s
Prognostication for 1623_: “About this time new plays will be in more
request than old, and if company come current to the Bull and Curtain
there will be more money gathered in one afternoon than will be given
to Kingsland Spittal in a whole month.” The last recorded notice yet
discovered is dated 1627. Possibly the Curtain remained open until the
order of Parliament suppressed the theatres in 1642, or when a more
stringent act, compelled by force, the closing altogether. Whether the
Curtain obeyed the first order in 1642, or waited until the forcible
ejectment in 1647, is uncertain. Professor Lawrence states that the
Curtain was pulled down in 1630, but no proof of this statement is
forthcoming.
NEWINGTON BUTTS
In all books, both old and new, concerning theatrical matters
in Elizabethan times, mention is made of a theatre existing in
Newington Butts. This district was situated near St. George’s Fields
in Southwark. Antiquaries, with imagination all compact, mark the
ground where now stands Spurgeon’s Tabernacle as the site of the old
theatre. Unfortunately, there is a lack of documentary evidence of
any description definitely stating the existence of a regular built
theatre in this locality. On the other hand, there is abundant evidence
proving that play acting constituted one of the chief amusements of
this neighbourhood.
Although not actually possessing any positive evidence of a theatre
existing in this neighbourhood, we must accept as a certainty that
either an inn-yard, town hall, or public theatre stood in this
vicinity, otherwise there is no accounting for a passage in Henslowe’s
Diary in which is recorded the event of the Lord Chamberlain’s men and
the Lord Admiral’s men acting at Newington.
“In the name of God Amen Beginning at Newington My Lord Admiral’s men
and my Lord Chamberlain’s men as followeth.” After this entry the Diary
contains a list of plays acted by these companies from June 3rd until
June 13th, 1594, then a line is drawn across the page, doubtlessly
signifying that the engagement terminated. The next entry, dated June
15th, 1594, continues indefinitely until 1597. From June, 15th, 1594,
all notices refer to plays acted at the Rose Theatre. Most writers
credit all the performances to the Newington Butts Theatre, a palpable
error, arising from insufficient study of the details connected with
this period.
The list of plays acted by the two companies is as follows:
The 3rd of June, 1594, Ry. at Hester and Askeweros
(Hester and Assuerus).
„ 4th „ “The Jewe of Malta.”
„ 5th „ “Andronicous.”
„ 6th „ “Cutlacke.”
„ 8th „ “Bellendon.”
„ 9th „ “Hamlet.”
„ 10th „ “Heaster” (Hester and Assuerus).
„ 11th „ “The tamyinge of A Shrowe.”
„ 12th „ “Andronicous.”
„ 13th „ “The Jewe” (“The Jew of Malta”).
Out of these ten performances, six may with certainty be placed, on the
credit side of the Lord Chamberlain’s men, the remaining four on those
of the Admiral’s. The “Hamlet” was, of course, the old play attributed
by all students to Thomas Kyd, the same play on which some years
later Shakespeare founded his own “Hamlet.” “The Taming of a Shrew”
is likewise an old play, upon which Shakespeare founded his “Taming
of the Shrew”; the author of the old play is not known. Shakespeare
changed the names of the principal parts, with the exception of Kate or
Katherine, developed the characters by adding greater depth of feeling
and making them living personalities instead of types of characters as
in the earlier play. He likewise contrived that the different plots
were more skilfully interwoven, and in every way improved upon the old
play. “Andronicus” may be the play attributed to Shakespeare by the
editors of the _First Folio_, or perhaps this drama was an earlier
play of Marlowe’s or one of his disciples. Although this “Andronicus”
finds a place in the _First Folio_, most critics agree that Shakespeare
was not the author. At the most, he may have revised a few scenes and
added touches here and there, but in no other way is he responsible for
this revolting and barbarous play, doubtless written by some popular
dramatist to please the ears and eyes of the groundlings, who simply
revelled in these horrors, without ever being satiated, the appetite
growing by what it fed on.
Even in our own day the disgusting and revolting posters exhibited
in all our streets entice coppers from the populace; this demand for
sensational and bloodthirsty scenes unites the Elizabethan age in
matters of beastliness with these that prevail at the present day. In
spite of three hundred years’ progress and free education and all the
aids to refinement that lie at the door of all Londoners, the mass of
the people clearly demonstrate by the class of their amusement how
little they have materially benefited by their education, constantly
demanding the villainous dreadfulness of low class entertainments
instead of encouraging the refined pleasures of a Shakesperean
performance.
Even the better educated classes cannot rise much above the red-nosed
comedian or the cracked-voiced variety artist or to visit nightly
some filthy so-called musical comedy or revue at a West End theatre,
with courtesans posing as actresses, and low music-hall performers,
introducing before a fashionable audience all sorts of vulgarisms and
indecent jokes and styling themselves heaven-born actors and actresses,
thus further insulting a noble profession.
Of “Hester and Assuerus” nothing is known beyond the name of the play.
A foreign version with the same title is extant, perhaps copied or
adapted from Henslowe’s play. Those four plays in 1594 belonged to
the repertory of Lord Strange’s company; a few years previously they
had been in the possession of another company, from whom they were
purchased by Lord Strange’s men. The three remaining plays were the
property of the Admiral’s men, namely Marlowe’s celebrated drama of the
“Jew of Malta,” acted scores of times to an ever-admiring audience. The
play called “Bellendon” has been identified with a play entered in the
_Stationers’ Register_ as “The True Tragedy and History of King Rufus
the First, with the Life and Death of Belyn Dun, the first thief that
ever was hanged in England.” The play is not extant.
“Cutlack” is also a lost play, probably alluded to in Guilpen’s
“Skialetheia,” a series of epigrams and satires published in 1598:
“Clodius methinks looks passing big of late,
With Dunstons browes and Allens Cutlacks gate.”
The Diary alluded to so frequently is the famous theatrical account
book kept by Philip Henslowe, whose stepdaughter married Edward Alleyn,
the greatest actor of his day. On his retirement from the stage he
purchased the Manor of Dulwich for £10,000. Henslowe’s connexion with
the theatrical world lasted over a quarter of a century; how he drifted
into the world of the theatre is a puzzle not easily solved, he being
by trade a dyer; possibly his son-in-law may have persuaded him in
investing money in theatrical ventures; at all events he controlled
several places of amusement, and was on friendly terms with most of
the playwrights and actors of his day. When he opened the Rose Theatre
he entered in his Diary day by day a list of plays that were produced
there. On the first production of a new play at his theatre he wrote
the letters “n e” before the title; these may signify “new enterlude”
or simply a contraction of the word “new.” Whenever the letters are
found, they always indicate that the play was a new one, or an old
play fresh-adapted for the requirements of up-to-date audiences. Many
other matters were jotted down in this Diary, especially the sums of
money lent to needy authors, or money advanced for new plays and other
services, likewise money expended on his theatres and bear-baiting
house, and a few entries of a private nature. This manuscript volume is
chiefly helpful in deciding the date and authorship of several plays.
For benefits received we are apt to regard Philip Henslowe in a more
favourable light than the illiterate, greedy and grasping theatre
manager and pawnbroking usurer really deserves. Without exception
this volume ranks as the most precious record of theatrical history
for the Elizabethan period. Everyone interested in the subject must
feel deeply grateful to Mr. W. W. Greg, who by his immense learning
and untiring industry, has given to students an edition of the Diary
beyond all praise. The original manuscript of this volume forms one of
the treasures of Dulwich College, and reposes in the library of this
excellent institution.
An important reference respecting the Newington Butts Theatre is
contained in the following document issued by the Privy Council, circa
1592, granting the Rose Theatre company permission to open their doors,
and further stating: “That not long since, upon some consideration,
their Lordships restrained the Lord Strange’s servants from playing at
the Rose on the Bankside, and enjoined them to play three days a week
at Newington Butts, but they understand that the tedium of the way
thither and for the fact that for a long time past no plays have been
performed there on weekdays, makes the use of that house inconvenient,
and also that the restraint is a cause of injury to a number of poor
watermen, they therefore order that the Justices shall permit Lord
Strange’s men or any other company to perform at the ‘Rose’ as usual.”
The next reference is of a more substantial character, as denoting
the existence of some kind of playhouse, in all probability a regular
theatre. Howe, in his continuation of _Stow’s Annals_, 1631, gives a
list of the early theatres in London, adding besides one in former
times at Newington Butts. In spite of this authentic statement, the
Newington Butts Theatre has been declared a myth, and, until further
evidence is forthcoming, is likely in thus remaining so. That a place
of entertainment for the acting of plays existed in this neighbourhood
has been proved beyond doubt.
Considering the number of years plays were acted here, how shall we
account for the lack of notices respecting the building in which the
plays were acted? Nothing more tantalizing can be recalled in the whole
history of the early drama.
When, in the year the Lord Admiral’s men and the Lord Derby’s men
played at Newington Butts, both companies had already enjoyed many
years of prosperity, and therefore quite unlikely they would give
ten consecutive performances at an inn-yard or on a stage erected in
an open place. Henslowe, in his Diary, simply remarks: “Beginning at
Newington my Lord Chamberlain’s men and my Lord Admiral’s men.” Even
this entry does not assist us in determining the nature of the place
where the plays were represented. It is to be regretted that Mr. Greg
has not elucidated this puzzle for us, no one else but himself is
capable of untying this knotty question.
Elizabethans themselves rarely allude to any of their theatres or
places where plays were acted, the Newington Butts locality seemingly
not deserving a passing notice.
THE ROSE THEATRE
The first authentic account of a theatre erected on the south side
of the Thames is that of the Rose, in Southwark. In Norden’s map
of London, dated 1593, there stands a round building marked “The
Playhouse,” situated south-east of the Bear House, also depicted on the
map. As the Rose was the only playhouse existing in the neighbourhood
at this date, the logical inference is quite fair that the theatre is
no other than the Rose. Even now there is still a Rose Alley in the
district, which perpetuates the name of the old theatre.
[Illustration: The Rose Playhouse, from Norden’s _Speculum Britanniæ_,
1593.]
Philip Henslowe, the famous owner of the Diary, was the proprietor and
sole manager. Until the appearance of an article in _The Times_ on
April 30th, 1914, by Dr. Wallace, the first opening of the Rose was
placed in 1592. Professor Wallace states that this theatre was built in
1587, and was mentioned for the first time in the “Sewer Records” in
April, 1588, as then new.
Before the article was written, several writers had questioned the late
date, but for lack of sufficient evidence the year 1592 was given in
all text books as the correct date. This is a most important discovery,
giving the citizens of London at this early date a third, or even a
fourth, theatre, whereby the leading metropolitan companies could
represent their plays at a properly constructed and organized theatre.
Henslowe’s first notice of a public performance at the Rose is as
follows:
“In the name of God, Amen, 1591, beginning the 19th of February,
my Lord Strange’s men as followeth 1591.” Although in the above
paragraph the actual name of the theatre is not mentioned, there can
be no question that the Rose is intended. An undated warrant from the
Privy Council states “that upon some considerations their Lordships
restrained the Lord Strange’s servants from playing at the Rose on the
Bankside.” Notwithstanding that the warrant is undated, several reasons
indicate that the order was issued at the same time that Lord Strange’s
men were playing at the Rose. The document describes the actors as
servants of Lord Strange; now in 1593 Lord Strange became the Earl of
Derby, the events narrated in the document referred to the previous
year 1592. Henslowe’s 1591 is either a clerical error or a confusion
between the regnal year and the legal one, which commenced on the 25th
of March.
Another important entry is as follows: “A note of such carges as I
have laid owt abowte my playe house in the year of our Lord, 1592,
as ffoloweth.” Had Mr. Philip Henslowe lived in these days he would
have stood a fair chance of being elected President of the “Nu Speling
Sosieti”; a more illiterate and uneducated being would be difficult
in discovering, and this ignorance is found in conjunction with a man
who was on intimate terms of friendship with the foremost authors of
his day. His Diary is a mass of absurdities in the way of spelling,
particularly on the employment of capital letters, but his greatest
achievement is reached in recording the different titles of the plays
acted under his management:
“the gresyan comodey. The Grecian comedy.
Seser and Pompe. Cæsar and Pompey.
the frenshe docter. The French Doctor.
doctor fostes.” Doctor Faust.
and many other items equally ludicrous and illiterate.
In congratulating Mr. Greg on the wonderful manner in which he has
grappled with this extraordinary document, one must sympathize with
him in the arduous labour thereby entailed. The ingenious editor
admits once being baffled; in this instance the difficulty was solved
by another acute mind the late Mr. Fleay. The word which defied
decipherment was “an Isapryse,” which Mr. Fleay identified as “nisi
prius,” the correct solution.
The Rose Theatre, like the playhouses in Shoreditch, was erected
outside the jurisdiction of the City of London. The site was not within
the Gildable Manor, being situated within the Liberty of the Clink,
becoming thereby amenable to the Justices of the Peace for Surrey.
The Clink was the name of the noted prison in Southwark; the name is
derived from the word “clink,” to fasten securely.
An estate called “The Little Rose” is first heard of in 1552, passing
into the hands of Henslowe in 1558. In January, 1587, a deed of
partnership was drawn up between Henslowe and a grocer named Cholmley.
This deed states that a playhouse is to be erected at Henslowe’s cost,
with the assistance of John Griggs, a carpenter, Cholmley paying £8
16s. in quarterly instalments, sharing in return half the receipts.
Nothing further was known of this projected theatre before 1592 until
Professor Wallace, in 1914, discovered a document among the “Sewer
Records,” in which the theatre is named the Rose in 1588. From the year
1592 until 1603 theatrical performances were given at the Rose. Acting
was not continuous, the theatre being closed for many months, chiefly
owing to the plague. The Diary contains the following entries:
From February 19th, 1592, until June 22nd, 1592.
From December 29th, 1592, until Feb. 1st, 1593.
From December 27th, 1593, until April 8th, 1594.
From June 3rd, 1594, until Mar. 14th, 1595.
From Easter Monday, 1595, until June 26th, 1595.
From August 25th, 1595, until Feb. 27th, 1596.
From April 12th, 1596, until July 18th, 1596.
From Oct. 27th, 1596, until Nov. 15th, 1596.
From Nov. 25th, 1596, until Feb. 12th, 1597.
From May 3rd, 1597, until July 28th, 1597.
From Oct. 11th, 1597, until Oct. 31st, 1597.
From Nov. 26th, 1597, until the end of December.
“A just account of all such money as I have received of my Lord
Admiral’s and my Lord Pembroke’s men as followeth, beginning the 21st
of October, 1597.” The account commences on the aforesaid date and
finishes on the 4th of March, 1598, twenty performances in all. There
appeared the next entry as shown in the Diary:
“Here I Begigne to Receve the wholle gallereys from this daye beinge
the 29th of July, 1598.” This contract lasted until the 19th of
October, 1599, altogether forty-four performances. The titles of the
plays are omitted; the entry is simply:
By the 29th of July, 1598--xll xiiijs.
The next entry in the Diary in connexion with the Rose Theatre occurs
on the 6th of October, 1599: “Heere I begine to Receve the gallereys
again.” Representations were given from the 6th of October, 1599, until
the 13th of July, 1600. After this entry the Diary only records the
performances given at his newly-erected theatre, the Fortune in Golden
Lane. The 13th of July, 1600, contains the last notice of the Rose
until the year 1603, when the servants of the Lord Worcester occupied
the theatre for a brief period. When the Worcester men left some time
during 1603, nothing further is heard of this theatre until 1620, when
prizefighters occupied the arena; also fencing matches were held.
Rendle, in his account of the Bankside Theatres, notes that the Rose
was burnt down, and he quotes a couplet as evidence of his statement:
“In the last great fire
The Rose did expire.”
Rendle adds: “When that was, I am not clear.” He gives no reference for
the quotation.
Other investigators seem quite ignorant of this catastrophe. Professor
Lawrence simply states that the Rose is last heard of in 1622, quite
ignoring the fire couplet.
Two years before Henslowe’s lease expired, hints were casually
intimated that in future the rent would be considerably increased. This
drastic course roused the old manager’s anger up to boiling pitch,
and he vowed he would sooner pull down the Rose in the same manner
as the Burbages had acted some years earlier in connexion with the
theatre. Anyhow, the Rose was not demolished, the terms upon which the
interested parties agreed remain unknown. Alleyn, the former actor and
Lord of the Manor of Dulwich, was still paying tithe on the estate as
late as the year 1622.
[Illustration:
A
CHAST MAYD
_IN_
CHEAPE-SIDE.
_A_
Pleasant conceited Comedy
neuer before printed.
As it hath beene often acted at the
Swan on the Banke-side, by the
Lady ELIZABETH her
_Seruants_.
By THOMAS MIDELTON Gent.
_LONDON_,
Printed for _Francis Constable_ dwelling at the
signe of the _Crane_ in _Pauls_
Church-yard.
1630.
]
THE SWAN THEATRE
The second theatre erected on the Bankside was named the Swan, situated
at the extreme western end, in the Manor of Paris Garden, represented
to-day by the Blackfriars Road. The proprietor and builder was a
well-known London citizen, named Francis Langley, holding an office
under the Corporation, as one of the searchers of cloth, an appointment
much coveted by well-to-do men.
When first the plans were laid out for building a theatre on the Paris
Garden Estate, the puritan section of the Corporation rose up in arms,
vehemently protesting against the scheme being carried out. In their
eager desire in preventing such desecration, they appealed to the Lord
Treasurer, praying that a warrant might at once be issued, forbidding
the building from being completed. These proceedings took place in 1594.
The exact date of the opening is very uncertain and somewhat
conflicting. First, we have the opposition against the building in
1594; secondly, the evidence of the Dutchman De Witte, who visited and
described the Swan Theatre. De Witte’s biographer positively asserts
that he only visited these shores once, that visit taking place in the
year 1596. According to the evidence, we should expect the erection
of the theatre between these dates, namely, 1594-6. Curiously enough,
a third witness is introduced in the records of the minutes of St.
Saviour’s Vestry stating that Mr. Langley’s new buildings shall be
viewed, and that he and others shall be moved for money for the poor in
regard to the playhouse and the tithes; this order is dated 1598.
How can we best reconcile these three different dates? The mention of
Langley’s new buildings in 1598 somewhat weakens the statement that
De Witte visited the theatre in 1596, and yet the fact cannot well
be ignored. Until new documentary evidence is forthcoming the wisest
course consists in simply declaring an open verdict.
Quite apart from the interest attached to any place of amusement
in Elizabeth’s reign, the Swan Theatre has become famous, through
a startling and sensational discovery, in the form of an authentic
drawing depicting the interior of this building. The actual discovery
of this important and interesting drawing was made by Dr. Thiele,
librarian of the University of Utrecht, who found the drawing in a
manuscript volume belonging to the University Library. This interior
view is certainly the most interesting document in existence in
connexion with the early history of the theatre. By a special act
of courtesy on the part of the librarian, this precious manuscript
containing the drawing was conveyed to this country and exhibited
in the British Museum. A photograph of the drawing will be found as
frontispiece to this volume. The text accompanying the drawing is as
follows, omitting all extraneous matter:
(Fol. 131 verso).
Ex Observationibus Londinensibus Johannis De Witt.
Amphiteatra Londinij sunt iv visendae pulcritudinis quae a
diversis intersigniis diuersa nomina fortiuntur: in iis varia
quotidie scaena populo exhibetur. Horum duo excellentiora vltra
Tamisim ad meridiam sita sunt a suspensis signis ROSA et Cygnus
nominata: Alia duo extra vrbem ad septentrionem sunt, via qua
itur per Episcopalem portam vulgariter Biscopgat nuncupatam. Est
etiam (Fol. 132 recto) quintum sed dispari et structura, bestiarum
concertationi destinatum, in quo multi vrsi, Tauri, et stupendae
magnitudinis canes, discretis caueis & septis aluntur, qui (drawing
occupies rest of page) (the words from quintum to qui being
written underneath) ad pugnam adseruantur, iucundissimum hominibus
spectaculum praebentes. Theatrorum autem omnium prestantissimum
est et amplissimum id cuius intersignium est cygnus (vulgo te
theatre off te cijn), quippe quod tres mille homines in sedilibus
admittat, constructum ex coaceruato lapide pyrrtide (quorum ingens
in Britannia copia est), ligneis suffultum columnis quae ob illitum
marmoreum colorem, nasutissimos quoque fallere possent. Cuius
quidem formam quod Romani operis vmbram videatur exprimere supra
adpinxi.
The above extract is taken verbatim from the manuscript book belonging
to Arend van Buchell, the friend and biographer of De Witte.
(_Translation_).
There are in London four theatres of noteworthy beauty which bear
diverse names according to their diverse signs. In them a different
action is daily presented to the people. The first two of these
are situated to the southward beyond the Thames and named from the
signs they display, The Rose and The Swan. Two others are outside
the City towards the north, and are approached (per Episcopalim
postern, in the vernacular, Bisopgate)--Bishopsgate. There is also
a fifth of dissimilar structure devoted to beast baiting, wherein
many bears, bulls and dogs of stupendous size are kept in separate
dens and cages, which being pitted against each other, afford men
a delightful spectacle. Of all the theatres, however, the largest
and most distinguished is that whereof the sign is a swan, commonly
called the Swan Theatre, since it contains three thousand persons
and is built of a concrete of flint stone, which greatly abound in
Britain, and supported by wooden columns painted in such excellent
imitation of marble that it might deceive even the most cunning.
Since its form seems to approach that of a Roman structure I have
depicted it above.
Naturally such an important document was submitted to various severe
tests regarding its authenticity, and on examination was satisfactorily
proved to be quite genuine. The next question requiring an answer was
not so easily settled. How came this drawing made by De Witte inserted
in a manuscript copy of a volume belonging to his friend, Van Buchell.
It cannot be the original drawing sketched by De Witte on the spot,
as the paper on which the sketch is made is identical with the paper
forming the leaves of the manuscript. The only conclusion possible is
that Van Buchell copied the drawing and the letters sent or lent to him
by his friend into his own commonplace book. Whether the drawing was
faithfully copied cannot be definitely answered, as De Witte’s original
is lost.
There is no reason in believing that Van Buchell deviated from the copy
sent him. The description given by De Witte to his friend may have been
orally delivered and Van Buchell may have made the sketch from memory
according to the details narrated by De Witte. The biographer of Van
Buchell states that he never visited England. De Witte’s biographer
writes that he only visited this country in 1596, but this statement
cannot be implicitly relied upon.
Arend van Buchell was a lawyer practising in Utrecht; his hobby was
collecting pictures and prints; he was intimate with Cornelis Boissers,
an engraver, and several painters and collectors of his day.
By referring to the text, the reader will notice that De Witte
estimated the seating and standing capacity of the Swan roughly about
three thousand. Of course this number is the result of guesswork, but
surely the number is nearer the mark than three hundred, the estimate
of a well-known writer and critic, who arrived at this conclusion by
inferring that three thousand was a mistake for three hundred.
On turning to the frontispiece of this volume, the reader will observe
that the arena contains three galleries: these galleries ran right
round the theatre, each one containing three or four rows. By carefully
examining the drawing, fourteen divisions can be counted in the
top-most gallery. Between each division, seats, or standing room for
three people, can be quite distinctly made out. Therefore the third
part of the gallery shown in the sketch would hold forty-two persons in
one row, the entire row encircling the theatre on three of its sides
would contain one hundred and twenty-six people; multiply this number
by eleven, the number of rows (four in the first and second tiers and
three in the top one) we get a total of 1,386. Add to this another
700 standing in the yard, we get a grand total of 2,086, which in all
probability was about the full capacity of the house.
Another point which is hotly debated is whether De Witte is correct
in stating that the exterior of the theatre was built of stone. In
Hentzner’s description of the London theatres in 1598 he positively
asserts that they all were built of wood; naturally this counter
assertion raises the question regarding the value to be placed on De
Witte’s observations in general.
He could hardly mistake wood for stone, pointing out himself the
difficulty in discerning wooden columns from marble ones. A possible
solution might be that the Swan Theatre was not built when Hentzner
described the theatres of London; they are not mentioned by name, which
adds additional force to my theory.
On a close inspection of the drawing all the characteristics of an
Elizabethan theatre are at once apparent. The first important feature
is the division of the auditorium into three distinct tiers, one
above the other, which the careful reader will remember seemed such a
novelty to Samuel Kiechel, the foreigner, who visited London in 1585.
At that date the Swan was not in existence, but the construction of
an Elizabethan theatre only varied in small details during the length
of her reign. On looking at the stage, one is not impressed with its
elaborate or elegant appearance, a more primitive kind of structure is
scarcely conceivable. There is no sign of a curtain either at the back
or front. The turned columns support what is technically known as the
“Heavens,” a kind of roof protecting the actors from the elements, and
also serving as a sounding board. Mr. Ordish, in his fascinating and
highly interesting study of the early London theatres, in describing
this sketch, strangely observes that the “heavens” over the stage are
not shown; this statement must surely be a clerical error, as they are
quite clearly marked in the drawing.
The two doors served as exits and entrances, leading to and from the
dressing room, inscribed in the sketch as “mimorum aedes.” The balcony
was divided into boxes for playgoers who were willing to pay a higher
price for their seats. When occasion required, part of the balcony was
occupied by the musicians, and frequently by the actors themselves,
especially in those scenes in which they appeared from above, as in
the play of “Romeo and Juliet,” or when soldiers appear before the
walls of a city.
From a spectator’s point of view, this part of the auditorium does not
appear the most advantageous, as only the backs of the actors could
be seen. Notwithstanding the bad position, these expensive seats were
always in demand, some motive must have kept up the price of these
boxes; the only one I can suggest is that they offered a degree of
privacy to the occupants; furthermore, they had an entrance from the
back of the stage, thus enabling the avoidance of the crowd by the
seat-holders.
Over the balcony was a kind of hutch, where most likely the stage
properties were stored. From an opening in this structure an attendant
is seen sounding a trumpet, an intimation that the play is about to
commence, although in this instance the warning is given while the
play is in progress. The significance of this small detail is rather
important, allowing us in presuming that De Witte drew the sketch after
he had left the theatre, and therefore from memory, which in many small
matters may have played him false.
The play which is being performed has all the appearance of a scene
from Shakespeare’s “Twelfth Night,” in which Olivia, Maria and
Malvolio, with his staff of office, appear. Shakespeare’s play was
composed a few years later, but a play with similar incidents may have
been acted at this date.
An earlier play on the same subject that Shakespeare treated in
“Twelfth Night” is generally supposed to have been presented on the
stage. The roof of the hutch is surmounted by a flag, waving over
the building, bearing for its sign a swan. With the exception of the
stage, which was a movable one, the other parts of the stage buildings
were permanent structures. The different sections of the house
inscribed in the sketch are as follows: Over the topmost gallery is
a sloping roof, which ran right round the theatre, inscribed on the
right hand side facing the spectators with the word “tectum,” the
Latin for roof. This part of the theatre was either tiled or thatched
throughout. In one division of the lowermost gallery, in which were
situated the best seats, a space therein, so described with the word
“orchestra.” Professor Lawrence has written a very ingenious and
learned dissertation on the meaning of this word, in which he proves
conclusively that the place so marked was set apart for private boxes,
called in the theatrical parlance of the day “The gentlemen’s rooms.”
The word orchestra, in this sense, has no connexion with the modern
meaning of the word, or the ancient Greek definition, signifying a
place reserved for dancing, also where the chorus accompanying a Greek
play sang. The true meaning in the Shakesperean period denoted that
part of the auditorium set aside for noblemen or those willing to pay a
high price for their seats.
Cotgrave, in his English and French dictionary, published in 1611,
defines _orchestre_ as “the senators or noblemens’ places in a
theatre, between the stage and the common seats.” The knowledge of
this important fact in reconstructing intelligibly this part of an old
theatre is a debt we owe to the ingenuity and learning of Professor
Lawrence.
The word “sedilia” refers to the seats in the galleries, which proves
that seating accommodation was provided in this part of the house, a
fact which had been doubted for many years past.
The porticus was a colonnade or corridor running round the gallery
furnished with columns supporting the galleries, and may have afforded
standing room for spectators.
[Illustration: The Swan Theatre. From Visscher’s Map of London, 1616.]
“Ingressus” refers to the steps leading to the galleries, being
placed on both sides of the house. Other steps not shown in the sketch
led to the second and third galleries. At this point were stationed the
“gatherers,” who received the extra payment for entrance to these seats.
The structure behind the stage, inscribed “mimorum aedes,” is the
tiring room for the actors making their exits and their entrances
through the two doors placed one on each side. The word “proscænium” is
the Latin word for stage, derived from the Greek word Skene, a booth or
tent, in which the leader of the chorus in the early days of the Greek
drama erected his dressing room. The same word scene, in our own days,
bears many theatrical meanings almost identical with the word employed
twenty-five hundred years ago, thus contradicting the belief of most
people that we owe everything to the genius of the present generation.
The arena was the yard, in which stood the pit and gallery _habitués_
of our day, the charge for this privilege being one penny.
I hope the reader will constantly refer to the drawing whilst reading
this description, as it will materially help him in fully understanding
the interior of an Elizabethan playhouse.
The Hope Theatre was modelled on the Swan. I here append the contract
for the first-named theatre:
“The contractor, Katherens, is to take down the existing structure, and
to build in its place another game house or plaie house fit for players
to play in and for the game of bears and bulls. There is to be provided
a tyre house and a frame to be carried or taken away and to stand upon
tressels, sufficient to bear such a stage. It is agreed to build the
same of such large compass, form, wideness and height as the playhouse
called the Swan in the liberty of Paris Garden. And the said playhouse
or game place to be made in all things and in such form and fashion as
the said playhouse called the Swan, the scantling of the timbers, tiles
and foundations as is aforesaid without fraud or covin.” The last word
means conspiracy or collusion.
The separate items are:
1. Two staircases without and adjoining the playhouse of such largeness
and height as the said playhouse called the Swan.
These stairs are not shown in the sketch; perhaps they were placed
outside the building. It would be interesting to know the exact
position.
2. “Heavens” over the stage to be borne and carried away without any
posts or supporters to be fixed or set about the stage. Gutters of lead
needful for carriage of water that shall fall about the same.
The “Heavens” in the Hope contract is different somewhat from the Swan,
as the sketch plainly shows the columns supporting the “Heavens.”
3. Two boxes in the lowermost storey, fit and decent for gentlemen to
sit in, and shall make the partition between the rooms as they are at
the said playhouse called the Swan.
The boxes are marked “Orchestra” in the sketch.
4. Turned columns upon and over the stage.
5. Principals and forefront of the playhouse to be of oak; no fir to be
used in the lowermost or under stones, except the upright posts or the
back part of the said stones, all binding joists to be of oak.
6. To new tyle with English tyles all the upper roof of the said
playhouse.
7. Also a louvre or storey over the said playhouse as it now is.
Several of the above particulars confirm the exactness of the drawing.
It must not be forgotten that between the building of the Swan and that
of the Hope nearly twenty years had intervened; in that time many
improvements had taken place, but the essentials remain the same.
The Swan Theatre has little interest for students, the entertainments
being chiefly devoted to bear-baiting, and other sports of a less
exciting nature.