CHAPTER I.

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DEBIT AND CREDIT.

Translated from the German of Gustav Freytag,

BY L.C.C.

WITH A PREFACE,

BY CHRISTIAN CHARLES JOSIAS BUNSEN,

D.D., D.C.L., D.PH.

NEW YORK:

HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,

FRANKLIN SQUARE.

1858.

LETTER FROM CHEVALIER BUNSEN.

CHARLOTTENBERG, NEAR HEIDELBERG, _10th October, 1857._

DEAR SIR,--It is now about five months since you expressed to me a wish

that I might be induced to imbody, in a few pages, my views on the

peculiar interest I attached--as you had been informed by a common

friend--to the most popular German novel of the age, Gustav Freytag's

_Soll und Haben_. I confess I was at first startled by your proposal. It

is true that, although I have not the honor of knowing the author

personally, his book inspired me with uncommon interest when I read it

soon after its appearance in 1855, and I did not hesitate to recommend

translation into English, as I had, in London, recommended that of the

Life of Perthes, since so successfully translated and edited under your

auspices. I also admit that I thought, and continue to think, the

English public at large would the better appreciate, not only the

merits, but also the importance of the work, if they were informed of

the bearing that it has upon the reality of things on the Continent;

for, although _Soll und Haben_ is a work altogether of fiction, and not

what is called a book of _tendency_, political or social, it exhibits,

nevertheless, more strikingly than any other I know, some highly

important social facts, which are more generally felt than understood.

It reveals a state of the relations of the higher and of the middle

classes of society, in the eastern provinces of Prussia and the adjacent

German and Slavonic countries, which are evidently connected with a

general social movement proceeding from irresistible realities, and, in

the main, independent of local circumstances and of political events. A

few explanatory words might certainly assist the English reader in

appreciating the truth and impartiality of the picture of reality

exhibited in this novel, and thus considerably enhance the enjoyment of

its poetical beauties, which speak for themselves.

At the same time, I thought that many other persons might explain this

much better than I, who am besides, and have been ever since I left

England, exclusively engaged in studies and compositions of a different

character. As, however, you thought the English public would like to

read what I might have to say on the subject, and that some observations

on the book in general, and on the circumstances alluded to in

particular, would prove a good means of introducing the author and his

work to your countrymen, I gladly engaged to employ a time of recreation

in one of our German baths in writing a few pages on the subject, to be

ready by the 1st of August. I was the more encouraged to do so when,

early in July, you communicated to me the proof-sheets of the first

volume of a translation, which I found not only to be faithful in an

eminent degree, but also to rival successfully the spirited tone and

classical style for which the German original is justly and universally

admired.

I began, accordingly, on the 15th July, to write the Introductory

Remarks desired by you, when circumstances occurred over which I had no

control, and neither leisure nor strength could be found for a literary

composition.

Now that I have regained both, I have thought it advisable to let you

have the best I can offer you in the shortest time possible, and

therefore send you a short Memoir on the subject, written in German,

placing it wholly at your disposal, and leaving it entirely to you to

give it either in part or in its totality to the English public, as may

seem best adapted to the occasion.

I shall be glad to hear of the success of your Translation, and remain,

with sincere consideration,

Dear sir, yours truly,

BUNSEN.

TO THOMAS CONSTABLE, ESQ.

PREFACE BY CHEVALIER BUNSEN.

THE HISTORY AND SPIRIT OF THE BOOK.

Since our German literature attained maturity, no novel has achieved a

reputation so immediate, or one so likely to increase and to endure, as

_Soll und Haben_, by Gustav Freytag. In the present, apparently

apathetic tone and temper of our nation, a book must be of rare

excellence which, in spite of its relatively high price (15s.), has

passed through six editions within two years; and which, notwithstanding

the carping criticism of a certain party in Church and State, has won

most honorable recognition on every hand. To form a just conception of

the hold the work has taken of the hearts of men in the educated middle

rank, it needs but to be told that hundreds of fathers belonging to the

higher industrious classes have presented this novel to their sons at

the outset of their career, not less as a work of national interest than

as a testimony to the dignity and high importance they attribute to the

social position they are called to occupy, and to their faith in the

future that awaits it.

The author, a man about fifty years of age, and by birth a Silesian, is

editor of the _Grenz-bote_ (Border Messenger), a highly-esteemed

political and literary journal, published in Leipsic. His residence

alternates between that city and a small estate near Gotha. Growing up

amid the influences of a highly cultivated family circle, and having

become an accomplished philologist under Lachmann, of Berlin, he early

acquired valuable life-experience, and formed distinguished social

connections. He also gained reputation as an author by skillfully

arranged and carefully elaborated dramatic compositions--the weak point

in the modern German school.

The enthusiastic reception of his novel can not, however, be attributed

to these earlier labors, nor to the personal influence of its author.

The favor of the public has certainly been obtained in great measure by

the rare intrinsic merit of the composition, in which we find aptly

chosen and melodious language, thoroughly artistic conception, life-like

portraiture, and highly cultivated literary taste. We see before us a

national and classic writer, not one of those mere journalists who count

nowadays in Germany for men of letters.

The story, very unpretending in its opening, soon expands and becomes

more exciting, always increasing in significance as it proceeds. The

pattern of the web is soon disclosed after the various threads have been

arranged upon the loom; and yet the reader is occasionally surprised,

now by the appearance on the stage of a clever Americanized German, now

by the unexpected introduction of threatening complications, and even of

important political events. Though confined within a seemingly narrow

circle, every incident, and especially the Polish struggle, is depicted

grandly and to the life. In all this the author proves himself to be a

perfect artist and a true poet, not only in the treatment of separate

events, but in the far more rare and higher art of leading his

conception to a satisfactory development and _dénouement_. As this

requirement does not seem to be generally apprehended either by the

writers or the critics of our modern novels, I shall take the liberty of

somewhat more earnestly attempting its vindication.

The romance of modern times, if at all deserving of the name it inherits

from its predecessors in the _romantic_ Middle Ages, represents the

latest _stadium_ of the epic.

Every romance is intended, or ought to be, a new Iliad or Odyssey; in

other words, a poetic representation of a course of events consistent

with the highest laws of moral government, whether it delineate the

general history of a people, or narrate the fortunes of a chosen hero.

If we pass in review the romances of the last three centuries, we shall

find that those only have arrested the attention of more than one or two

generations which have satisfied this requirement. Every other romance,

let it moralize ever so loudly, is still immoral; let it offer ever so

much of so-called wisdom, is still irrational. The excellence of a

romance, like that of an epic or a drama, lies in the apprehension and

truthful exhibition of the course of human things.

_Candide_, which may appear to be an exception, owes its prolonged

existence to the charm of style and language; and, after all, how much

less it is now read than _Robinson Crusoe_, the work of the talented De

Foe; or than the _Vicar of Wakefield_, that simple narrative by

Voltaire's English contemporary. Whether or not the cause can be clearly

defined is here of little consequence; but an unskillfully developed

romance is like a musical composition that concludes with discord

unresolved--without perhaps inquiring wherefore, it leaves an unpleasant

impression on the mind.

If we carry our investigation deeper, we shall find that any such defect

violates our sense of artistic propriety, because it offends against our

healthy human instinct of the fundamental natural laws; and the artistic

merit, as well of a romance as of an epic, rises in proportion as the

plot is naturally developed, instead of being conducted to its solution

by a series of violent leaps and make-shifts, or even by a pretentious

sham. We shall take occasion hereafter to illustrate these views by

suitable examples.

That the work we are now considering fulfills, in a high degree, this

requirement of refined artistic feeling and artistic treatment, will be

at once apparent to all discriminating readers, though it can not be

denied that there are many of the higher and more delicate chords which

_Soll und Haben_ never strikes. The characters to whom we are introduced

appear to breathe a certain prosaic atmosphere, and the humorous and

comic scenes occasionally interwoven with the narrative bear no

comparison, in poetic delicacy of touch, with the creations of

Cervantes, nor yet with the plastic power of those of Fielding.

The author has given most evidence of poetic power in the delineation of

those dark characters who intrude like ghosts and demons upon the fair

and healthy current of the book, and vanish anon into the caverns and

cellars whence they came.

The great importance of the work, and the key to the almost unexampled

favor it has won, must be sought in a quite different direction--in the

close relation to the real and actual in our present social condition,

maintained throughout its pages. Such a relation is manifested, in very

various ways, in every novel of distinguished excellence. The object of

all alike is the same--to exhibit and establish, by means of a narrative

more or less fictitious, the really true and enduring elements in the

complicated or contradictory phenomena of a period or a character. The

poetic truthfulness of the immortal _Don Quixote_ lies not so much in

the absurdities of an effete Spanish chivalry as in the portraiture that

lies beneath, of the insignificance and profligacy of the life of the

higher ranks, which had succeeded the more decorous manners of the

Middle Ages. Don Quixote is not the only hero of the book, but also the

shattered Spanish people, among whom he moves with gipsies and smugglers

for companions, treading with all the freshness of imperishable youth

upon the buried ruins of political and spiritual life, rejoicing in the

geniality of the climate and the tranquillity of the country, reposing

proudly on his ancestral dignity. This conception--and not alone the

pure and lofty nature of the crazy besieger of wind-mills, who, in spite

of all, stands forth as at once the worthiest, and fundamentally the

wisest character in the book--constitutes the poetic background, and the

twilight glimmer amid the prevailing darkness in the life of the higher

classes. We feel that there is assuredly something deeply human and of

living power in these elements, and this reality will one day obtain the

victory over all opponents.

By what an entirely different atmosphere do we feel ourselves to be

surrounded in _Gil Blas_, where the highest poetry, the cunning

dexterity of the modern Spanish Figaro, is manifested in the midst of a

depraved nobility, and a priesthood alive only to their own material

interests. It is only the most perfect art that could have retained for

this novel readers in every quarter of the world. The _dénouement_ is as

perfect as with such materials it can be; and we feel that, instead of

Voltaire's withering and satiric contempt of all humanity, an element

of unfeigned good-humor lies in the background of the picture. How far

inferior is Swift! and how utterly horrible is the abandoned humor of a

despair that leaves all in flames behind it, which breathes upon us from

the pages of the unhappy _Rabelais_!

Fielding's novels, _Tom Jones_ in particular, bear the same resemblance

to the composition of Cervantes that the paintings of Murillo bear to

those of Rembrandt. The peculiarity of _Wilhelm Meister_ as a novel is

more difficult of apprehension, if one does not seek the novel where in

truth it lies--in the story of Mignon and the Harper, and only sees in

the remainder the certainly somewhat diffuse but deeply-thought and

classically-delineated picture of the earnest striving after culture of

a German in the end of the eighteenth century. It would argue, however,

as it appears to me, much prejudice, and an utterly unreasonable temper,

not to recognize a perfect novel in the _Wahlverwandschaften_, however

absolutely one may deny the propriety of thus tampering with and

endangering the holiest family relationships, or thus making them the

subjects of a work of fiction. Goethe, however, has here placed before

us, and that with the most noble seriousness and the most artistic

skill, a reality which lies deep in human nature and the period he

represents. The tragical complications and consequences resulting even

from errors which never took shape in evil deeds could not in the

highest tragedy be represented more purely and strikingly than here. The

stain of impurity rests upon the soul of him who thinks that he detects

it, not in the book itself. Ottilie is as pure and immortal a creation

of genius as Mignon.

As novel-literature has developed itself in Europe, an attempt has been

made to employ it as a mirror of the past, into which mankind shall love

to look, and thereby ascertain whether civilization has advanced or

retrograded with the lapse of time. This is a reaction against the

eighteenth century, and it appears under two forms--the

idealistic-sentimental and the strongly realistic-social. The earliest

instance in Germany of the romantic school, _Heinrich von Ofterdingen_,

is the apotheosis of the art and literature of the Middle Ages. The

writings of Walter Scott put an end to this sentimentalism, and this is

indeed their highest merit. Those of his works will continue to maintain

the most prominent place, standing forth as true and living

representations of character, which deal with the events of Scottish

history in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Still more the work

of genius, however, and of deeper worth, Hope's _Anastasius_ must be

admitted to be--that marvelous picture of life in the Levant, and in the

whole Turkish Empire, as far as Arabia, as it was about the end of the

last and the beginning of the present century. In this work truth and

fiction are most happily blended; the episodes, especially that of

Euphrosyne, may be placed, without disparagement, beside the novels of

Cervantes, and strike far deeper chords in the human heart than the

creations of Walter Scott. Kingsley's _Hypatia_, alone of modern works,

is worthy to be named along with it. That, indeed, is a marvelous and

daring composition, with a still higher aim and still deeper

soul-pictures. Both of them will live forever as examples of union of

the idealistic and the realistic schools, poetic evocations of a by-gone

reality, with all the truth and poetry of new creations. In reading

either of them we forget that the work is as instructive as it is

imaginative.

The most vehement longing of our times, however, is manifestly after a

faithful mirror of the present; that is to say, after a life-picture of

the social relations and the struggles to which the evils of the present

day have given rise. We feel that great events are being enacted; that

greater still are in preparation; and we long for an epic, a

world-moulding epic, to imbody and depict them. The undertaking is a

dangerous one--many a lance is shivered in the first encounter. A mere

tendency-novel is in itself a monster. A picture of the age must be, in

the highest acceptation of the word, a poem. It must not represent real

persons or places--it must create such. It must not ingraft itself upon

the passing and the accidental, but be pervaded by a poetic intuition of

the real. He that attempts it must look with a poet's eye at the real

and enduring elements in the confusing contradictions of the time, and

place the result before us as an actual existence. It has been the high

privilege of the English realistic school, which we may call without

hesitation the school of Dickens, that it has been the first to strike

the key-note with a firm and skillful hand. Its excellence would stand

out with undimmed lustre had it not, as its gloomy background, the

French school of Victor Hugo and Balzac, that opposite of "the poetry of

despair," as Goethe calls it. Here again, in this new English school,

has the genius of Kingsley alighted. Most of his novels belong to it.

And, besides himself and Dickens, there stand forth as its most

brilliant members the distinguished authoress of _Mary Barton_, and the

sorely-tried Charlotte Brontë, the gifted writer of _Jane Eyre_--too

soon, alas! removed from us. This school has portrayed, in colors

doubtless somewhat strong, the sufferings and the virtues, the dangers

and the hopes of the working-classes, especially in towns and factories.

But, instead of enjoining hatred of the higher classes, and despair of

all improvement in the future for humanity, a healthy tone pervades

their writings throughout, and an unwavering and cheering hope of better

things to come shines through the gloomy clouds that surround the dreary

present. There are throes of anguish--but they tell of coming

deliverance; there are discords--but they resolve into harmony. The

spirit finds, pervading the entire composition, that satisfaction of the

desires of our higher nature which constitutes true artistic success.

Dickens, too, has at length chosen the real life of the working-classes

in their relations to those above them as a subject for his masterly

pen. _Dombey and Son_ will not readily be forgotten.

It was necessary to take a comprehensive view of novel literature,

and--although in the merest outline--still to look at it in its

historical connection, in order to find the suitable niche for a book

which claims an important place in its European development; for it is

precisely in the class last described--that which undertakes faithfully,

and yet in a poetic spirit, to represent the real condition of our most

peculiar and intimate social relations--that our author has chosen to

enroll himself. With what a full appreciation of this high end, and with

what patriotic enthusiasm he has entered on his task, the admirable

dedication of the work at once declares, which is addressed to a

talented and liberal-minded prince, deservedly beloved and honored

throughout Germany. In the work itself, besides, there occur repeated

pictures of these relations, which display at once a clear comprehension

of the social problem, and a poetic power which keeps pace with the

power of life-like description. To come more closely to the point,

however, what is that reality which is exhibited in the story of our

novel? We should very inadequately describe it were we to say, the

nobility of labor and the duties of property, particularly those of the

proprietor of land. This is certainly the key-note of the whole

conservative-social, or Dickens school, to which the novel belongs. It

is not, however, the conflict between rich and poor, between labor and

capital in general, and between manufacturers and their people in

particular, whose natural course is here detailed. And this is a point

which an English reader must above all keep clearly in view. He will

otherwise altogether fail to understand the author's purpose; for it is

just here that the entirely different blending of the social masses in

England and in Germany is displayed. We have here the conflict between

the feudal system and that class of industrial and wealthy persons,

together with the majority of the educated public functionaries, who

constitute in Germany the citizen-class. Before the fall of the Prussian

monarchy in 1807, the noble families--for the most part hereditary

knights (Herrn _von_)--almost entirely monopolized the governmental and

higher municipal posts, and a considerable portion of the peasantry were

under servitude to them as feudal superiors. The numbers of the lesser

nobility--in consequence of the right of every nobleman's son, of

whatever grade, to bear his father's title--were so great, and since the

introduction by the great Elector,[A] and his royal successors, of the

new system of taxation, their revenues had become so small, that they

considered themselves entitled to the monopoly of all the higher offices

of state, and regarded every citizen of culture, fortune, and

consideration with jealousy, as an upstart. The new monarchic

constitution of 1808-12, which has immortalized the names of Frederick

William III., and of his ministers, Stein and Hardenberg, altered this

system, and abolished the vassalage and feudal service of the peasants

in those provinces that lie to the east of the Elbe. The fruits of this

wise act of social reform were soon apparent, not only in the increase

of prosperity and of the population, but also in that steady and

progressive elevation of the national spirit which alone made it

possible in 1813-14 for the house of Hohenzollern to raise the monarchy

to the first rank among the European powers.

[Footnote A: The friend and brother-in-law of William III.]

The further development in Prussia of political freedom unfortunately

did not keep pace with these social changes; and so--to say no more--it

happened that the consequences of all half measures soon resulted. Even

before the struggles of 1848, down to which period the story of our

novel reaches, the classes of the more polished nobility and citizens,

instead of fusing into one band of _gentry_, and thus forming the basis

of a landed aristocracy, had assumed an unfriendly attitude, in

consequence of a stagnation in the growth of a national lower nobility

as the head of the wealthy and cultivated _bourgeoisie_, resulting from

an unhappy reaction which then took place in Prussia. The feudal

proprietor was meanwhile becoming continually poorer, because he lived

beyond his income. Falling into embarrassments of every sort, he has

recourse for aid to the provincial banks. His habits of life, however,

often prevent him from employing these loans on the improvement of his

property, and he seldom makes farming the steady occupation and business

of his life. But he allows himself readily to become involved in the

establishment of factories--whether for the manufacture of brandy or for

the production of beet-root sugar--which promise a larger and speedier

return, besides the enhancement of the value of the land. But, in order

to succeed in such undertakings, he wants the requisite capital and

experience. He manifests even less prudence in the conduct of these

speculations than in the cultivation of his ancestral acres, and the

inevitable result ensues that an ever-increasing debt at length

necessitates the sale of his estate. Such estates are ever more and more

frequently becoming the property of the merchant or manufacturer from

the town, or perhaps of the neighboring proprietor of the same inferior

rank, who has lately settled in the country, and become entitled to the

exercise of equal rights with the hereditary owner. There is no

essential difference in social culture between the two classes, but

there is a mighty difference between the habits of their lives. The

mercantile class of citizens is in Germany more refined than in any

other country, and has more political ambition than the corresponding

class in England has yet exhibited. The families of public functionaries

constitute the other half of the cultivated citizen class; and as the

former have the superiority in point of wealth, so these bear the palm

in respect of intellectual culture and administrative talent. Almost all

authors, since the days of Luther, have belonged to this class. In

school and college learning, in information, and in the conduct of

public affairs, the citizen is thus, for the most part, as far superior

to the nobleman as in fashionable manners the latter is to him. The

whole nation, however, enjoys alike the advantage of military education,

and every man may become an officer who passes the necessary

examination. Thus, in the manufacturing towns, the citizens occupy the

highest place, and the nobility in the garrison towns and those of royal

residence. This fact, however, must not be lost sight of--that Berlin,

the most populous city of Germany, has also gradually become the chief

and the richest commercial one, while the great fortress of Magdeburg

has also been becoming the seat of a wealthy and cultivated mercantile

community.

Instead of desiring landed property, and perhaps a patent of nobility

for his children, and an alliance with some noble country family, the

rich citizen rather sticks to his business, and prefers a young man in

his own rank, or perhaps a clergyman, or professor, or some municipal

officer as a suitor to his daughter, to the elegant officer or man of

noble blood; for the richest and most refined citizen, though the wife

or daughter of a noble official, is not entitled to appear at court with

her husband or her father. It is not, therefore, as in England or

Scotland, the aim of a man who has plied his industrious calling with

success to assume the rank and habits of a nobleman or country squire.

The rich man remains in town among his equals. It is only when we

understand this difference in the condition of the social relations in

Germany and in England that the scope and intention of our novel can be

apprehended.

It would be a mistake to suppose that our remarks are only applicable to

the eastern provinces of Prussia. If, perhaps, they are less harshly

manifested in the western division of our kingdom, and indeed in Western

Germany, it is in consequence of noble families being fewer in number,

and the conditions of property being more favorable to the citizen

class. The defective principle is the same, as also the national feeling

in regard to it. It is easily understood, indeed, how this should have

become much stronger since 1850, seeing that the greater and lesser

nobility have blindly united in endeavoring to bring about a

reaction--demanding all possible and impossible privileges and

exemptions, or compensations, and are separating themselves more and

more widely from the body of the nation.

In Silesia and Posen, however, the theatres on which our story is

enacted, other and peculiar elements, though lying, perhaps, beneath the

surface, affect the social relations of the various classes. In both

provinces, but especially in Posen, the great majority of noblemen are

the proprietors of land, and the enactment under Hardenberg and Stein in

1808-10, in regard to peasant rights, had been very imperfectly carried

out in districts where vassalage, as in all countries of Slavonic

origin, was nearly universal. Many estates are of large extent, and

some, indeed, are strictly entailed. These circumstances naturally give

to a country life in Silesia or Posen quite a different character than

that in the Rhine provinces. In Posen, besides, two foreign

elements--found in Silesia also in a far lesser degree--exercise a

mighty influence on the social relations of the people. One is the

Jewish, the other the Polish element. In Posen, the Jews constitute in

the country the class of innkeepers and farmers; of course, they carry

on some trade in addition. The large banking establishments are partly,

the smaller ones almost exclusively, in their hands. They become, by

these means, occasionally the possessors of land; but they regard such

property almost always as a mere subject for speculation, and it is but

rarely that the quondam innkeeper or peddler settles down as a tiller of

the soil. In Silesia, their chief seat is in Breslau, where the general

trade of the country, as well as the purchase and the sale of land, is

for the most part transacted. It is a pretty general feeling in Germany

that Freytag has not dealt altogether impartially with this class, by

failing to introduce in contrast to the abandoned men whom he selects

for exhibition a single honest, upright Jew, a character not wanting

among that remarkable people. The inextinguishable higher element of our

nature, and the fruits of German culture, are manifested, it is true, in

the Jewish hero of the tale, ignorant alike of the world and its ways,

buried among his cherished books, and doomed to early death; but this is

done more as a poetic comfort to humanity than in honor of Judaism, from

which plainly in his inmost soul he had departed, that he might turn to

the Christianized spirit and to the poetry of the Gentiles.

The Polish element, however, is of still far greater importance.

Forming, as they once did, with the exception of a few German

settlements, the entire population of the province, the Poles have

become, in the course of the last century, and especially since the

removal of restrictions on the sale of land, less numerous year by year.

In Posen proper they constitute, numerically, perhaps the half of the

population; but in point of prosperity and mental culture their

influence is scarcely as one fourth upon the whole. On the other hand,

in some districts, as, for instance, in Gnesen, the Polish influence

predominates in the towns, and reigns undisputed in the country. The

middle class is exclusively German or Jewish; where these elements are

lacking, there is none. The Polish vassal, emancipated by the enactment

of 1810, is gradually ripening into an independent yeoman, and knows

full well that he owes his freedom, not to his former Polish masters,

but to Prussian legislation and administration. The exhibition of these

social relations, as they were manifested by the contending parties in

1848, is, in all respects, one of the most admirable portions of our

novel. The events are all vividly depicted, and, in all essential

points, historically true. One feature here appears, little known in

foreign lands, but deserving careful observation, not only on its own

account, but as a key to the meaning and intention of the attractive

narrative before us.

The two national elements may be thus generally characterized: The

Prusso-German element is Protestant; the Polish element is Catholic.

Possessing equal rights, the former is continually pressing onward with

irresistible force, as in Ireland, in virtue of the principles of

industry and frugality by which it is animated. This is true alike of

landlord and tenant, of merchant and official.

The passionate and ill-regulated Polish element stands forth in

opposition--the intellectual and peculiarly courteous and accomplished

nobility, as well as the priesthood--but in vain. Seeing that the law

secures perfect equality of rights, and is impartially administered;

that, besides, the conduct of the German settlers is correct and

inoffensive, the Poles can adduce no well-grounded causes of complaint

either against their neighbors or the government. It is their innate

want of order that throws business, money, and, at length, the land

itself, into the hands of Jews and Protestants. This fact is also here

worthy of notice, that the Jewish usurer is disappearing or withdrawing

wherever the Protestant element is taking firmer ground. The Jew remains

in the country, but becomes a citizen, and sometimes even a

peasant-proprietor. This phenomenon is manifesting itself also in other

places where there is a concurrence of the German and Slavonic elements.

In Prussia, however, there is this peculiarity in addition, of which

Freytag has made the most effective use--I mean the education of the

Prussian people, not alone in the national schools, but also in the

science of national defense, which this people of seventeen millions has

in common with Sparta and with Rome.

It is well known that every Prussian not physically disqualified, of

whatever rank he be, must become a soldier. The volunteer serves in the

line for one year, and without pay; other persons serve for two or

three years. Thereafter, all beyond the age of twenty-five are yearly

called out as militia, and drilled for several weeks after harvest. This

enactment has been in force since 1813, and it is a well-known fact,

brought prominently forward in the work before us, that, notwithstanding

the immense sacrifice it requires, it is enthusiastically cherished by

the nation as a school of manly discipline, and as exercising a most

beneficial influence on all classes of society. This institution it is

which gives that high standard of order, duty, and military honor, and

that mutual confidence between officers and men, which at the first

glance distinguishes the Prussian, not only from the Russian, but the

Austrian soldier. This high feeling of confidence in the national

defenses is indeed peculiar to Prussia beyond the other German nations,

and may be at once recognized in the manly and dignified bearing, even

of the lowest classes, alike in town and country.

This spirit is depicted to the life in the striking episode of the

troubles in the year 1848. Even in the wildest months of that year, when

the German minority were left entirely to their own resources, this

spirit of order and mutual confidence continued undisturbed. Our

patriotic author has never needed to draw upon his imagination for

facts, though he has depicted with consummate skill the actual reality.

We feel that it has been to him a labor of love to console himself and

his fellow-countrymen under so many disappointments and shattered hopes,

to cherish and to strengthen that sense of independence, without which

no people can stand erect among the nations.

The Prusso-German population feel it to be a mission in the cause of

civilization to press forward in occupation of the Sarmatian

territory--a sacred duty, which, however, can only be fulfilled by

honest means, by privations and self-sacrificing exertions of every

kind. In such a spirit must the work be carried forward; this is the

suggestive thought with which our author's narrative concludes. It is

not without a meaning, we believe, that the zealous German hero of the

book is furnished with the money necessary for carrying out his schemes

by a fellow-countryman and friend, who had returned to his fatherland

with a fortune acquired beyond the Atlantic. Our talented author has

certainly not lost sight of the fact that Germany, as a whole, has as

little recovered from the devastation of the Thirty Years' War as the

eastern districts of Prussia have recovered from the effects of the war

with France in the present century. Let the faults and failings of our

national German character be what they may (and we should like to know

what nation has endured and survived similar spoliation and partition),

the greatest sin of Germany during the last two hundred years,

especially in the less-favored north, has always been its poverty--the

condition of all classes, with few exceptions. National poverty,

however, becomes indeed a political sin when a people, by its

cultivation, has become constitutionally fit for freedom.

In the background of the whole picture of the disordered and sickly

condition of our social circumstances here so vividly presented, the

author has plainly discerned Dante's noble proverb--

"Di libertà indipendenza è primo grado."

The existence of independent citizen-families qualified and ready for

every public service, though beyond the need of such employment--this is

the fundamental condition of a healthy development of political freedom,

alike impregnable by revolution and reaction; this is the only sure

ground and basis on which a constitutional form of government can be

reared and administered with advantage to every class, repressing alike

successfully absolutism and democracy.

And now we have reached the point where we are enabled to gather up, and

to express to the reader, without desiring to forestall his own

judgment, or to load him with axioms and formulas beyond his

comprehension, the beautiful fundamental idea of the book, clearly and

simply.

We would express it thus: The future of all European states depends

mainly on three propositions, and the politics of every statesman of our

period are determined by the way in which he views them.

These propositions are,

1st. The fusion of the educated classes, and the total abolition of

bureaucracy, and all social barriers between the ancient nobility and

the educated classes in the nation, especially the industrial and

mercantile population.

2d. The just and Christian bearing of this united body toward the

working-classes, especially in towns.

3d. The recognition of the mighty fact that the educated middle classes

of all nations, but especially of those of Germany, are perfectly aware

that even the present, but still more the near future, is their own, if

they advance along the legal path to a perfect constitutional monarchy,

resisting all temptations to the right hand or to the left, not with

imbittered feelings, but in the cheerful temper of a moral

self-confidence.

* * * * *

It is faith in truths such as these that has inspired our author in the

composition of the work which is here offered to the English reading

public. It is his highest praise, however, that he has imbodied this

faith in a true work of art, which speaks for itself. He has thereby

enkindled or strengthened a like faith in many thousand hearts, and that

with a noble and conciliatory intention which the dedication well

expresses.

The admirable delineation of character, the richness of invention, the

artistic arrangement, the lively descriptions of nature, will be ever

more fully acknowledged by the sympathizing reader as he advances in the

perusal of the attractive volumes.

TO HIS HIGHNESS ERNEST II.,

DUKE OF SAXE-COBURG-GOTHA.

I visited Kallenberg one lovely evening in the month of May. The high

ground near the castle was steeped in perfume from the blossoms of the

spring, and the leaves of the pink acacia cast their checkered shadows

on the dewy grass. Beneath me, in the shady valley, deer bounded

fearless from their covert in the wood, following greedily with their

eyes the bright figure of that lady who greets with kind and hospitable

welcome all who enter the precincts of the castle--men, and all living

things. The repose of evening lay on hill and dale; no sound was heard

save the occasional roll of thunder from afar above the bright and

cheerful landscape. On this very evening, leaning against the wall of

the ancient castle, your highness gazed with troubled aspect into the

gloomy distance. What my noble prince then said about the conflicts of

the last few years, the relaxed and utterly despondent temper of the

nation, and the duty of authors, at such a time especially, to show the

people, for their encouragement and elevation, as in a mirror, what they

are capable of doing--those were golden words, revealing a great grasp

of intellect and a warm heart, and their echo will not soon die away in

the heart of him who heard them. It was on that evening the desire awoke

within me to grace with your highness's name the work whose plan had

been already in my mind.

Nearly two years have passed since then. A terrible war is raging, and

Germans look with gloomy apprehension to the future of their fatherland.

At such a time, when the strongest political feelings agitate the life

of every individual, that spirit of cheerful tranquillity, so needful to

an author for the artistic moulding of his creations, readily forsakes

his writing-table. It is long, alas! since the German author has enjoyed

it. He has far too little interest in home and foreign life; he wants

that composure and proud satisfaction which the writers of other

countries feel in dwelling on the past and present of their nation,

while he has enough and to spare of humiliation on account of his

country, of wishes unfulfilled and passionate indignation. At such a

time, in drawing an imaginative picture, not love alone, but hatred too,

flows freely and readily from the pen--practical tendencies are apt to

usurp the place of poetic fancy; and, instead of a genial tone and

temper, the reader is apt to find an unpleasing mixture of blunt reality

and artificial sentiment.

Surrounded by such dangers, it becomes twofold the duty of an author

carefully to avoid distortion in the outline of his pictures, and to

keep his own soul free from unjust prepossession. To give the highest

expression to the beautiful in its noblest form is not the privilege of

every time; but, in all times alike, it is the duty of the writer of

fiction to be true to his art and to his country. To seek for this

truth, and where found to exhibit it, I hold to be the duty of my own

life.

And now let me dedicate, with deepest reverence, my unimportant work to

you, my honored lord. I shall rejoice if this novel leaves on the mind

of your highness the impression that its conception is in faithful

keeping with the laws of life and of art, without ever being a slavish

copy of the accidental occurrences of the day.

GUSTAV FREYTAG.

LEIPSIC, _April_, 1855.

DEBIT AND CREDIT.

CHAPTER I.

Ostrau is a small town near the Oder, celebrated even as far as Poland

for its gymnasium and its gingerbread. In this patriarchal spot had

dwelt for many years the accountant-royal, Wohlfart, an enthusiastically

loyal subject, and a hearty lover of his fellow-men--with one or two

exceptions. He married late in life, and his wife and he lived in a

small house, the garden of which he himself kept in order. For a long

time the happy pair were childless; but at length came a day when the

good woman, having smartened up her white bed-curtains with a broad

fringe and heavy tassels, disappeared behind them amid the approbation

of all her female friends. It was under the shade of those white

bed-curtains that the hero of our tale was born.

Anton was a good child, who, according to his mother, displayed

remarkable peculiarities from the very day of his birth. For instance,

he had a great objection to going to bed at the proper hour; he would

pore time untold over his picture-alphabet, and hold lengthy

conversations with the red cock depicted upon its last page, imploring

him to exert himself in the cause of his young family, and not allow the

maid-servant to carry them off and roast them. Lastly, he would often

run away from his playfellows, and sit lost in thought in a corner of

the room. His greatest delight, however, was to perch himself on a chair

opposite his father, cross his legs in the same way, and smoke a mimic

pipe in emulation. Moreover, he was so seldom naughty, that all such of

the female population of Ostrau as took a gloomy view of things in

general held it doubtful that he could live to grow up, till one day

Anton publicly thrashed the councilor's son, which in some degree

modified the opinions concerning him. In short, he was just the boy that

the only child of warm-hearted parents might be expected to prove. At

school he was an example of industry; and when the drawing-master began

to declare that he must be a painter, and the classical teacher to

devote him to Philology, the boy might have been in some danger of being

diverted from the serious pursuit of any one specific calling but for an

accident which determined his choice.

Every Christmas evening the mail brought to the house of the paternal

Wohlfart a box containing a loaf of the finest sugar and a quantity of

the best coffee. This sugar the good man himself broke into squares: the

coffee was roasted by his wife's own hands; and the complacency with

which they sipped their first cup was pleasant to behold. These were

seasons when, to the childish soul of Anton, the whole house seemed

pervaded with poetry, and his father was never weary of telling him the

history of this periodical present. Many years ago, he had chanced to

find, in a dusty bundle of law-papers, a document of great importance to

a well-known mercantile house in the capital. This document he had at

once forwarded, and, in consequence of it, the firm had been enabled to

gain a long-pending lawsuit, which had previously threatened to go

against them; upon which the young head of the concern had written his

acknowledgments, and Wohlfart had refused to be thanked, having, he

said, only done his duty. From that time forth the box we have described

made its appearance every Christmas evening, accompanied by a few

cordial lines, to which Wohlfart responded in a masterpiece of

caligraphy, expressing his surprise at the unexpected arrival, and

wishing a happy new year to the firm. The old gentleman persisted, even

to his wife, in treating this Christmas box as a mere accident, a

trifle, a whim of some clerk in the house of T. O. Schröter, and yearly

protested against the expectation of its arrival, by which the good

woman's household purchases were more or less influenced. But its

arrival was, in reality, of the utmost importance in his eyes; and that,

not for the sake of the actual coffee and sugar themselves, but of the

poetry of this connecting link between him and the life of a perfect

stranger. He carefully tied up all the letters of the firm, together

with three love-letters from his wife. He became a connoisseur in

colonial produce, an oracle in coffee, whose decision was much deferred

to by the Ostrau shopkeepers. He began to interest himself in the

affairs of the great firm, and never failed to note the ups and downs

reported in a certain corner of the newspapers, wholly mysterious to the

uninitiated. Nay, he even indulged in fancy speculations and an ideal

partnership, chafed when sugars fell, and chuckled at the rise of

coffee.

A strange, invisible, filmy thread it was, this which connected

Wohlfart's quiet household with the activity of the great mercantile

world, and yet it was by this that little Anton's whole life was swayed;

for when the old gentleman sat in his garden of an evening in his satin

cap, and pipe in his mouth, he would dilate upon the advantages of

trade, and ask his son whether he should like to be a merchant;

whereupon a kind of kaleidoscope-picture suddenly shaped itself in the

little fellow's mind, made up of sugar-loaves, raisins, and almonds,

golden oranges, his father's smile, and the mysterious delight which the

arrival of the box always occasioned him, and he replied at once, "Yes,

father, _that_ I should!"

Let no one say that our life is poor in poetical influences; still does

the enchantress sway us mortals as of old. Rather let each take heed

what dreams he nurses in his heart's innermost fold, for when they are

full grown they may prove tyrants, ay, and cruel ones too.

In this way the Wohlfart family lived on for many a year; and whenever

the good woman privately entreated her husband to form some decision as

to the boy's way of life, he would reply, "It is formed already; he is

to be a merchant." But in his own heart he was a little doubtful as to

how this dream of his could ever be realized.

Meanwhile a dark day drew on, when the shutters of the house remained

late unclosed, the servant-girl with red eyes, ran up and down the

steps, the doctor came and shook his head, the old gentleman stood in

prayer near his wife's bed, and the boy knelt sobbing by, while his

dying mother's hand still tried to stroke his curls. Three days later

came the funeral, and father and son sat together alone. Both wept, but

the boy's red cheeks returned. Not so the old man's health and strength.

Not that he complained; he still sat and smoked his pipe as before, and

still concerned himself about the price of sugars, but there was no

heart in the smoking or the concern; and he would often look anxiously

at his young companion, who wondered what his father could have on his

mind. One evening, when he had for the hundredth time asked him whether

he would really like to be a merchant, and received the unvarying

answer, he rose from his seat with an air of decision, and told the

servant-girl to order a conveyance to take him the next morning to the

capital, but he said nothing about the object of his expedition.

Late on the following day he returned in a very different mood--happier,

indeed, than he had ever been since his wife's death. He enchanted his

son by his account of the incredible charms of the extensive business,

and the kindness of the great merchant toward himself. He had been

invited to dinner, he had eaten peewits' eggs, and drunk Greek wine,

compared to which the very best wine in Ostrau was mere vinegar; and,

above all, he had received the promise of having his son taken into

their office, and a few hints as to the future course of his education.

The very next day saw Anton seated at a ledger, disposing arbitrarily of

hundreds of thousands, converting them into every existing currency, and

putting them out at every possible rate of interest.

Thus another year passed away. Anton was just eighteen, when again the

windows remained darkened, and the red-eyed servant-girl ran up and

down, and the doctor shook his head. This time it was the old gentleman

by whose bed Anton sat, holding both his hands. But there was no keeping

him back; and after repeatedly blessing his son, he died, and Anton was

left alone in the silent dwelling, at the entrance of a new life.

Old Wohlfart had not been an accountant for nothing; he left his house

in the highest order; his affairs were balanced to a farthing, and he

had written a letter of introduction to the merchant only a few days

before his death. A month later, on a fine summer morning, Anton stood

upon the threshold of his home, placed the key in a friendly hand, made

over his luggage to the carrier, and, with his father's letter in his

pocket, took his way to the great city.

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