CHAPTER III

THE AISLELESS CHURCH OF THE NORMAN PERIOD

Sec. 29. During the century after the Norman Conquest, the great abbey

churches and cathedrals represent the work of a foreign architectural

school, gradually acclimatising itself in England; while, on the other

hand, the parish church continued to be planned by local men, open to

receive the improvements which more skilled foreign masons had

introduced. Consequently, while local art received a continually

increasing refinement, the plan of the church developed upon traditional

lines, and not upon those novel lines which foreign masons would have

laid down for it. The chief proof of this is seen in the persistence of

the aisleless plan with rectangular chancel and western tower. The

tendency of a Norman builder would be to design his church with an

apsidal chancel, transepts, and a central tower; his practice would

vary, but this would be his favourite plan. On the other hand, the

rectangular chancel and western tower remained the favourite

terminations of the parish church in England. But, while a large number

of rubble-built, unbuttressed Norman towers, usually heightened or

otherwise altered in the later middle ages, remain in many parts of

England, their relation to the plan suffers some change. The ground

floor of the Saxon tower was, as we have noticed, the main entrance to

the church. The Norman western tower either contained no western doorway

at all, or provided merely an entrance, which was used only on special

occasions. At Caistor the ground floor was probably the main porch of

the aisleless church; and there are exceptional instances, as at

Finchingfield in Essex, where, in fairly advanced Norman work, the same

arrangement was clearly contemplated. On the other hand, at Laceby,

between Caistor and Grimsby, a south doorway, coeval with the western

tower, has always been the main entrance to the church. Similarly, at

Hooton Pagnell, and at Blatherwycke in Northamptonshire, south doorways,

of the same age as the tower, form the chief entrance. These last three

are early Norman examples; but we may go back even further, to find the

same thing in churches which are usually reckoned as late Saxon work, at

Heapham in Lincolnshire, and Kirk Hammerton, between York and

Boroughbridge. In south Yorkshire there are a few churches of the middle

of the twelfth century whose western towers are noticeably derived, in

their plan and general construction, from the Saxon type--Birkin,

Brayton, and Riccall. But in all three, the main entrance to the church

was made through a south doorway, the arch of which is covered with

elaborate late Norman ornaments. The western tower was thus reduced to

the state of a bell-tower at one end of the church, and, while

increasing in size and in magnificence, was actually a less

indispensable part of the plan than before.

[Illustration: Fig. 5. Aisleless plan: 12th century.]

Sec. 30. The nave of the Norman aisleless church was usually short, and,

where the church was entirely rebuilt, rather wide in proportion to its

length. The naves of churches like Garton-on-the-Wolds or Kirkburn in

Yorkshire, give the effect of spacious halls, of no great length, but

wide and lofty. It cannot be doubted, however, that the fabric of the

Saxon church was frequently kept, or that the church was rebuilt upon

Saxon foundations. It is not unusual, as already stated, to find Saxon

quoins still existing at the angles of naves to which aisles have

subsequently been added. Evidences, on the other hand, of the westward

lengthening of a Saxon nave in the Norman period appear to be rare. At

North Witham in south Lincolnshire, the south and (blocked) north

doorways are Norman work, in the usual position near the west end of the

nave. East of them, however, in the centre of the nave walls, there are

distinct traces of the inner openings of a north and south doorway,

which may belong to the late Saxon period. That we have here a case of

the twelfth century lengthening of an earlier nave may be inferred. The

probability is increased by the fact that, in the neighbouring church of

Colsterworth, where aisles were added during the early Norman period to

a late Saxon fabric, the nave and aisles, towards the end of the twelfth

century, were certainly extended a bay westward. As little architectural

work is done without a precedent, we may assume that the builders at

Colsterworth were following the example of North Witham.

Sec. 31. The great majority of Norman rectangular chancels have been

lengthened and enlarged; for the plain "altar-house" at the east end of

the nave was too small for the purposes of the ritual of the thirteenth

and fourteenth centuries, and afforded no intermediate space between

nave and chancel. However, short and approximately square chancels were

by no means invariable; and, before the middle of the twelfth century,

oblong chancels of considerable length in proportion to their width were

being built. There is a good early twelfth century example at Moor

Monkton, in the Ainsty of York; and the chancel of the middle of the

twelfth century at Earl's Barton, Northants, is of considerable depth,

and was of ample size for all later purposes. At Earl's Barton the

eastern portion was the chancel proper; while the western portion

supplied that space for a quire which was not provided in less elongated

plans. In by far the larger number of cases, the rectangular chancel had

a wooden roof. There is, however, a fair number of churches in which the

system of ribbed vaulting, as employed in larger buildings, was used.

Thus at Heddon-on-the-Wall, Northumberland, there is a small square

chancel with a ribbed vault. At Warkworth, there is a long vaulted

chancel of two bays, built during the first quarter of the twelfth

century; and at Tickencote, Rutland, two bays are combined in one by the

use of sexpartite vaulting. In these cases the chancel arches are wide,

forming the western transverse arches of the vaulting: that at

Tickencote is of remarkable magnificence.

Sec. 32. There are certain cases in which the chancel was of the same width

as the nave, and no structural division existed between them. At Askham

Bryan and at the chapel of Copmanthorpe, near York, the plan, externally

and internally, is a plain undivided oblong. At Tansor, Northants, the

chancel was rebuilt about 1140, when the side walls were set back in a

line with those of the nave. In St Mary's in the Castle at Leicester,

the long and very narrow nave was, as may still be clearly seen,

continued eastward without a break into the long and narrow quire and

chancel. Here the eastern half was used, no doubt, by the college of

dean and canons, while the western half was the parish church. The

beautiful church of St Peter, Northampton, built towards the end of the

third quarter of the twelfth century, gives us a complete example of an

undivided plan, aisled throughout save in the eastern bay, which forms a

projecting chancel east of the aisles of the choir.

Sec. 33. Hitherto we have dealt merely with the rectangular chancel. But

there are also churches which end in an eastern apse. These are

comparatively few and exceptional. In Yorkshire, where the number of

Norman rectangular chancels is large, and buildings such as Adel exhibit

the aisleless church in its highest state of architectural development,

the number of apsidal chancels can be counted on the fingers of one

hand. In Sussex, where Caen stone was largely used, and we should expect

foreign influence to be noticeable, the proportion of apsidal chancels

is small. In Gloucestershire, the Cotswold district contains several

small Norman churches, which have been little altered: the rectangular

chancel is universal. These are typical districts; and, to state a

general rule, we may say that, while the apsidal chancel is foreign to

no part of England, and occurs in unexpected places, as in the chapel of

Old Bewick, Northumberland, it is never general in any single region.

Its rarity is an important fact. Were our parish churches the work of

masons sent out from the larger churches and monasteries, we should

expect to find it a common feature; for in those buildings the apsidal

plan prevailed. But, in the hands of local masons, its sparing

employment is easily explained. To build an apse needs skill, not only

in planning, but in stone-cutting. The question of vaulting the apse

increases the difficulty and the expense. These difficulties would not

trouble masons who had worked at the building of Durham or Ely or

Winchester; nor would expense trouble the monasteries, which, according

to the popular idea, were so ready to lavish money on the fabrics of

parish churches. Many apsidal chancels have disappeared, no doubt; but,

if we take the bulk of those which remain into account, we shall find

that they have a habit of occurring in small groups, as in Berkshire,

where three occur together within a single old rural deanery, and that

the large majority of the churches in which they are found were not

monastic property. A few belonged to preceptories of Knights Templars in

their neighbourhood; and perhaps we may see in their apses a reference

to the circular form of the Holy Sepulchre. But, as a rule, we may say

that a band of masons in certain neighbourhoods developed some skill in

building apses, that money was forthcoming, and that so a few examples

came into existence. In one curious instance, Langford in Essex, which

is within easy distance of four or five other apsed churches, there is

an apse at the west, and there are foundations of another at the east

end of the building. For this church a Saxon origin has been claimed:

the plan, at any rate, indicates a survival of a plan once common in

western Christendom, and especially in the German provinces. In apsed

churches, like Birkin in Yorkshire, the apse does not spring from points

directly east of the chancel arch. The arch is wide and lofty; behind it

is a nearly square rectangular space, which is divided from the apse by

another arch. At Birkin the apse has ribbed vaulting, which allows the

walls to be pierced freely for windows. At Copford in Essex, Old

Bewick, and other places, the roof is a half-dome without ribs: this

allows for the display of mural painting, but admits of less light.

[Illustration: Fig. 6. Birkin, Yorkshire: interior.]

Sec. 34. The most important feature in the apsidal plan is the provision of

the distinctly marked quire space between the nave and chancel. This

space also occurs in plans where the chancel is rectangular; but in such

cases it becomes the ground story of a tower. There are famous examples

of this at Iffley, near Oxford, and Studland in Dorset, where the

chancels are vaulted. Coln St Denis in Gloucestershire, where the tower

is of very wide area, and projects noticeably north and south of nave

and chancel; and Christon in Somerset, are further instances of the

plan. The tower between nave and chancel, without transepts, is seldom

found in an apsidal plan. It occurs at Newhaven in Sussex, where there

is a small apse. Here the plan is virtually that of some small parish

churches in Normandy, such as Yainville, near Jumieges. The majority of

such plans in England, however, end in a rectangular chancel. Precedent

for the plan is, as we have seen, to be found in Saxon churches. At St

Pancras, Canterbury, we have noticed the westward prolongation of the

apse: at Brixworth a definite presbytery or quire space was planned, on

a large scale, between apse and nave. In later Saxon churches, where the

chancel was rectangular, a tower, with or without transeptal chapels,

was sometimes built between nave and chancel; and here, although

externally the division was not always clearly marked, an internal quire

space was divided off from the nave by the western arch of the tower.

The aisleless plan, therefore, with a tower above the quire, and a

rectangular chancel, points to a development along old-fashioned lines,

even in churches in which, as at Iffley, the builders have acquired

great skill in expressing themselves in Norman terms. In certain

districts, as in Gloucestershire, this plan was a favourite one. Even in

the fourteenth century, Leckhampton church, near Cheltenham, was rebuilt

in faithful adherence to this tradition. Here the tower is narrower than

the small chancel, and the nave has a south aisle.

[Illustration: Fig. 7. Two aisleless plans with central tower: (1) tower

between nave and chancel; (2) tower over crossing of transepts with nave

and chancel.]

Sec. 35. In the cases of Dover, Breamore, Stow, and Norton, we have watched

the gradual evolution of the cruciform plan with central tower. It must

be noted once more that to the cruciform plan the central tower built on

piers and arches is essential. It is possible, as in the Gloucestershire

churches of Almondsbury and Avening, to pierce the north and south walls

of a tower and add transeptal chapels: the plan will have a cruciform

appearance, but will still be only an elongated plan with lateral

additions. It is possible, in a church where there is no central tower

at all, to extend the side walls at right angles north and south, and

so form transepts; but here again the transepts have no structural

reference to a central point in the plan, but are mere widenings of the

nave or aisles. The thirteenth century aisleless churches of Potterne,

in Wiltshire, and Acton Burnell, in Shropshire, are both cruciform in

plan. The church at Potterne was planned throughout with reference to

the crossing of transepts, nave, and quire, above which its central

tower rose: the tower space is the central point of the whole. But, at

Acton Burnell, there is no central tower or space: the body of the

church consists of a long aisleless nave and an aisleless chancel

beyond; and the transeptal chapels are simply stuck on, as it were, to

the eastern part of either wall of the nave. This is at once noticeable

in elevation, when the chapels are seen to be mere excrescences, with

roofs lower than the nave. Moreover, where there is a true central

crossing, with a tower above, such as we find in almost all our

cathedrals, a transept on either side is necessary for the support of

the tower. The transepts need not be wholly symmetrical, although in

most cases they are; but they must be there. On the other hand, where

there is no central tower, and the crossing is merely apparent, symmetry

of treatment is quite unnecessary. While there are two transeptal

chapels of similar size at Acton Burnell, or at Achurch in

Northamptonshire, there are far more instances in which a less regular

treatment was adopted. Thus, at Childs Wickham in Gloucestershire, and

Montacute in Somerset, there is only one transeptal chapel, in each case

on the north side. At Corbridge in Northumberland, transeptal chapels,

extended outwards from the aisle walls, are of different lengths. At

Medbourne in Leicestershire, a long aisleless transeptal chapel was

built out from the north side of the nave in the thirteenth century.

Within the next fifty years a south chapel was built, but, instead of

copying the proportions of the northern chapel symmetrically, the

builders gave their new chapel a much greater width, and placed its

altars in an eastern aisle. The plan is thus accidentally cruciform. At

Acton Burnell and Achurch it is, no doubt, designedly cruciform; at

Montacute and Childs Wickham, imperfectly cruciform. But all three

varieties belong to one class, the longitudinal plan with transeptal

extensions. The structural feature which makes the truly cruciform plan,

the central tower upon arches and piers, is wanting. And this

distinction between churches planned from a centre, and churches whose

plan follows a longitudinal axis, although often overlooked, is

essential.

[Illustration: Fig. 8. North Newbald, Yorkshire: tower arches, chancel

and S. transept, from N.W.]

Sec. 36. A noble example of a Norman cruciform church, whose plan has

suffered little alteration, exists at North Newbald in the east Riding

of Yorkshire. At each angle of the crossing are masses of shafted piers,

connected by wide and lofty rounded arches. The nave, as is usual, is

the longest arm of the four, so that the plan is a Latin cross. It has

north and south doorways: there are also doorways in the end walls of

the transepts, placed in the western part of each wall. In the east

wall of each transept is an arch, now blocked up, the filling being

pierced with fifteenth century windows. These arches are the openings of

original apses, which contained the transept altars. The chancel,

probably always rectangular, was rebuilt in the fifteenth century. As a

corollary of the true cruciform plan, the four arms are all of equal

width. At Bampton-in-the-Bush, Oxon, where the plan of the church was

greatly altered in the thirteenth century by the addition of aisles, the

Norman plan was very similar to that of North Newbald. The cruciform

plan of Melbourne, Derbyshire, with its aisled nave, was probably

inspired more directly by continental examples. The aisleless chancel

was vaulted, and ended in an apse, which was squared in later times by

the addition of a rectangular piece east of its springing points. Out of

the east walls of the short transepts opened wide apses, the walls of

which joined the western ends of the walls of the chancel. Thus,

externally, the plan of the eastern part of the church was closely

allied to the plan with three apses which, in some of our larger

churches, was derived from Normandy. At Melbourne, however, there are

important variations from this plan. The chancel is short, there are no

quire aisles, and the transept apses were rounded externally. In the

larger churches of Normandy, the side apses were at the end of

the quire aisles, and were usually squared externally, while the

apses projecting from the east walls of the transepts, as at

Saint-Georges-de-Boscherville, were left rounded. At Newbald and Bampton

there seems to have been no attempt to give complete unity of design, as

at Melbourne, to the rectangular chancel and transeptal apses. In any

case, transeptal apses were the exception in the plans of our Norman

cruciform churches, although their convenience for holding altars is

obvious.

Sec. 37. The cruciform plan, beautiful as it is, was never generally

adopted. It was inconvenient for purposes of public worship, as long as

the rounded arch remained fashionable. In our own day, even in churches

where the central tower is carried on high pointed arches, and the view

of the altar is practically unhindered, the chancel is cut off from the

nave by the crossing, and the acoustic problem, which in modern church

planning is so necessary a consideration, is almost insurmountable. In

the middle ages, this problem was not so acute; but it was undesirable

that the interior of the chancel should be nearly invisible from the

nave. At Newbald the tower arches are planned upon a liberal scale: at

Bampton, on the other hand, where the eastern tower arch is left, the

others having been rebuilt in the thirteenth century, it is very low.

The low tower arches at Burford, Oxon, and the narrow arches at St

Giles, Northampton, are examples of the way in which the supports of

the Norman central tower interfered with the internal convenience of

churches. It was not until much later that this difficulty was solved,

and then only in one or two cases, when the cruciform plan had become

exceptional. The plans of Bampton, Burford, and Witney, show how the

builders of west Oxfordshire experimented in cruciform planning. The

division between chancel and nave is felt much less at Witney than in

the other two churches; for the great thirteenth century tower and

spire, resting upon massive piers joined by pointed arches, throw a

considerable portion of their weight upon nave and transept arcades,

whose exceptional massiveness gives unity to the whole design. In the

fifteenth century, however, the rebuilders of the aisleless church of

Minster Lovell, between Witney and Burford, solved the problem by

removing the supports of their square central tower from the angles of

the crossing to points entirely within the church, and building arches

from the piers thus formed to the angles of the crossing. The

comparatively light piers, instead of hindering the view, allow of easy

access from the nave to the transepts, and there is hardly a point in

the body of the church from which seeing and hearing alike are in any

way impeded. With the earlier builders, however, the natural course was

to leave the piers where they were, and endeavour to lighten them as

far as possible; and, in aisled churches, the difficulties involved

often led to the abandonment of the complete cruciform plan.

Sec. 38. The cruciform church gives occasion for a brief remark on one

aspect of medieval building which is often exaggerated. The revival of

interest in medieval architecture, in the early part of the nineteenth

century, was accompanied by an insistence on symbolism in the plan and

design of churches. A minute symbolism, which often was the fruit of

pious imagination, or was derived from the fancies of post-medieval

writers on ritual, was read into every detail of the medieval church

fabric. It is true that, as has been said, some builders worked

imaginatively, imitating in the round naves of a few churches the

rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre. Other instances of devout imitation might

be found, if we looked for them. But the imitation of a concrete model

is a different thing from translating abstract mysteries into the plan

and elevation of a building. And, although the ground plan with nave,

transepts, and chancel, certainly forms a cross; and, although, as time

went on, the resemblance to the chief symbol of the Christian faith was

no doubt recognised and valued, the plan itself, as we have shown, came

into being from entirely natural causes. Where the central tower was

introduced, the plan was dictated by structural necessity. Where there

was no central tower, transeptal chapels provided accommodation for

altars, for which the body of the church afforded no convenience. In

this and in other cases, medieval builders were impelled by practical

common sense and the requirements of the services of the church; and

symbolism, if it was a consideration at all, was purely secondary.

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