_Mr. Toastmaster, and you, My Hosts_:
Before I came to Texas I knew the generous hospitality which is one of
your chief characteristics, and I anticipated a good reception, but
neither I nor any one else could have anticipated such a reception, and
it has touched me and pleased me more than I can well say. I think I
was a middling good American before I came here, but I go away an even
better one.
Mr. Simpson spoke of the fact that nearly seven years ago I came to
this State to take part in raising a volunteer regiment. Many among you
who served on one side or the other in the Civil War will remember the
number of things that you did not know at the beginning. If you will
take that lack of knowledge and multiply it by two you will get a fair
estimate of what I and the regiment did not know when we started. That
we learned something I hope is true.
I want to say a word of serious thanks to you, and a word as to my
accountability as a steward to you. No man is fit to hold the position
of President of the United States at all unless as President he feels
that he represents no party but the people as a whole. So far as in me
lies I have tried and shall try so to handle myself that every decent
American citizen can feel that I have at least made the effort. Each
man has got to carry out his own principles in his own way. If he tries
to model himself on some one else he will make a poor show of it. My
own view has been that if I must choose between taking risks by not
doing a thing or by doing it, I will take the risks of doing it.
I have been a very close student of Texan history. The history of
your State has always held a peculiar fascination for me. I had begun
certain historic studies connected with the growth of our Western
people many years ago, before I took much of a part in public life.
However little some of you may now agree with me, when you come to
take into account what I have done in the Caribbean Sea, in future you
will find that I have been carrying out the doctrine of the Texans who
made Texas what it is. Especially as regards what was done in Panama, I
want to say that while I was most anxious to deserve the approval of my
countrymen, and while I was very glad to be elected President, I would
without one moment’s hesitation have given up the second term in the
Presidency rather than not to have begun the Panama Canal.
Now in the same way with our internal affairs; take what the
toastmaster was kind enough to say as to my standing for a square deal.
I want that understood literally. I do not want it exaggerated on one
side or the other. When I say I believe in a square deal I do not mean,
and nobody who speaks the truth can mean, that he believes it possible
to give every man the best hand. If the cards do not come to any man,
or if they do come, and he has not got the power to play them, that is
his affair. All I mean is that there shall not be any crookedness in
the dealing. In other words, it is not in the power of any human being
to devise legislation or administration by which each man shall achieve
success and have happiness; it not only is not in the power of any man
to do that, but if any man says that he can do it, distrust him as a
quack. If the hand of the Lord is heavy upon any man, if misfortune
comes upon him, he may be unable to win; or even if fortune favors him
and he lacks the courage, the nerve, the common-sense, the ability, to
do the best with the chance given him, then he will fail. All any of us
can pretend to do is to come as near as our imperfect abilities will
allow to securing through governmental agencies an equal opportunity
for each man to show the stuff that is in him; and that must be done
with no more intention of discrimination against the rich man than the
poor man, or against the poor man than the rich man; with the intention
of safeguarding each man, rich or poor, poor or rich, in his rights,
and giving him as nearly as may be a fair chance to do what his powers
permit him to do; always provided he does not wrong his neighbor.
This is not in the least a partisan question. It is one of those
questions that affect all our citizens, a question that goes to the
root of our citizenship; and when it comes to a question like that you
citizens of this country have the right to expect your representatives
in public life to join hands and work for the common good and without
regard to any mere party differences. As to the details of carrying out
those general principles we can not expect everybody to agree. My own
views are pretty definite, both about foreign and domestic policies.
In foreign policies, for instance, I have this strong belief, which I
am sure will appeal to every cow-man present—never draw, unless you
mean to shoot; and that implies, of course, that when you draw it shall
not be an empty gun. Do not speak impolitely, disrespectfully of other
nations. Always treat them with courtesy. Remember that nobody likes
to be insulted. One would rather be wronged than insulted; and this
is just as true internationally as among individuals. Always speak
courteously; be dead sure you are right before going into trouble;
being in, see it through.
As a corollary to that, if you need a weapon which you can not possibly
improvise, get it ready in advance. The individual who gets into
trouble and then thinks he will go and buy a six-shooter is left. He
does not want to get into trouble unless he has the six-shooter. It is
just so with us. We have built up and are building up a pretty good
navy. If we had not done that and were not doing it, I for one would
not have recommended going into the Panama business, and I would not
advocate the Monroe Doctrine, for I do not intend to go into anything
and make a bluff and then have the bluff called and not be able to make
good.
In the same way when you come to internal affairs; I have advocated
giving the Interstate Commerce Commission increased power; power that
will enable it to work effectively and quickly. I should not do that
for one moment if I believed that there would be injustice done to the
railroads by the Interstate Commerce Commission. I wish it understood
definitely that if I find any subordinate of mine doing an injustice
against a railroad, or doing an injustice for it, I will cinch him just
as quickly in one case as in the other. I shall expect him to do the
square thing, both by the railroad and by the public. If the railroad
wants more than it is entitled to have, then he must decide against it;
if the public ignorantly demands that the railroad shall do more than
it can with propriety do, then just as fearlessly he must antagonize
public sentiment, even if the public sentiment is unanimous.
These are the general principles. It is much easier to lay down general
principles than it is to work out those principles in detail. But
I have told you substantially what are, as I regard them, the main
features of the platform upon which I stand, and I think that you agree
with me that it is a pretty straight American platform.