Granting for the moment all that has ever been claimed regarding the

superiority of those who climb, the above considerations modify the

importance to be attributed to differential fertility. It may further be

noticed that, although Mr. McDougall and others speak of differential

fertility as the origin of the cyclical course of civilization, what

they in fact attribute to this cause are the periods of decline. Other

causes are sought for to account for the equally remarkable periods of

advance. Mr. McDougall, for instance, attributes the rise of Greek

civilization to a ‘happy blending’ of two races.[1690] It may be said,

on the other hand, that the facts point strongly to the conclusion that

both the ‘ups’ and the ‘downs’ are part of the same phenomenon. The

‘ups’ are as remarkable as the ‘downs’; one process seems just the

reverse of the other. No one proposes to explain the ‘ups’ as due to the

favourable results of differential fertility, and before we can accept

unfavourable differential fertility as the chief cause of the ‘downs’ we

may ask if the fundamental cause of both processes is not of another

kind. If we should find this to be the case, it of course by no means

implies that germinal change does not play a contributory part.

13. The greater part of the discussion in this chapter has been devoted

to an attempt to estimate the importance of germinal differences and of

germinal changes; it is clear that in order to arrive at more definite

conclusions we have to consider in rather more detail traditional

differences and traditional changes. The influence of the direct effect

of the environment must not be forgotten, as it frequently enters as a

contributory factor into the moulding of the course of history. It may

conveniently be considered here.

Temperament is a characteristic of great importance. Just as among men

around us temperament is seen to influence each man’s achievement, and

largely to determine failure or success, so racial temperament is

important in determining racial achievement. This characteristic is

peculiarly sensitive to the direct effect of the environment, and it may

very well be that changes in diet and so on may have influenced the

course of history through their bearing upon temperament. At the present

day the urban conditions under which so large a percentage of the

members of western nations live—smoke, noise, vibration, and so on—may

have a bearing upon temperament and so upon achievement.

Such considerations are somewhat speculative. More clear are the results

of disease upon temperament. It is a remarkable fact that disease, which

is chiefly noticeable within the third period, upon the whole then takes

a lethal form from which the patient either dies or recovers more or

less completely. In tropical regions, however, there are a number of

diseases of the non-lethal chronic type, such as the hook-worm disease

for instance, which affect a large percentage of the population and sap

the energy—mental and physical—of those attacked. The prevalence of any

such disease must act in an important fashion as a drag upon progress,

and the spreading of such a disease into a country previously unaffected

may quite conceivably put a stop to progress, and even bring about a

condition of decadence. The decline of Greece has been attributed, for

instance, to the introduction of malaria. In answering the question,

therefore, why certain areas have lagged behind others, we must not

forget the influence of chronic disease when it affects a large

proportion of the population, and it is a curious fact that in general

the working of this factor has been in the same direction as that of

other factors which influenced tradition. Where, that is to say, there

has been a low degree of fertility in the environment and little

stimulus through contact, there also upon the whole the deleterious

effect of disease has been most pronounced.

It may further be noticed that the direct effect of the environment has

a bearing upon the moulding of tradition. The apathy and listlessness,

for example, resulting from the prevalence of a disease like malaria

form an element in the environment and give an unfavourable turn to the

development of tradition.

14. Something has been said in the last two chapters as to the nature

and formation of tradition, and in this chapter as to its influence in

determining the main outlines of the course of history in the chief

geographical divisions of the world. The part played by tradition may be

best further illustrated by a reference to two problems to which

allusion has already been made—namely, the cyclical course of

civilization and modern differential fertility. When we speak of the

cyclical course of civilization we have in mind the alternations of

periods exhibiting vigour and energy with periods exhibiting apathy. As

within the same culture we see progress along one line and within one

atmosphere. At times, more especially when the degree of skill is

relatively low, there may be scarcely any progress and the condition is

one of stagnation. But under such circumstances any turning back is

rare. On the other hand, when the degree of skill is relatively high, we

sometimes see periods of sudden advance often initiated almost at a

definite date, and brought to a climax within a few—perhaps even in

one—generations. There often follows a period of stagnation or even of

decline. Professor Flinders Petrie has set out in a small book some

striking facts regarding this tendency based largely on the history of

Egypt. He shows how, taking what is left from various periods of

artistic production, this tendency may be illustrated, and it would not

be difficult to find many further illustrations in the history of any

art in the last few hundred years in Europe, and in a less degree in the

history of the various sciences.[1691] Sir Francis Galton, whose life

work has done so much to illuminate the nature and importance of

germinal characters, wrote as follows: ‘I have studied the causes of

civic prosperity in various directions and from many points of view, and

the conclusion at which I have arrived is emphatic, namely, that chief

among these causes are a large capacity of labour—mental, bodily, or

both—combined with eagerness for work.’[1692] Now the periods of advance

are marked by the exhibition of these characteristics, and we may ask

how far they are traditional in nature. Let us take as an example of a

period of advance the Renaissance in England. ‘Englishmen of the

sixteenth century’, says Sir Sidney Lee, ‘breathed a new atmosphere

intellectually and spiritually. They came under a new stimulus,

compounded of many elements, each of them new and inspiring. To that

stimulus must be attributed the sudden upward growth of distinctive

achievement among them, the increase of the opportunities of famous

exploits, and the consequent preservation from oblivion of more names of

Englishmen than in any other century before. The stimulus under which

Englishmen came in the sixteenth century may be summed up in the

familiar word Renaissance. The main factor of the European Renaissance,

of the New Birth of the intellect, was a passion for extending the

limits of human knowledge, and for employing men’s capabilities to new

and better advantage than of old. New curiosity was generated in regard

to the dimensions of the material world. There was a boundless

enthusiasm for the newly discovered art and literature of ancient

Greece. Men were fired by a new resolve to make the best and not the

worst of life upon earth. They were ambitious to cultivate as the

highest good the idea of beauty.’[1693]

Let us look at the other side of the picture when energy is lacking.

There was a widely held opinion that the world would end in the year A.

D. 1000. All classes shared this opinion and prepared for the end, and

it can easily be understood how under these circumstances, whatever the

innate capacities may have been, little capacity for labour or eagerness

for work would be manifested. Again, in the later days of the Roman

Empire there was abroad a spirit of lethargy and apathy. The great

Empire was like a clock that had run down; the machinery was all intact,

but there was no force to set it in movement. It is said that there was

abroad in the minds of men prescience of some coming catastrophe, a

feeling that the inevitable end was approaching. If such a mental

horizon is contrasted with that set before an Englishman of the

sixteenth century or a Greek in the age of Pericles, we can understand

how eagerness for work as outwardly manifested is profoundly influenced

by tradition.

When our knowledge of the circumstances is sufficiently precise, we can

always detect the influence of a powerful stimulus in periods of

progress. It often takes the form of a national purpose. ‘A national

purpose’, it has been said, ‘is the most unconquerable and victorious of

all things upon earth. It can raise up Babylon from the sands of the

desert, and make imperial civilizations spring from a score of huts, and

after it has wrought its will can leave monuments that seem as

everlasting a portion of nature as the rocks.’[1694] At times the

stimulus may arise from an invention of great import, such as the

discovery of the use of metals. More often, however, the stimulus takes

the form not directly of invention but of friction between different

ideas—the coming into the mental horizon not merely of new skilled

methods but of strange and foreign ideas of all kinds. Thus contact of

cultures is followed by more than the transfer of the elements of one

culture to another; it is in itself a stimulus so powerful as to be of

the greatest import in history.

In the past when there was little or no contact at a distance, stimuli

were most often due to the physical contact of races whose tradition was

not too dissimilar. ‘Just as in the mental development of the individual

a conflict of impressions invites selective attention, so in the

spiritual development of society a clash of cultures awakes latent

energies of a constructive kind.’[1695] This fact has led to the error

of attributing to war a more direct importance in stimulating energy

than there is evidence for.[1696] Contact usually implied war, but

contact is equally effective without war, as can be seen in the example

of the Italian Renaissance. The stimulus in this case was largely

derived from the rediscovery of the ideals and learning of ancient

society, and can only be attributed to war in the far-fetched sense that

Greek scholars were disseminated over Europe by the capture of

Constantinople. And in more modern times stimulus is often derived from

indirect contact in which war plays no part at all—as can be seen often

enough in the history of art, in the influence, for example, of Chinese

and Japanese art upon European painting.

The effect of a sudden stimulus may be to break down habit, and the

importance of habit has been dwelt upon as the characteristic which

enables tradition once acquired to be maintained. Such breakings down

can be observed in the lives of men and women around us under the

influence of sudden stress, and something similar may happen to a nation

as a whole. Professor Graham Wallas has, for instance, dwelt upon the

importance of the breaking down of habit as accounting for the excesses

of the French Revolution.[1697]

Though a stimulus may always be detected at work during periods of

advance, it is by no means always possible to find evidence of

favourable germinal change. There is frequently no evidence at all of

germinal change at such periods. In the past no doubt contact often

implied racial intermingling, and, though in the present state of

biological knowledge we are justified in supposing that crosses between

two races not too distinct would usually have favourable results, there

is no sufficient foundation for attributing favourable results to all

such intermingling as has been done by some authors—von Luschan, for

instance. The conclusion would seem to be that germinal change is never

more than a contributory cause of advance, and that traditional change

is the whole explanation of some of such periods.

Periods of decline are, as we have seen, sometimes associated with

unfavourable traditional changes. Tradition may be of such a nature as

to sap rather than to encourage vigour. But directly unfavourable

turnings of tradition, such as the belief that the world would come to

an end at a certain date, are only occasional causes of decline. There

is in the course which the development of tradition takes an almost

inevitable tendency for periods of advance to be succeeded by periods of

repletion and apathy. What appears to happen so often in the history of

art after a time of advance may lead to an understanding of the tendency

of events in general. If we watch the flowering of any school of art we

reach a period, exemplified in the work of the followers of Raphael for

instance, and perhaps, as some would say, in the work of Raphael

himself, when the artists appear to be lost in the practice of the

technical side of artistic production. The ideal, in order to express

which the technique has been called into existence, has been lost. The

original stimulus has in fact lost its power, and the means to the

expression of the ideal have been mistaken for ends in themselves. The

technique becomes a plaything, and, there being nothing to express, art

takes the form of variations in technique, and becomes, in a word,

conventional. This is what would appear to happen as regards progress in

general—due allowance being made in the case of skilled processes for

the fact that, since they are designed to achieve practical ends, there

is less chance of decadence. But in general we see the fading of the

power of the stimulus, the coming of a time of repletion, when men are

lost in the mass of what has under the influence of the stimulus been

accumulated, and in the case of the arts tend to use the skill achieved

as an end in itself. We may trace such a course of events in the history

of Greek thought. The course of events may be profoundly modified in a

multitude of ways by the appearance of a new stimulus and so on. But we

may say that such is the inevitable working of the factors upon the

formation of tradition, that periods of stagnation, of repletion, and

sometimes of decadence tend to occur after periods of sudden advance.

It appears that we should attribute differential fertility, with its

possibly serious effect upon the direction of germinal change which

marks these periods, rather to the prevalence of apathy than, as Mr.

McDougall and others would do, attribute to differential fertility the

evidence of decline. For it is the upper classes upon whom the sense of

apathy weighs, and it is they who contribute least to future

generations. Further, we may remark that decline is not so mysterious a

matter as is sometimes suggested. Such complex organizations are

vigorous civilizations that, as has been said, ‘the wonderful thing is

that they exist at all; what needs explanation is not so much the decay

of some, but rather the long persistence of others.’[1698]

In concluding our reference to this matter, we may notice that in recent

times, when the working of tradition is known to us in detail, changes

can be traced as due to tradition to which the cyclical changes are

similar though of greater magnitude. Attention has been drawn to the

moulding of tradition in Germany in a particular direction which so

powerfully affected the achievement of that race. These events cannot be

explained as due in the main to germinal change, though possibly, as

observed, the German régime initiated about 1850 may have resulted in

the emigration of a certain type of German, and thus in this way

germinal change may have played a minor part. So too England during the

Boer War was very different to England at the election of 1906, and the

difference which was obviously traditional was enough to affect the

achievement of the race. In such examples, which could be multiplied

indefinitely, we see how the current of tradition may set in one way or

another quite apart from germinal changes, and such changes of current

may lead, when they hold good over generations, to periods of advance or

of decay.

15. There remains to be discussed the importance of tradition in modern

differential fertility. It is first necessary to examine rather more

closely than has yet been done the manner in which mental characters as

manifested are due to tradition, and then to ask how far the particular

traditions, to which the upper and lower classes are respectively

subject, account for the mental characteristics manifested by them.

As pointed out, it is obvious that the direction in which the intellect

works and the degree to which it works are very largely determined by

tradition. Thought will be in the primitive or common-sense stage

according to the nature of tradition. It is not so obvious that the

manifestation of the disposition is equally governed by tradition. The

negroes are innately placid, good tempered, and un-self-assertive as

compared with white men. Yet Americans constantly complain of the

‘sauciness’ and truculence of the negro. These characters are evidently

attributable to the surroundings to which the negroes in America are

subject; the manner in which they are looked down upon and the

irritating minor restrictions to which they are subject evoke in the

negroes a reaction which results in their being called ‘saucy’ and

truculent. In other words their disposition is so modified by tradition

that, as manifested, it belies their innate characteristics. In an

earlier chapter reference was made to the subservience of the Egyptian

fellah. In the production of this characteristic a centuries-old

tradition of oppression plays a large part, though the elimination of

the more self-assertive individuals may have produced a low average

level of self-assertiveness. If we compare an English public-school boy

with an Egyptian fellah in respect to self-assertiveness and

self-reliance, those characters as manifested form no guide to the

underlying innate differences. Among the former self-reliance is

strongly encouraged, among the latter it is inhibited. But if we compare

English public-school boys one with another, and Egyptian fellaheen one

with another, then the differences disclosed are to some considerable

degree a measure of innate differences, because tradition is more or

less equalized. Again, let any one observe the attitude of the British

private soldier towards our coloured subjects, or for that matter what

he can make of the attitude of the latter towards the English soldier,

and he will not be in doubt as to the importance of tradition in

producing the attitude of command and its opposite—the tendency to

submission.

There is no doubt therefore as to the possibility of tradition affecting

profoundly the manifestation of all mental characters. When we compare

white with black races in their original home, we have to discount the

whole tradition. European races, however, have a considerable amount in

common, and when we compare them we have less to discount. When classes

within the same race are compared, there is still less to be discounted;

they have both European and racial tradition in common; the differences

come in at a higher level. Finally, when we compare individuals in the

same class, we have only to discount family and individual differences

in tradition. It is therefore clear that we have to gain some idea as to

the nature of the differences in tradition to which the classes in

England at the present day are subject.

16. We have already remarked upon the curious fact that, although the

organization of society on organic lines greatly favoured the

transmission of tradition, there have come to be large differences in

tradition as between the different component elements of society. This

we attribute to the fact that in the first place the different component

elements specialize in different kinds of skill; the vastness of the

mass of tradition makes it impossible for every man to absorb all of it;

so far as skill is concerned, each man absorbs that development of it,

the specialization in which characterizes his function in society. This

may account for differences as between classes with regard to skill, but

why, it may be said, should it account for differences in manners,

customs, and mode of life? Whatever functions may be performed by the

different elements of society, do not the members of all alike now, in

any case, enjoy the same privileges, have they not all homes, have they

not access to the same interests apart from their professions? Manners

and customs differ, and differ so much that a public-school boy finds

himself out of his element as a private in a line regiment, and a

university man finds it difficult to establish ordinary human relations

with the men he meets in a working men’s club such as he establishes

without effort when in company of men of his class.

These differences are attributable to the fact that ownership of

property has become a function in society. Further, there has come about

the reservation to the property-owning class of certain

professions—notably the military and the clerical—which, though they do

not afford a high rate of remuneration, do afford, as property-owning

affords, ample opportunities for leisure. Property owners as a class

have had thus both the time and the means to cultivate the art of

living. Some of the results are, as all will admit, of value. Some of

the results are harmful; but for the most part cultivation of the art of

living results in the multiplication of conventions which are neither

useful nor harmful, being mere matters of form. The wage-earning class,

on the other hand, has neither the time nor the means to elaborate any

code of manners. Working long hours for what amounts to little more than

a bare subsistence, they could not have evolved such a code of manners

nor have they absorbed any considerable part of it. There was no room

for it as their lives were lived. Other consequences follow from

property-owning. Property-owning is power; in the property-owning class

there arises a tradition of self-assertion, a habit of command, whereas

in the wage-earning class there arises a tradition of self-abasement and

a habit of subservience, traditions and habits so strong as largely to

obscure natively given characters. We may note with interest, therefore,

that it is on these lines, and not on a theory of germinal differences,

that an eminent historian answers the question why military history

shows that men of greater age and wider experience will on the field of

battle follow to the death a boy of the upper class when they will not

follow one of their own class. It may be objected that what has been

said scarcely applies to the conditions of the present day and that

subservience of the wage-earning class is not very marked at the moment.

This is true, but it is a recent change. The reason why the change has

come about is surely that the wage-earning class has obtained power and

knows it. The change is an illustration of the power of tradition to

dominate the outward expression of such important characteristics as

assertion or subservience. No one can attribute the difference to

germinal change. The wage-earning class has not absorbed the manners and

customs of the property-owning class at the same time for a variety of

reasons; for one thing they have still little place for such conventions

in their lives, and for another thing they tend to regard everything

connected with the property-owning class as hostile, while we may also

remember that many elements in the upper-class tradition depend for

their existence upon the presence of servants.

An insight into the nature of these traditional differences may be

gained in rather a different way. Many members of the upper class have

attempted to interest themselves in the conditions of life among the

less fortunate classes. It is doubtful how far the experience gained in

the majority of cases is of value in throwing light upon the problems

under consideration. But let any unprejudiced person go and live in the

working-class quarter of any large town without any object in view other

than to experience the conditions. Under such circumstances the

conclusions which grow up in his mind will probably be something of the

following nature. To all seeming the innate qualities of the boys and

girls, in temperament, disposition, and intellect, are very much what

they were in the boys and girls he was at school with or formerly

associated with himself. The more intimate his acquaintance becomes with

the conditions among which these boys and girls grow up, the more

striking seem the peculiarities and limitations of the mental horizon

outside of which they have little chance of penetrating compared with

that which confronts children of his own class. The dullness and

drabness, if there is nothing worse, of a home life in two or three

rooms, relieved by what excitement can be found in the smaller streets

of a large town, or later by picture palaces or an occasional football

match, followed by marriage and the struggle to keep up a home under

discouraging circumstances—all these features, which are not appreciated

in their full weight until they are, as it were, felt by individual

experience, seem adequately to explain the differences between the

adults of one class and those of another. Any one who has had such an

experience will, on the whole, be rather surprised that more sordidness

does not exist, than be inclined to summon the hypothesis of innate

inferiority to explain the sordidness that does exist.

17. Profound differences in tradition as between the social classes do

therefore exist and, as far as we have gone, they might appear to

account for all mental differences manifested; they must in any case

account for a considerable part of them. But though we could prolong the

discussion on the same lines and produce much evidence tending to the

same conclusion, we could reach no precise result. We may go on

therefore and ask whether there is any evidence of the existence of

innate differences between the classes.

Mere observation of the boys and girls of the different classes does not

indicate any differences. But mere observation is not enough. The

problem may be approached in two ways. We may notice the results of

inquiries made regarding the intelligence of children by modern methods,

and we may also ask by what characters those who rise to a higher social

status are distinguished, and further what innate differences may be

supposed to underlie these apparent differences. The results of

inquiries made to test the relative intelligence of children of parents

of different social status are fairly uniform. Bridges and Coles, for

example, found as the result of such an investigation that ‘there was

very considerable dependence of intelligence upon “sociological

conditions”’; they go on to say that ‘when children are classified

according to the occupations of their fathers, a striking correlation is

shown between intelligence quotient and occupation group. Hence if

mental age rather than chronological age were used to determine the time

for beginning school, the children of the professional group, for

example, would begin school two years earlier than the children of the

unskilled labour group; for the former mature intellectually much

earlier than the latter.’[1699] The interpretation of such observations

bristles with difficulties. It is not clear what relation earlier

maturity bears to adult intelligence. Though the direct effect of the

environment is probably negligible, the possibility that tradition may

influence the results is certainly not shut out. Indeed, the fact that

the correlation is higher for boys than for girls suggests that

tradition does come in. Nevertheless, a consideration of these results

suggests that the whole explanation cannot be found in tradition and

that we have here a sign of some superiority of intelligence in the

children of parents of a higher social status. More than that cannot be

said.

18. Let us approach the question in another way. Can we discover any

characteristics distinctive of those who succeed in modern society, who

rise, as it is called, from the ranks of the wage-earning classes, and,

if we can, what these characters are and how far we must assume the

existence of innate differences to account for them? We may think of the

upper social classes in England to-day as falling roughly into three

divisions—the professional and the business classes and those whose

fathers, grandfathers, or more remote ancestors came into possession of

property by one means or another. In the case of a small proportion of

the latter class, the position was won under conditions which differ

more or less profoundly from these ruling to-day. This section is a

small section, and we need not further consider it here. A large

proportion of the so-called upper classes have attained their position

under the conditions which now exist, or their forefathers have attained

it under conditions which did not greatly differ from them. What

characteristics are they, which, when manifested under these conditions,

lead to success?

It has often been assumed that intellect is the chief factor in success.

This assumption is not only made in ordinary conversation when a

reference to the career of a successful man in any line is almost

certain to be followed by the comment that ‘he must be a very clever

fellow’ but in serious contributions to the problem. This assumption is

certainly wrong. There are many elements in character which contribute

more largely to success than the intellectual, such as capacity for

work, energy, ambition, desire to dominate, tact, and so on.

Furthermore, success in a profession is, to an almost as great an extent

as success in business, attributable to such characteristics. Few more

remarkable things—remarkable in being in conflict with ideas as commonly

preconceived—are learnt from observation and experience than the length

to which such characteristics in favourable association can carry a man

even in the strictly learned professions where it might be supposed that

intellect alone would carry off the prizes. There can be no doubt that

those elements in character which are most important as regards success

are such as we must attribute to differences in disposition and

temperament rather than in intellect so far as we can attribute them at

all to innate differences.

This is essentially what we want to know—what innate differences do

exist. We have, when trying in the first place to fix upon the outwardly

existing characteristics, to remember that tradition may give powerful

twists and turns—sometimes of a desirable and sometimes of an

undesirable nature—to the simpler characteristics mentioned above, such

as ambition. In the business world, for example, the successful man is

from many points of view the man who gets his head above the heads of

other people, who gets more out of other people than they get out of

him. But are we to imagine that there is something in him which impels

him so to act with regard to his fellow men, or are we to imagine that

the simpler characteristics of ambition and love of power lead to such

conduct under the guidance of a particular tradition without any

definite desire on his part or even perhaps without any clear

realization as to what it is precisely that he is doing? The second

explanation is that which best fits the facts. It seems clear that, as

tradition changes in the course of years, the activities of the

energetic ambitious men are led this way and that. At present no doubt

to a certain degree they are led in the direction of ‘pushfulness’—by

what M. Faguet has called ‘le goût d’arrivisme’. It is always dangerous

to read into the activities of men the working of particular innate

characteristics. Few things in history perhaps have been as harsh as the

conduct of the generation which devised the game laws, and yet these

very men did not merely quote the classics with unbounded enthusiasm but

were also moved by genuine sympathy and altruism to abolish slavery, the

horrors of which were known to them only by report. We should refrain,

therefore, from deducing from the activities of the successful men and

of the upper classes more than the presence of those simpler

characteristics mentioned above as leading to positions of pre-eminence

over other men.

These simpler characteristics are in themselves very complex

manifestations of many elements, of which tradition is one. But in the

case of this particular problem, as we are considering rise from a lower

to a higher social status, tradition cannot be held to be the cause of

the differences. There are, in fact, unquestionably innate differences

in temperament and disposition which underlie the characteristics

leading to success, and the temperamental differences which have been

curiously neglected are probably the most important and form perhaps

half the secret of success. Among the temperamental characteristics

leading to success we may note low degree of fatiguability, high power

of recuperation, rapidity of response, hopeful nature, vigour, energy,

and healthy nervous tone. Among the characteristics of disposition we

may note similarly the instincts of self-assertion, of emulation, and of

acquisition. The power of forming habits is probably also a considerable

aid to success under modern conditions.

What part does intellect play? Judging from the fact that it is

certainly an aid to success, though not so powerful a factor as is

usually thought, we may conclude that there is some, probably a slight,

difference in intellectual capacity between the classes. Intellect, when

it accompanies success, is rather more in the nature of an incidentally

favourable factor than of a primary cause of success. The powerful

instinct of self-assertion will make itself felt; its possessor will

probably arrive somewhere; a powerful intellect may, in the absence of,

or rather with the inadequate development of, other innate qualities,

not advance its possessor’s position in the world.

But though considerations based upon a testing of intelligence on the

one hand and upon an analysis of qualities leading to success on the

other do without question lead to the conclusion that there are

differences in innate qualities as between the successful and the

unsuccessful, there are grounds for thinking, for the reasons mentioned

above, that the differences between the classes are not large. For we

must remember that, so far from the lower classes being drained of men

of certain qualities, a very small proportion of the men of these

classes is ever enabled to set out on the path leading to success in

business or in a profession. Also we must not forget, when considering

success, the part played by fortunate accidents under complex modern

conditions—mere chance happenings which, altering the whole course of a

man’s life, may determine whether he is successful or unsuccessful.

Again, there is little or no relapse worth speaking of into the lower

classes when once a status is gained. Such is the influence of place and

status that for the most part, whatever may be the innate qualities, the

descendants of men who won their way upwards maintain their position.

Therefore the regression to the mean which is always at work must tend

to lessen such innate differences as exist between the classes.

19. Lastly, there is a very difficult problem the existence of which

must not be forgotten inasmuch as it affects in the most fundamental

manner the judgement to be passed on the meaning of these differences.

We have to ask what is the value of the differences which exist. Success

alone cannot be taken as an indication of the value of the characters

exhibited by the successful. There can indeed be no doubt that, other

things being equal, a decrease in the average intellect would be an

unfortunate thing. Similarly we may regard those temperamental qualities

which were indicated as leading to success as on the whole of value. But

it cannot be affirmed without more consideration that all temperamental

qualities which distinguish the successful are desirable, and more

particularly that a further development of the instincts of

self-assertion, acquisition, and emulation would be desirable under

present circumstances; it may even be that we might view a diminution in

the average strength of some of the qualities which mark the successful

at least with equanimity. The instincts of acquisition and

self-assertion were of great value in the past, highly indeed as mankind

has paid for the careers of men markedly endowed with these qualities.

But, with the present stage of social evolution in Europe in mind,

should it not be said that the instinct of acquisition when developed

above the average is on the whole harmful, and may it not be that

self-assertion is likely to be a source of difficulty in any form of

co-operative commonwealth, and to some form of co-operation as replacing

or modifying competition we seem to be tending.

We may see this whole problem of value in another light if we ask what

it is that we value in the men of our race. Latterly we have had reason

to dwell upon the qualities which we feel to characterize the men of our

race at their best. Are they not self-respect together with modesty,

tenacity together with tenderness? Any one who has served in the ranks

of the army is not likely to allow that these qualities are on the whole

less developed in the classes from which the ranks of the army are

usually filled than in the rest of the nation. In this connexion we

should perhaps remember that a sense of comradeship in facing the

elemental facts of existence without material wealth may provide an

impetus to the expression of these qualities, whereas an absorption in

the less immediate necessities of life may militate against their

expression. To the degree to which this is so, we should, when trying to

estimate the innate capacities in the different classes, make the

necessary allowances—in the case of the so-called upper classes for the

circumstances adverse to the expression of these qualities and in the

case of the so-called lower classes for circumstances which on the whole

perhaps favour their expression. However this may be, we feel that these

qualities are the most valuable which our race has produced and that

upon their preservation and upon greater opportunities for their

expression depends our best hope for the future. He would be a bold man,

however, who suggested that the possession of these qualities in more

than average amount was a characteristic of the successful. The same may

be said of good taste, good manners, and of other qualities which, to

say the least of them, contribute to the amenities of life.

It is at least apparent how difficult a problem is the judgement to be

passed on the effects of modern differential fertility. There are

grounds for thinking that those who see in differential fertility the

cause of the cyclical course of civilization both over-estimate the

results and neglect certain aspects of the changes involved.

Differential fertility is not a factor to be disregarded; the results

which it is now producing demand the most careful investigation.

Nevertheless, so far as our knowledge extends, we should view it rather

as the result than as the cause of the cyclical course of history—the

course which historical changes take being due primarily to changes in

tradition. This conclusion is in harmony with all that has been said in

this chapter as to the relative importance of change in tradition and of

change in the germinal constitution. From the first period in history

changes in tradition have come to override changes in the germinal

constitution; the latter form of change is far from being negligible,

but it is a contributory rather than a fundamental cause of the events

of history.

XXII

CONCLUSION

1. An attempt has been made to trace the origin of problems of

population from their source and to indicate their nature and

interdependence. They have been traced back to man’s place in nature.

The ancestors of man must at one time have been subject to the same

conditions as those to which all species in a state of nature are

subject. These conditions were investigated, and it was shown that

fecundity is in the main determined by the sum of all the dangers to

which the young of any species are exposed—allowance being made for the

fact that a certain proportion of ova will not be fertilized. It was

also shown that change or history—if history can be spoken of in this

connexion—is due to germinal change alone, and it was further indicated

how it may be supposed that germinal change comes about. The early

stages in the moving away of the pre-human ancestor from these

conditions elude our inquiry, though certain deductions may be made as

to the main outline of what happened. For evidence as to the latter

stages, until we reach historical times, we are chiefly dependent upon

the method of using our knowledge of existing primitive races as

throwing light upon prehistoric races.

2. Problems of population fall under two main headings, problems of

quantity and problems of quality. But all problems of population are

interwoven one with another and the method of solving any quantitative

problem bears upon the quality of population. Thus the methods of

regulating quantity affect quality by influencing germinal change, and

in the later periods of history growth in quantity affects quality by

its influence upon tradition. No one problem should be considered

without reference to its bearing both upon quantity and quality. At the

present day, for instance, differential fertility is almost always

considered solely from the point of view of quality; it is forgotten

that the reduction in the birth-rate may be that which economic

conditions demand and that it may of necessity have to begin among the

upper classes. Though, therefore, differential fertility by producing

unfavourable germinal changes is to be to that degree deplored, yet we

have to remember that, so far as quantity is concerned, failure to meet

economic requirements might be a much greater misfortune.

3. As regards quantitative problems we saw that from the first period of

history onwards—from the time, that is to say, that it began to be

possible for man to reap the benefits of co-operation—it was of the

utmost importance for every group to approximate to the optimum number.

This is the number which—taking into consideration the nature of the

environment, the degree of skill employed, the habits and customs of the

people concerned, and all other relevant facts—gives the highest average

return per head. This number is not fixed once and for all. On the

contrary it is constantly varying as the conditions referred to vary,

and, as skill has tended to increase throughout history, so has the

number economically desirable tended to increase. The errors underlying

the wholly different exposition given by Malthus have been indicated;

for him there was no such thing as over-population. In his view

population had at any one time increased up to the possible limit and

was in process of being checked. In the modern view numbers may

approximate to the desirable level, may not reach it, or they may exceed

it, and if either of two latter positions arise, the return per head

will not be as high as it might be.

The quantitative problem presents itself to all races at all times.

There is no escaping it. The common notion that it only presents itself

at certain times and in certain places is based upon a failure to grasp

the strength of fecundity. Almost without exception those factors, which

incidentally restrict increase and produce elimination, are insufficient

so to reduce fertility as to keep numbers down to the optimum level.

There thus arises the need for factors which directly restrict fertility

and cause elimination; among primitive races these factors take the form

of abortion, infanticide, and prolonged abstention from intercourse.

There is no correlation between these factors and the economic stage

reached, and therefore we have no grounds for assuming any one factor to

have been prevalent at any one stage in pre-history, though we must

assume that one or more of these factors was always at work. This

assumption is confirmed by the fact that, whenever we can catch sight of

the emergence of prehistoric races into the light of history, we find

one or other of these factors to have been present. Further there is

every reason to suppose that normally such of these factors as are in

use are effective and that therefore in the first and second periods of

history some approximation to the optimum number was normally attained.

The third period is in many respects different from those that preceded

it. In the first place the number desirable has been constantly

increasing, so much so that increasing numbers are taken as being a

normal feature of human society whereas, in fact, numbers throughout

human history as a whole have been stationary. It may be that we are

nearing a time when numbers will be again normally stationary, for

though increase may remain economically desirable, it may cease to be so

from a wider point of view of human welfare, when, that is to say, facts

other than income per head are taken into account. In the second place

there have been frequent failures to attain to the optimum number owing

to the many disturbing influences at work. Chief among them are the

fluctuations in the number desirable, the erratic action of certain

causes of elimination, such as war and disease, and migrations.

Regarding the quantitative problem as a whole, it is evident that the

necessity of solving it has had the most profound effect upon all

societies at all times. It bears directly upon the relation between the

sexes—around which so largely centres human welfare—and upon the most

intimate and most valued aspects of the life of every adult—those

connected with the family. In the past the solution has been

unconsciously or semi-consciously achieved; it has now come within the

power of mankind after a due consideration of the position deliberately

to decide what the best solution may be.

4. Turning now to the problems of quality, we found that change among

species in a state of nature, and therefore among our pre-human

ancestors, was due to germinal change alone. Just as man has moved away

from the position in which all species in a state of nature are situated

as regards quantity, so he has moved away from the position in which

they are placed as regards quality. Human history, in other words, is

not explicable as due to germinal change alone. Tradition becomes a

factor of ever-increasing importance; the direct influence of the

environment also assumes a greater importance than among species in a

state of nature, though it remains relatively insignificant compared

with changes in tradition and changes in the germinal constitution.

Germinal change, however, retains almost its full importance so far as

permanent changes in physical characters are concerned.

We have seen that physical characters as presented to us are the

expression of the interaction between certain germinal predispositions

and a certain environment, and that, disease apart, such variations as

usually occur in the environment do not in any notable manner affect

these characters. Tradition does not enter directly into the expression

of physical character; it alters the environment, it is true, but that

is another matter. Nevertheless when we come to investigate the smaller

differences, such as those which are found as between members of

different classes in a modern community, the greatest caution is

necessary before the differences in the environment are ruled out as

contributory factors in producing these differences. Broadly speaking,

we may say that differences in stature, eye colour, eyesight, muscular

power, and so on, are all, though in varying degrees, because different

organs vary in their susceptibility to environmental differences,

expressions of germinal differences. It follows that, so far at least as

physical characters are concerned, the germinal constitution is of

primary importance. Disease due to parasites is a question apart. The

parasites might be eliminated, or conceivably preventive medicine might

render susceptibility to disease of little account. Disease due to

structural defects must be classed with other physical characters and,

whether it be that we are considering health (immunity from parasitic

disease excepted), stature, eye colour, or any other physical character,

it is to the germinal constitution that we must look as the factor of

chief importance.

It is not, however, of changes in physical characters but of changes in

mental characters of which we think when we ask what it is that has

caused those events the recording of which is the province of

historians. There are three factors to be considered, germinal change,

traditional change, and the direct effect of the environment, which

latter factor we may pass over, merely recalling that it can at times—as

in the case of chronic disease affecting at one time a large proportion

of the inhabitants of a country—appreciably retard progress. It is never

in the true sense a cause of progress. In thus relegating the direct

effect of the environment to a very subsidiary place among the factors,

we are not dismissing the environment as of little account in human

history or in the lives of individual men and women. Though the direct

effect of the environment on the germinal constitution is seldom clearly

distinguished from its effect in moulding tradition, yet it is wholly

distinct; and in fact, while attributing to the former little

importance, we have found the latter to be of increasing importance

until it comes altogether to dominate germinal change.

Nevertheless when this distinction is realized and an unbiased effort

made to estimate the relative importance of these factors, it seems that

the position is often curiously misunderstood. It is frequently

suggested that the achievement of our race in the future and of mankind

in general will somehow depend principally upon the course of germinal

change, and that it is in the lives of men at the present day or at any

given time that environment in its bearing upon tradition is of

importance. But this is a misconception of the position. Bearing in mind

the discussions in former chapters as to what is inherited and as to the

direct influence of the environment, let us ask wherein the importance

of germinal differences is to be sought, first as between men at the

present day and afterwards in history as a whole. With regard to

physical characteristics it is clear that, disease apart, men are what

they are owing principally to their native endowment. Whether a man is

tall or short, dark or fair, has blue or brown eyes, or what is, apart

from the possibility of a correlation between these and more valuable

characters, of more importance, whether he is healthy, vigorous, strong,

endowed with good eyesight and hearing, in short with a sound

constitution—this is a matter principally of native endowment, supposing

the differences in the environment not to exceed those which now on the

average occur. And the same applies to mental characters with an

allowance made for the marked degree of susceptibility which temperament

exhibits to changes in the environment. Whether a man has more than the

average degree of intellect, is markedly assertive, pugnacious, or

inquisitive, is capable of withstanding or recovering from fatigue,

depends upon his native endowment. But it is at the same time true that

achievement is in very large degree governed by tradition. This is true

if the criterion of achievement is an historical criterion, as, for

instance, when a man of one race is compared with another man of the

same race belonging to a different epoch or when a man of one race is

compared with a man of another race. It is not true when the comparison

is made between two men of the same class within the same race because

within classes in a race tradition is more or less equalized. And where

tradition is equalized, there achievement is a measure of innate

endowment, and it is within a class usually so equalized that at any

given time the outward manifestation of mental characters is nearly as

much a measure of native endowment as are those of physical characters.

Therefore not what a man achieves as judged by historical standards, not

whether his thought will follow primitive or common-sense lines, is

dependent upon his endowment, but what he will make of the tradition of

his time—his performance, in other words, compared with that of men

around him.

Achievement, therefore, as judged historically, is in very large measure

to be explained as due to the influence of the environment upon the

origin and transmission of tradition. Up to a certain stage, however,

and, when the whole of human history is taken into account, up to a late

stage, achievement was in the main dependent upon germinal change. But

this late stage is anterior by many thousands of years to the beginning

of history in the usual meaning of that term. Beginning not later than

the last period of the Palaeolithic, the explanation of the course of

events is in the main to be sought not in germinal change but in the

influence of environment upon tradition. The importance of germinal

change in the later stages is by no means negligible. Germinal change,

however, was not so much the cause of the course which events followed

as a consequence of these events. The effect reacted upon the cause and

accelerated the process. Finally when considering the latest phase of

history—the latest phase, that is to say, when taking a broad view—we

reach the following conclusion. We find that the great acceleration of

the rate of progress which characterizes the history of the period is to

be explained, not by a change in quality, but by the growth in quantity

of the population which, though it does not of necessity lead to, is the

indispensable condition precedent to, the breakdown of the segmentary

organization of society and to the rise of the organic type of social

organization. This is the paradox of the population problem. Change

among species in a state of nature is based upon germinal change alone;

change among our pre-human ancestors was equally a matter of change in

the quality of population; but the explanation of the most outstanding

fact in recent history broadly viewed is to be sought in a change in

quantity rather than in quality of population.

The explanation of the course of events since late Palaeolithic times as

due to tradition on the lines indicated in the last chapter is in

general satisfactory, provided that on the one hand allowance is made

for the fact that differences in race do imply differences in mental and

moral qualities, which arising on the whole together with changes in

tradition, reinforce the tendency to change along certain lines, and

that on the other hand apparently chance happenings do give turns and

twists to the course of events. The reconciliation of this latter

phenomenon with the general trend of the argument is not difficult.

Under certain conditions the death or even the indisposition of some

prominent man or the whim of a powerful minister may appear to divert

the course of events. Nevertheless in reality such events have only a

passing effect and do not obscure the broad workings of the factors we

have indicated.

The relation of the innate qualities to tradition may be illustrated by

the use of a metaphor. Tradition may be likened to some vast structure

which mankind is building. Each generation adds a few bricks to the

structure. The part of the building to which any one man contributes,

whether it is to the ground floor or to one of the upper stories, wholly

depends upon the race and epoch to which he belongs; so too does for the

most part the kind of brick he will lay and the methods he will employ

in laying it. His contribution to the structure is governed by the plan

of the building as elaborated by previous generations and by the bricks

they have prepared and the methods of laying them they have introduced.

But in any generation whether a man will lay a brick at all or whether

he will do it energetically and intelligently as compared with his

fellow-workers will depend upon the innate qualities with which he is

endowed.

Our conclusion therefore must be something after this kind. Those who

base upon germinal change their hopes for the physical condition of the

human race in the future are building upon sound foundations. However

much our power to control and regulate vital processes may increase—and

it is clearly upon the verge of a very great increase—in the end a

satisfactory physical condition can only be the product of a certain

germinal constitution. On the other hand, those who think that germinal

change in mental characters will effect the evolution of society and

mould the course of history are upon the whole mistaken. The course of

history is in the main dependent upon changes in tradition which are for

the most part independent of germinal change. Just as the outstanding

happenings in the last century—the turning of thought and conduct in

Germany, for example, along certain lines, which ended in so great a

catastrophe—were due to changes in tradition and not to changes in the

germinal constitution, so whether the problems now pressing upon

European society are to be solved or whether some greater catastrophe,

reaching a climax in a long course of years or bursting suddenly upon

us, is to be the outcome, will depend upon changes in tradition and not

upon germinal change. The reason for this lies in the fact that the vast

accumulation of tradition overlays the outward expression of mental

character, determines the direction of intellectual activity and moulds

the expression of the instinctive faculties. But as far as tradition is

equalized, so far do innate mental differences manifest themselves as

between man and man, and since tradition is more or less equalized, if

not within races, at least within classes in the same race, to that

degree is mental endowment of pre-eminent importance to the individual.

APPENDIX I

There is presented below a summary of the evidence that in all parts of

the world there existed among primitive races, before they had been

subjected to European or other outside influence, customs the primary

function of which was the restriction of increase. An ideal review of

the matter would require a preliminary selection of certain areas where

the conditions referred to could be thoroughly studied. After a mapping

out of the races and tribes, in order that some idea might be obtained

of the relative numerical importance of each, an exhaustive examination

of the literature might be undertaken and the date of the observations

noted. The credibility of the authors would have to be considered and

some method of allowing for negative evidence elaborated. Nothing of the

kind has been attempted here. It may be suggested that the problem

should have been pursued at least somewhat further. Various attempts

were made to analyse the evidence in other ways, but the difficulties

met with were such that it seemed best to present the evidence as

follows. Evidence of a reasonably credible nature as to the existence of

these customs has been noted. In many of these cases other authors are

silent as to these practices; in one or two cases the practices have

been denied; but when the denial is either not apparently founded on

careful observation or is of a distinctly later date, these instances

have not been omitted. Where the weight of the evidence is against the

existence of the practice, as in the case of the existence of

infanticide among the Veddahs, any positive evidence is omitted. One

author does record infanticide among the Veddahs, and it may be that it

formerly existed.

It is submitted that the evidence as given below does show customs

restrictive of increase to have been so widespread, in the form either

of abortion, infanticide, or prolonged abstention from intercourse, as

to have been practically universal. It is in fact submitted that,

although for the many reasons set out in the text the evidence must be

very incomplete, there is ample support for the theory which has been

advanced.

In the following summary the letter ‘R’ stands for prolonged restriction

of intercourse, ‘A’ for abortion, and ‘I’ for infanticide. Where the

evidence records the practice to be rare, but there are reasons for

thinking that the rarity may be recent, the reference has been included

with the word ‘rare’ given in brackets.

AUSTRALIA

Group I.

[Sidenote: I.]

General References. Parker, _Aborigines_, p. 23; Lumholtz, _Among

Cannibals_, p. 134.

Victoria. Curr, _Recollections_, p. 252.

Victoria and Riverina. Beveridge, _Aborigines_, p. 26.

New South Wales and Victoria. Mathews, _Ethnological Notes_, p. 17.

Port Lincoln. Wilhelmi, _Transactions of the Royal Society of

Victoria_, vol. v, p. 180; Schürmann, _Aboriginal Tribes_, p. 223.

River Darling. Bonney, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 125.

Southern Australia. Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 280; Fison and

Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 190; Eylmann, _Kolonie

Südaustralien_, p. 261; Smyth, _Aborigines_, vol. i, p. 52.

Mining Tribe. Howitt, _Native Tribes_, p. 748.

Tongeranka. Ibid., p. 749.

Mukjarawaint. Ibid.

Wotjos. Ibid.

Tatuthi. Ibid.

Wadthaurung. Ibid.

Narrinyeri. Taplin, _Native Tribes_, p. 13.

Queensland. Mathew, _Two Tribes_, p. 165.

Port Darwin. Foelsche, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 192.

Central Australia. Eyre, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 376; Spencer and

Gillen, _Native Tribes_, p. 269.

Northern Tribes. Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 608.

Western Australia. Grey, _Journals_, vol. ii, p. 251.

[Sidenote: A.]

North-west and Central Queensland. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p.

183.

Mythuggadi. Palmer, _J. A. I._, vol. xiii, p. 280.

Port Jackson. Collins, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. ii, p. 34.

TASMANIA

Group I.

[Sidenote: A.]

Bonwick, _Tasmanians_, p. 76.

[Sidenote: I.]

Ibid., pp. 79 and 85; Ling Roth, _Tasmania_, p. 167.

BUSHMEN

Group I.

[Sidenote: I.]

Moffat, _Missionary Labours_, p. 58; Stow, _Native Races_, p. 51.

AMERICA

Group I.

[Sidenote: R.]

General References. Weld, _Travels_, p. 373; Heriot, _Travels_, p.

339.

Yguazas. Cabeça da Vaca, _Narrative_, p. 62.

Abipones. Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, vol. ii, p. 97.

[Sidenote: A.]

General References. Weld. loc. cit., p. 373; Robertson, _History_,

vol. i, p. 297.

Eskimos. Wells and Kelly, _U.S.A. Bur. of Education_, 1890, p. 19;

Bessels, _Arch. für Anth._, vol. viii, p. 112.

Hudson Bay. Ellis, _Voyage_, p. 198.

Knisteneaux. Mackenzie, _Voyages_, vol. i, p. 148.

Haidahs. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.

Puget Sound. Lord, _Naturalist_, vol. ii, p. 231.

Vancouver Island (Nootkas). Sproat, _Savage Life_, p. 94; Bancroft,

vol. i, p. 197.

Thompson Indians. (Rare.) Teit, _Jesup North Pacific Expedition_,

vol. i, p. 305, and vol. ii, p. 584.

Shushwap. (Rare.) Ibid.

Western Washington and North-western Oregon. Gibbs, _U.S. Geog. and

Geol. Survey_, vol. i, p. 199.

Chinooks. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242.

Inland Tribes Pacific Coast. Ibid.

Omahas. (Rare.) Dorsey, 3rd _A. R. B. E._, p. 263.

Californians. Powers, loc. cit., p. 207.

New Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 590.

Guaycurus. Castelnau, _Expedition_, vol. ii, p. 450; Azara,

_Voyages_, p. 146.

Payaguas. Rengger, _Reise_, p. 329.

Fuegians. Cooper, _S. I. B. E._, No. 63, p. 171.

[Sidenote: I.]

Eskimos. Behring Straits. Nelson, 18th _A. R. B. E._, p. 289.

Central. (Rare.) Boas, 6th _A. R. B. E._, p. 580.

Smith Sound. Murdoch, 9th _A. R. B. E._, p. 417; Bessels, _Arch. für

Anth._, vol. viii, p. 112.

King William Land. Murdoch, loc. cit., p. 417.

Greenland. Nansen, _Greenland_, p. 330.

Aleuts. (Rare.) Dall, _Alaska_, p. 399.

Malemutes. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 81.

Kutchins. Kirkby, _Church Missionary Intelligencer_, vol. xiv, p.

115; Hardisty, 21st _A. R. B. E._, p. 312; Mackenzie, _Voyages_,

vol. i, p. 148.

Copper River District. Woldt, _Reise_, p. 393.

Chinooks. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 242; Lord, loc. cit., vol.

ii, p. 231.

Koniagas. Bancroft, vol. i, p. 81.

Nootkas. Bancroft, vol. i, p. 197.

Haidahs. Gibbs, loc. cit., p. 198; Bancroft, vol. i, p. 169.

Kwakiutl. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 169.

Chepewayans. Keating, _Narrative_, p. 160.

Californians. Powers, loc. cit., p. 416; Bancroft, loc. cit., vol.

i, pp. 390 and 413.

Yguazas. Cabeça da Vaca, _Narrative_, p. 62.

Abipones. Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, vol. ii, p. 97; Charlevoix, loc.

cit., vol. i, p. 405.

Guaycurus. Church, _South America_, p. 248.

Puelches. Guinnard, _Patagonians_, p. 143.

Fuegians. (Rare.) Westermarck, _Human Marriage_, p. 313.

Group II.

[Sidenote: R.]

Iroquois. Le Beau, _Aventures_, vol. ii, p. 200.

Illinois. Charlevoix, loc. cit., vol. vi, p. 5.

Crows. Holder, _Am. Journ. Obstet._, vol. xxv, p. 44.

Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 281.

Moxos and Chiquitos. D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, vol. i, p. 47.

[Sidenote: A.]

Sioux. Keating, loc. cit., vol. i, p. 394; Schoolcraft, loc. cit.,

vol. i, p. 204.

Crows. Holder, loc. cit., p. 44.

Apaches, Navahos, Pueblos, Pimas, Nahua, Otommi, and Aztec.

Hrdlicka, _S. I. B. E._, Bull. 34, p. 163.

Menomini. Stevenson, 23rd _A. R. B. E._, p. 296.

Zuni. (Rare.) Ibid.

Mexico. Bancroft, loc. cit., vol. ii, pp. 183 and 269.

Brazil and the Chaco. Ehrenreich, _Königliches Museum zu Berlin_,

vol. i, Heft 2, p. 27; Azara, vol. ii, p. 116.

Bakairi. Von den Steinen, _Brazilien_, p. 123.

[Sidenote: I.]

Pimas. Yarrow, _A. R. B. E._, vol. i, p. 99.

Sioux. Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. iii, p. 243.

Creeks. Schoolcraft, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 272.

Guanas. Azara, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 93.

Mbayas. Ibid., p. 116.

Lenguas. Hawtrey, _J. A. I._, vol. xxi, p. 295.

Guaranis. Rengger, _Reise_, p. 329.

AFRICA

[Sidenote: R.]

Yoruba-speaking. Ellis, _Yoruba-Speaking Peoples_, p. 185.

Ewe-speaking. Ellis, _Ewe-Speaking Peoples_, p. 206.

Kagero. Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 174.

Hausa. Ibid., vol. xxxvi, p. 93.

Benin. Ling Roth, _Benin_, p. 39.

Niger District. Mungo Park, _Travels_, p. 402.

Warri District. Granville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 106.

Moioa. Tremearne, _Nigeria_, p. 239.

Gallinas. Harris, _Darkest Africa_, p. 36.

Hobbés. Desplagnes, _Plateau Nigérien_, p. 227.

Cameroon. Nassau, _West Africa_, p. 11.

Ashanti. Reade, _South Africa_, p. 45.

Congo District. Cureau, _Sociétés primitives_, p. 378; Johnston,

_George Grenfell_, p. 671; Ward, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiv, p. 289.

Bangala. Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 418; Overbergh and

Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 1, p. 199.

Mayombe. Overbergh and Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 2, p. 219.

Ababua. Halkin, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 7, p. 260.

Bayaka. Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 51.

Mandja. Gaud, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 8, p. 154.

Warega. Delhaise, ibid., No. 5, p. 154.

Uganda. Wilson and Felkin, _Uganda_, vol. i, p. 187.

Baganda. Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 55.

Rovuma River. Thomson, _Geog. Journ._, vol. iv, p. 73.

Swaheli. Velten, _Suaheli_, p. 73.

Baringo District. Dundas, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 60.

Wanjamuesi. Reichard, _Z. G. E._, vol. xxiv, p. 257.

British Central Africa. Stannus, _J. A. I._, vol. xl, p. 311.

Miri District. Felkin, _Trans. Edin. Obstet. Soc._, vol. ix, p. 31.

Atonga. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 415.

South Africa. Junod, _Baronga_, p. 490; Kidd, _Essential Kaffir_, p.

19.

Baronga. Junod, _Baronga_, p. 490.

Loango. Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango-Expedition_, p. 31.

[Sidenote: A.]

Tenda. Delacour, _Rev. d’Eth._, 1912, p. 45.

Nigeria. Tremearne, _J. A. I._, vol. xlii, p. 171.

Congo District. Johnston, _George Grenfell_, p. 671.

Bangala. Weeks, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxix, p. 449; Overbergh and

Jonghe, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 1, p. 201.

Bahuana. Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 228.

Warega. Delhaise, loc. cit., p. 147.

Ababua. Halkin, loc. cit., p. 259.

Onolove. de Rochebrune, _Rev. d’Anth._, vol. iv, p. 283.

Mangbetu. (Rare.) Van Overbergh, _Coll. Mon. Eth._, No. 4, p. 298.

Bushongo. (Rare.) Torday and Joyce, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxvi, p. 111.

Akamba. Hobley, _Akamba_, p. 58.

Swaheli. Velten, loc. cit., p. 29.

Nyassa District. Fülleborn, _Nyassa-Gebiet_, p. 352.

British Central Africa. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, p. 417;

Angus, _Azimba and Chipitaland_, p. 324.

Zambezi Valley. Maugham, _Zambezia_, p. 339.

South Africa. Maclean, _Kaffir Laws_, p. 62.

Wadschagga. Gutmann, _Wadschagga_, p. 3.

Madagascar. Ellis, _Madagascar_, vol. i, p. 55.

[Sidenote: I.]

Hottentots. Kolben, _Cape of Good Hope_, vol. i, p. 144.

Madagascar. Ellis, _Madagascar_, vol. i, p. 155; Little,

_Madagascar_, p. 60.

OCEANIA

[Sidenote: R.]

New Zealand. Tregear, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 103.

Torres Straits. _Cambridge Expedition_, vol. v, p. 199.

Savage Island (Niue). Thomson, _Savage Island_, p. 141.

Pelew Islands. Kubary, _Journal des Museum Godeffroy_, vol. i, p.

54.

Samoa. Krämer, _Samoa-Inseln_, vol. i, p. 38.

New Guinea. Seligman, _J. A. I._, vol. xxxii, p. 302 (Sinaugola);

Schellong, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xxviii, p. 19 (Finschafen).

Solomon Islands. Ribbe, _Zwei Jahre_, p. 144; Glaumond, _Rev.

d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 80.

Bismarck Archipelago (New Britain Group). Brown, _Melanesians_, p.

37.

New Caledonia. Glaumond, loc. cit., p. 80; Lambert,

_Néo-Calédoniens_, p. 104.

Fiji. Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 176; Seeman, _Viti_, p. 191.

Tonga. Thomson, loc. cit., p. 178.

Gilbert Islands (Kingsmill or Line Islands). Thomson, loc. cit., p.

178.

[Sidenote: A.]

New Zealand. Dieffenbach, _New Zealand_, vol. ii, p. 12; Goldie,

_Trans. and Proc. N. Z. Inst._, vol. xxxvii, p. 110; Tuke, _Edin.

Med. Journ._, vol. ix, p. 735.

Torres Straits. Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9; Haddon, _J. A.

I._, vol. xix, p. 359; _Cambridge Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 197.

Hawaii. Dumas, _Îles Hawaï_, p. 18.

Gilbert Islands. Jenkins, _Voyage_, p. 404; Krämer, loc. cit., vol.

ii, p. 53; Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 211.

Samoa. Krämer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 53; Turner, _Samoa_, p. 79.

Rotuma. Gardiner, _J. A. I._, vol. xxvii, p. 480.

Savage Island. Thomson, loc. cit., p. 141.

Fiji. Pritchard, _Polynesian Reminiscences_, p. 423; Waterhouse,

_Fiji_, p. 327.

New Hebrides. Hagen and Pineau, _Rev. d’Eth._, vol. vii, p. 332;

Jamieson, _Aust. Med. Journ._, vol. vii, p. 53.

New Caledonia. Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 33; Ribbe, loc. cit.,

p. 144; Parkinson, _Int. Arch. Eth._, vol. xiii, p. 8; Elton, _J. A.

I._, vol. xvii, p. 93.

Solomon Islands. Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 144.

Bismarck Archipelego. Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 33; Danks, _J. A.

I._, vol. xviii, p. 291; Pfeil, _Studien_, p. 313; Stephan and

Graebner, _Neu-Mecklenburg_, p. 18.

New Britain. Danks, _J. A. I._, vol. xviii, p. 291.

Aru Islands. Ribbe, loc. cit., p. 194.

Flores. Riedel, _Rev. Col. Inter._, vol. ii, p. 71.

New Guinea. Krieger, _Neu-Guinea_, pp. 165, 292, 390, and 392;

Murray, _Papua_, p. 194; Rosenberg, _Malayische Archipel_, p. 454;

Williamson, _Mafulu People_, p. 176; Seligman, _Melanesians_, pp.

135 and 568; Neuhaus, _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, vol. ii, p. 150.

Nias. Modigliani, _Viaggio_, p. 554.

Celebes. Kreutz, _Zeit. Soc. Wiss._, Heft 11, p. 21.

Luzon. Jenks, _Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. i, p. 60.

Mitchell Group. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 280.

[Sidenote: I.]

New Zealand. Angas, _Savage Life_, vol. i, p. 312; Taylor, _Te Ika a

Maui_, p. 338; Tuke, loc. cit., p. 312.

Torres Straits. Haddon, _J. A. I._, vol. xix, p. 359; _Cambridge

Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 107.

Gilbert Islands. Tuituila, _Journ. Pol. Soc._, vol. i, p. 267.

Savage Island. Thomson, _Fijians_, p. 141.

Rarotonga. Gill, _Coral Islands_, vol. ii, p. 13.

Tahiti. Lutteroth, _Insel Tahiti_, p. 12; Ellis, _Polynesian

Researches_, vol. i, p. 249.

Pelew Islands. Kotzebue, _Histoire_, vol. xvii, p. 211.

Sandwich Islands. Ellis, _Narrative_, p. 324; Angas, _Polynesia_, p.

144; Dumas, loc. cit., p. 19.

Fiji. Waterhouse, _Fiji_, p. 328.

New Caledonia. Glaumond, loc. cit., p. 79; Bernard,

_Nouvelle-Calédonie_, p. 288; Moncelin, _Bull. Soc. Anth._, vol. ix,

p. 357.

New Hebrides. Somerville, _J. A. I._, vol. xxiii, p. 4; Paton, _New

Hebrides_, p. 452.

Banks Island. Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 229.

Solomon Islands (Ugi). Elton, _J. A. I._, vol. xvii, p. 93; Guppy,

_Solomon Islands_, p. 42.

Bismarck Archipelago. Brown, _Melanesians_, p. 36; Pfeil, loc. cit.,

p. 18.

New Guinea. Seligman, _Melanesians_, pp. 568 and 705; Williamson,

_Mafulu People_, p. 176; Newton, _New Guinea_, p. 189.

Funafuti. Edgeworth David, _Funafuti_, p. 195.

Tikopia (Barwell Island). Rivers, _Melanesian Society_, vol. i, p.

313.

Nissau. Thurmwald, _Zeit. für Eth._, vol. xl, 1908, p. 111.

Radeck. Kotzebue, _Voyages_, p. 173.

Vaitapu (Ellice Archipelago). Turner, _Samoa_, p. 284.

Marquesas. Hale, _U.S. Exploring Expedition_, vol. vi, p. 15.

Maupiti. Montgomery, _Journal_, vol. ii, p. 12.

Murray Islands. Hunt, _J. A. I._, vol. xxviii, p. 9.

APPENDIX II

Since the chapter on Human Fecundity was set up in type my attention has

been called to a paper by Siegel (_Münchener Medizinische

Wochenschrift_, 1916, p. 748). Though much has been said as to the

supposed influence of the time of copulation with reference to the

sexual cycle upon fertility, no definite information has been

forthcoming. This paper, however, contains important data which bear

upon this point. Owing to the fact that married soldiers only had

occasional leave from the army during the war and then only for two or

three days at a time, it has been possible to obtain information as to

the period in the sexual cycle in which between two and three hundred

children were conceived. Siegel finds that the likelihood of

fertilization increases from the beginning of menstruation, reaches the

highest point six days later, remains almost at the same height until

the twelfth or thirteenth day, and then declines to the twenty-second

day, after which there is absolute sterility.

If these data are confirmed, then those customs which encouraged

copulation immediately after menstruation (as among the ancient Jews) or

discourage it (as among the Hindus) must have an important bearing upon

fertility.

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