CHAPTER XXXVI.

_THE PENAL COLONY OF KARA._

Evil reputation of Kara.--Testimony from Siberians and exiles.--My

own experience.--The Commandant.--Our evening drive.--Hospitable

reception.--Statistics respecting prisoners, their crimes,

sentences, and settlement as “exiles.”--The Amurski

prison.--Cossack barracks.--The upper prison.--Convicts’

food.--Prisoners’ private laws.--Middle Kara prison.--Mohammedan

forçats.--Sunday labour.--Convict clothing.--Guard-house.--A

genuine political prisoner.--The church.--Lack of

preaching.--House of the Commandant.

In the penal colony of Kara I found more than 2,000 convicts, and a few

political prisoners, together with some of their wives and families,

a military staff, and some peasants. The penal institutions of this

place are not so old as those of Nertchinsk; but, like them, they

inherit a bad reputation. Mr. Atkinson appears to have been the first

author to bring the place under the notice of English readers, doing

so in no favourable terms, though he does not profess to speak as

an eye-witness. Before I left England I was told that, if I did not

intend to go east of the Baikal, I should see nothing but what might

be witnessed in the prisons of London, and that I should get no idea

of the real horrors of Siberian exile. This was said by a man who had

worked in the mines of Nertchinsk, and he urged me by all means to see

Kara.

Again, when we reached Siberia, and were travelling on the Obi, my

interpreter conversed with an officer in the prison service, whom he

told that I had come to Siberia for the purpose of seeing its prisons.

The officer expressed his doubts (as numbers of my English friends

had done before) as to whether I should succeed in getting at the

real state of the convicts in the mines and prisons; and he further

mentioned three places where they had to work specially hard, namely,

Alexandreffsky and Nertchinsk (about which I have spoken), and the

third was Kara.

We met further east a gentleman who told me that his brother-in-law,

a colonel, had given him sad accounts of the dreadful state of some

of the prisons in Eastern Siberia. I was introduced to the said

colonel, but a lengthy inquiry was productive of little more, on his

part, than general statements, and I obtained only five lines for my

note-book, the gist of them being that, when I asked for the very worst

places--those in which I should find most horrors--one of the four

places mentioned was Kara.

It is curious to notice that, of the four persons who spoke against

Kara, not one of them (so far as I know) ever went there; and, with

regard to Nertchinsk also, it is observable that the language of

ear-witnesses respecting its mines is far stronger than the language of

eye-witnesses, or even of those who suffered as prisoners. But I need

dwell no longer upon what others have said, and may proceed to write of

what I saw at Kara, where I was, if I mistake not, the first English

visitor.

It was towards evening when our boat reached Ust-Kara. Pacing the

river’s bank was Colonel Kononovitch, the Commandant of the colony. I

had been delayed on the way, and he had been for some hours awaiting

me, but a few words of explanation sufficed to make matters clear. My

tongue, after an enforced silence of nearly 30 hours, was now released.

We talked in French, and I soon discovered that I was addressing

an officer of more than average intelligence. He took me into the

police-master’s house for some light refreshment, and to leave my heavy

baggage, and then suggested that we should start on a drive of eight

miles, so as to reach our destination before dark.

Our way lay over a stony road, through a wild valley, which, in the

shades of evening, had a weird and out-of-the-world appearance.

The ridges of the hills were irregular, and partially covered with

conifers, while lower were deciduous shrubs and trees, though not of

considerable dimensions. Among the rank and tall herbage were some

late flowers, and an orange tiger-lily, about two feet high, that was

strange to me. After we had driven a few miles, we came to a _détour_

in the route, where the colonel proposed that we should clamber up a

bank, and walk down to the road on the other side. From this elevation

the landscape appeared wilder than ever, and the place looked like

a natural prison, from which escape was impossible. There was not

a habitation to be seen, and the consciousness that we were in the

neighbourhood of so many “unfortunates,” as they are called, gave me

similar feelings to those with which I looked down on the forest-bound

prison at Alexandreffsky.

As we drove along, and darkness crept on, there passed us labouring

men returning from work, who saluted us. “Who,” said I, “are they?”

“They are convicts,” said the colonel. “Convicts!” said I; “how,

then, are they loose?” “Oh,” said he, “a large proportion of the

condemned--perhaps half--live out of the prisons in their houses _en

famille_.[1] But they ought not to be out after dark.” I then began

to inquire respecting the crimes of the prisoners, and was informed

that there were in the place about 800 murderers, 400 robbers, and 700

vagrants or “_brodiagi_”; and having been told what proportion of these

were loose, I was not surprised to hear the colonel say that he usually

avoided, if possible, being out at night. I approved his caution. Being

very tired, moreover, and seeing that it was now dark, and that neither

of us was armed, I was heartily glad to reach Middle Kara, the end of

our drive.

Where I was to be quartered I did not know. There was no hotel in the

place, or even a post-house, and I doubt if they could have offered me

lodgings, as at Troitskosavsk, in the police-station. The commandant,

however, had arranged everything for me, and I found that I was to

occupy his own study. There he had prepared a neat, clean little bed;

and as I looked around at the European comforts on the table, in the

shape of writing materials and ornaments, it seemed like an arrival in

the library of an English gentleman rather than the private bureau of

the director of a penal colony.

I wanted to get a thorough rest against the morrow, for we had a stiff

programme before us. Moreover, the last bed I had occupied was nearly

600 miles away; and, with the exception of two nights, I had not taken

off my clothes to sleep for exactly a month. But the colonel insisted

first on giving me food, of which my prominent recollection is that

it was tastefully served, and consisted of delicacies that had been

out of reach for many a day, with tinned fruits, including pears that

had made their way from America up the Amur. When at last I undressed,

and stretched my limbs between a pair of sheets, I felt on excellent

terms with my surroundings in general, and the colonel in particular.

He was a fine-looking man, with intellectual tastes and an intelligent

forehead, and neither smoked, drank, nor played cards,--a trio of

virtues by no means always found in a Siberian official. The room was

clean and sweet; quietness reigned around; and, uninterrupted by the

rumbling of the tarantass or the noise of a post-house, I was left to

sleep in peace.

I had been asked overnight whether next morning I should like a bath.

Of course I jumped at the offer, having been able to get such a luxury

but twice in Siberia. Accordingly, on waking, the colonel brought me

a Turkish dressing-gown and bade me follow him. I thought, perhaps,

he would lead the way to a bath-room, instead of which he opened the

front door and marched me down the middle of his garden to a summer

bathing-shed. Here I splashed about, then returned to my toilet and to

breakfast.

Of course I asked all sorts of questions about the convicts, or, as

they are called, “forçats,” or _katorjniki_--prisoners condemned to

forced labour. Their number at Kara for four preceding years had been

as follows:--

1875 1876 1877 1878 1879[2]

2,600 2,722 2,635 2,543 2,458.

Their classification according to crime is important, as throwing some

light on the number of political prisoners, for whom, I was told, Kara

is a special place of deportation, and I have heard that it has become

more so since my visit. The only class where they could be included

was under the heading “various,” of whom there were 73; and this would

suffice to include the politicals, respecting whose number I asked, and

was told that it was 13 Russians and 28 Poles. I did not hear of any of

the sects of dissenters in prison at Kara.[3]

As regards the sentences of the convicts, they were all, I believe,

condemned to hard labour, either of the fabric or the mines--one year

of work in the mines counting for a year and a half in the fabric.

There were a few, chiefly “vagabonds,” sentenced to Kara for life;

but for such grave offenders even as parricides, fratricides, etc.,

20 years was the extreme limit of their terms. The convicts are able

to shorten their time, to some extent, by good conduct, and are set

free to live as colonists, or, as they are then technically called,

“exiles,” or “_poselenetsi_.”[4]

Not all of the forçats at Kara, as already observed, were in prison,

nor were those in close confinement placed all in one building, but

in six, distributed over a distance about 15 miles long. Thus we left

one behind at Ust-Kara, another about midway between the river and

Middle Kara. At Middle Kara were one or two prison buildings, and in

the opposite direction from the river were two more, the High Prison

and the Amurski Prison, which last was eight miles distant from the

commandant’s house. To this last the colonel proposed to drive first,

and then work back, taking the others in order; and this, after

breakfast, we proceeded to do.

It was a beautiful morning when we started, and the bright sun and

the clear air gave a very different aspect to the valley from that of

the preceding night. The dark hues of the conifers stood out well in

contrast with foliage of lighter green, a stream was visible here and

there, and immense forests bounded the horizon. We drove a pair of

splendid horses that would have attracted attention in Rotten Row; and

as we dashed along the road I perceived at its side wild currants and

strawberries, raspberries, and wild peas, the apple, and the vine. The

colonel pointed out a gold-mine as we proceeded, but I do not remember

seeing any one there at work.

When we reached the Amurski prison, it proved to be a log building,

of good pitch, and of a single storey. Most of the prisoners were

out at work, but a few were engaged in whitewashing the rooms, which

the colonel said was done at least four times a year. The wards were

large sleeping-rooms, occupied for the greater part of the year only

by night. There were no bedsteads, but a wide shelf, like that of a

guard-room, ran round three of the walls; and on this they placed their

large bags, for the making of which sacking was supplied to them, to

serve the double purpose of clothes-bag and bed.

Near the prison were the summer barracks of a company of 150 Cossacks,

a fourth of whom were replaced yearly. The barracks consisted of large

canvas booths, with rows of beds arranged in the fashion of the summer

hospitals. A school is provided in winter for the Cossacks, of whom

rather more than a half read.

We next drove back to the _Verchne_ (or upper) prison, a building much

older than the one we had left, having in the rooms an upper sleeping

shelf resembling a loft, on which the prisoners sleeping would have

the full benefit of the breathed air of their comrades below. The

commandant saw this, and pointed out that it was an old and doomed

building, and that in the new erections they were avoiding a repetition

of the evil. In this prison were two solitary punishment cells, one of

them being occupied on the morning of our visit for the first time in

the colonel’s experience.

Some prisoners, it seemed, might receive money, and some not. There was

in this prison a Jew to whom 150 roubles a year were sent by friends.

His family were living outside. They might bring him food, and were

allowed to pay him at least a weekly visit.

We went into the kitchen, and I looked attentively at the scale of

diet hung on the wall as in prisons in England.[5] The weight of the

highest allowance in Siberia, as observed before, is far in excess

(nearly double) of the highest English convicts’ allowance, though

for non-working prisoners in Siberia an abatement must be made for

fast-days. The annual cost of provisions for each prisoner at Kara is

65 roubles 72¾ kopecks, or say £6 10_s._ The soup appeared somewhat

roughly served in small wooden tubs or bowls, but I presume that the

place is too distant to allow of crockeryware being easily procured.

Every prisoner provided his own spoon. Knives, as in most prisons, were

forbidden.

We saw, lounging about this building, two or three men who seemed

to have very little to do. They were called “_starostas_,” that

is, seniors or elders. Each ward of men in prison, and each gang

of exiles on the march, chooses a starosta, who is their ruler and

representative, the middle-man between them and the authorities. He

receives the charities given them on the road, and pays and bribes the

petty officers for little favours. He is, in fact, banker, purveyor,

and general factotum to the body by whom he is elected. The authorities

recognise this arrangement, exempt the starostas from labour, and

through them deal with the prisoners rather than give their small

orders direct. On behalf of the prisoners it is the starosta’s duty to

befriend them, and see that they have the proper amount of food, and

whatever else may be their due; whilst, on behalf of the authorities,

should anything go wrong with the prisoners, the starosta is held

responsible.[6] The office, however, at Kara, notwithstanding its

privileges and exemptions, is by no means coveted; and the men, rather

than be unoccupied, though it be to rule, prefer to work and to serve.

In the prison at Middle Kara was a considerable number of Tatars. Why

they were unoccupied I know not, unless it happened to be a bath-day,

which is a holiday, and recurs twice a month; or, again, it may have

been one of the Mohammedan festivals, some of the greater of which they

are allowed to observe, though not the Friday in every week. Nor are

the Jewish prisoners allowed to rest on their Sabbath, nor Christians

on the Sunday. It might possibly be argued, in justification of this,

that Sunday is not usually observed at any of the Siberian gold-mines;

but, however that may be, I thought this robbing the hard-labour

prisoners of their day of rest the most cruel and unjust thing in their

lot. A greater than a Russian Tsar gave to man the Sabbath, and to take

it away from him is, to my mind, nothing less than a sin and a shame.[7]

Near the prison at Middle Kara was a storehouse, to which we mounted

by a flight of outside steps. It contained a quantity of material for

prisoners’ clothing--coarse linen for shirts and summer trousers, felt

for coats, and leather for shoes and gloves; also a number of made-up

garments. A pair of summer shoes or slippers was valued at 3_s._, and

a coat of felt at 12_s._ A pair of gloves, such as the prisoners use

in the mines, was given me as a keepsake. I have added them to my

prison curiosities, collected in various parts of the world, comprising

fetters, whip, handcuffs, specimens of prison labour, and a variety of

other lugubrious objects.

There was likewise a guard-house at Middle Kara. In it I observed,

as I had done at Tobolsk, that the furniture and arrangements for

the soldiers were not at all better than for the prisoners. From

information respecting soldiers’ food received later, I make no

doubt the rations of the Cossack guards are less ample than those

provided for the labouring convicts; and I am persuaded that under

some circumstances, dear liberty excepted, the Cossacks are more to be

pitied than their prisoners. Thus, when a gang of exiles comes at night

to an étape, they can lie down and rest, whereas the Cossacks have to

mount guard.

In this building, opening out of the central room guarded by soldiers,

were a few (perhaps half-a-dozen) separate cells, through the doors of

which no one could pass without being seen by the Cossacks. These cells

were evidently inner prisons, in which were kept those whose escape was

especially to be prevented. I entered two of them. The first was not

quite so wide, but about the length and rather higher than the cell

of an English prison, measuring perhaps five feet wide by eight long

and ten high, and occupied by a Tatar gentleman, with his rosary of a

hundred beads in hand, with nothing to do.

[Illustration: TATAR GENTLEMAN EXILE IN WINTER DRESS.]

On entering the second cell, occupied by a political prisoner,

just then at work in the mines, I had at last lighted upon the

dwelling-place of one of a class about whom such harrowing stories

have been told--a genuine political prisoner of high calibre, and a

Jew to wit, undergoing the full sentence of punishment in the mines

of Siberia. This meant, in his case, that he had to labour in summer

very much like a navvy, from six in the morning till seven in the

evening, with certain hours for rest and meals; but in the winter he

frequently had nothing to do. His wife was living near, and might see

him twice a week. But his cell was that which struck me most. Compared

to the criminal wards in the other prisons, this was a little parlour.

It was clean, and in a manner garnished--not, indeed, in the fashion

of a cell at San Francisco, where I found a “boss” painter condemned

for life, and who had decorated his cell from floor to ceiling, as if

intending to remain there for the rest of his days (this would have

been out of keeping with Russian ideas); but the Kara prisoner had

certain articles of furniture and eating requisites, the placing and

arrangement of which indicated familiarity with the habits of decent

society, and showed the prisoner to be above the common herd. One of

his books I found was a treatise on political economy, which may be

noted in connection with the remark of Goryantchikoff in his “Buried

Alive,” who asserts that in his prison no book was allowed but the New

Testament. The room certainly was not large, but there was abundance

of light, the outlook from the long window being not on a prison wall

surrounded by chevaux-de-frise, but commanding a view of the Kara

valley such as a Londoner might envy; whilst just outside was the

public road, along which could be seen everything that passed. I speak

only truth when I say that, if I had the misfortune to be condemned to

prison for life, and had my choice between Millbank in London or this

political’s cell at Kara, I would certainly choose the latter.

Between the guard-house and the residence of the colonel was a

collection of buildings and store-houses, called “Middle” Kara. Among

these was the church, the priest of which was the only chaplain I

could hear of for the prisoners. He practised photography in addition

to his ecclesiastical calling, and although he probably needed every

rouble he gained thereby--and I certainly ought not to revile him,

since by his means the colonel was able to present me with some

views of the colony--yet it would have rejoiced me to hear that he

was doing something worthy of his position for the spiritual good of

the convicts. The pastoral superintendence, frequent services, and

preaching to prisoners, as carried on in English prisons, is unheard of

at Kara, and I gathered that the convicts attended church only twice a

year.[8]

[Illustration: RUSSIAN VILLAGE CHURCH.]

I may here mention that the religious scruples of Siberian exiles are

to some extent respected. Thus, for the Jewish prisoners to be obliged

to eat food prepared by Gentiles would be an abomination. In the prison

at Tiumen we were informed that 42 Jews, who had been confined there

during the previous winter, had been placed together in a ward, with a

separate cooking-place, in which they prepared their food canonically.

So, too, a similar arrangement had been observed with 71 Mohammedans;

and I have just remarked that there were many of this religion

together, in the prison at Middle Kara, who were allowed, within

certain limitations, the exercise of their religious observances. I

have already said that we met a Protestant pastor who made periodical

visits to the prisons and mines; and on the Amur I travelled with

a Roman Catholic priest, from Nikolaefsk, who was returning from a

lengthened tour along the river, which doubtless included visits to his

co-religionists in confinement.

After seeing Middle Kara our morning’s inspection was over. We had

driven 15 miles, and as there were prisons in the opposite direction,

extending over the same length of country, it will be seen that for

the colonel to pay a visit to all his Kara prisons involved a drive,

in all, of 30 miles, which I understood he accomplished at least once

a week; and he had also, I believe, another penal institution to

inspect, called Alexandreffsky Zavod, at a still greater distance. His

salary was £330 per annum, and an unpretentious house, his perquisites,

perhaps, making up his income to £400. In his yard was a good

bath-house and offices, and an enclosure with a couple of wild deer,

caught and kept for his children.

At dinner I was introduced to Madame Kononovitch, who was considerably

younger than her husband. They had married at Irkutsk, which to a

Siberian is Paris. It was not greatly to be wondered at, therefore,

if she found Kara somewhat dull. The society of the place was very

limited. There were the families of the officers and the wives of a few

gentle or noble prisoners, but these latter of course could be received

into the colonel’s house only with a certain amount of reserve. The

servants were, I suppose, all of them exiles, but the dinner was well

served. I remember nothing of the food, save that the colonel had made

a successful effort to get me a plate of wild strawberries. The season

(July 26th) was now late, and they were the last I ate in Siberia.

Madame spoke French well, and, as their children were growing up, she

and her husband were interested in their education, and made many

inquiries concerning our methods of teaching in England. The colonel

then requested me to send him some English books; and soon after dinner

we started for the hospital, the orphanage, and one of the mines.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This is permitted after the expiration of two, four, six, or eight

years (or nearly one-third of the punishment), to those who by good

behaviour attain to a certain class. They still live on the spot and

must work, and after a second period of this half-liberty, they are

sent to a better place as exiles. Whilst in the former class they may

be re-imprisoned for bad conduct, but not, I find, after they are set

free to colonize (except for fresh crimes), as I have stated in my

chapter on the exiles, vol. i., p. 35.

[2] The colonel had not quite all the statistics to hand for 1879.

Their number, therefore, at the time of my visit, was given me as

2,144, classified, according to their crimes, as follows:--

Men. Women. Total.

Murderers 668 125 793

Robbers with violence 404 5 409

Incendiaries 29 9 38

For rape 22 22

Forgers 45 1 46

Offenders against discipline, and

defaulters in public service 86 86

Vagabonds 665 12 677

Various 71 2 73

----- ----- -----

1,990 154 2,144

[3] The only place where I met any of these in confinement was in

the prison hospital at Tomsk, in which were three _Subbotniki_,--one

of them a priest, and the others descendants of priests,--who were

suffering from scorbutic disease, and who were in prison, I _think_

I understood, for trying to propagate their creed; though, as this

would seem to be contrary to what I understood were now the laws

respecting dissenters, it may be that I did not understand the whole

case. Subbotniki are so called because they believe that we ought to

keep _Subbota_, or Saturday, as the day of rest. They are said also to

consider circumcision a binding ordinance, because it was to Abraham,

the father of the faithful, that the Lord gave it, and Moses wrote, “in

your generations _for ever_.” In some other respects, perhaps, such as

purifications, they may further Judaize.

[4] The number of forçats who, after finishing their terms, were, by

special order of the Government, distributed, as exiled colonists among

the inhabitants of the provinces of Eastern Siberia, for the seven

years preceding my visit, was as follows:--

1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878

176 193 134 167 290 472 672

--the last year thus showing a release of a third of the whole number I

found under detention.

[5] It appeared that, when a man was working in the mines, he received

daily 4 lbs. (Russian) of bread, 1 lb. of meat, ¼ lb. of buckwheat,

and a small piece of brick-tea (_kirpichny chai_; _kirpich_ meaning a

brick), amounting to a quarter of a brick per month. In winter they are

given cabbage and potatoes. When a man was not working, he received 3

lbs. of bread, ½ lb. of meat, and 1/12 lb. of buckwheat. No _kvas_ was

provided at Kara except in the hospital. These allowances are given to

the prisoners at Kara in kind, and not, as at Irkutsk, their value in

money, which would not be so suitable, as I saw no shops at Kara, nor

did I hear of any local committee to-eke out the prisoners’ money.

[6] Thus the prisoners make laws for themselves and invest their

seniors with a good deal of power. In this matter there is “honour

among thieves.” I was told, for instance, that east of Tomsk the

sentinels ask an oath of the prisoners that they will not attempt to

escape, and then give them certain liberties. My informant said that

he had sometimes met gangs of prisoners alone, their sentinels having

stayed behind to drink at a public-house. When a general promise

has been thus given, should one dare to run away, he is pursued by

the others, and when caught is thrashed, or loaded, according to M.

Andreoli, with a sack of earth tied on his back. I have even heard of a

gang of exiles sentencing one of their number to death for the breach

of some law of their own making, the sentence being carried out of

course unknown to the authorities--such cases, I presume, being very

rare.

[7] The only days at Kara on which men are supposed not to work are

three days at Christmas, New Year’s Day, three days before Lent, three

days at Easter, and certain imperial birthdays, making in all 15 days

in the year, and the first and fifteenth day of each month for the

bath. There are other days when, as a matter of fact, for various

reasons, they do not work; but I am speaking of the rule.

[8] This may be noticed in connection with a statement of the

author of “The Russians of To-day” (p. 231), who says: “Once a

week a pope--himself an exile--goes down into the mines to bear

the consolations of religion, under the form of a sermon enjoining

patience.” I suspect that the poor fellows would be only too thankful

to have the opportunity once a week of listening to a sermon upon

patience or any other subject! Moreover, the number of sermons given by

our author to his prisoners is exceedingly liberal (52 in the course of

the year), seeing that in an ordinary church in Petersburg or Moscow

the number does not usually exceed half-a-dozen. I have seen it stated

that properly there should be 12, but, in Siberia, on my asking the

grandson of a metropolitan how often his father preached, he told me

“five or six times a year,” and after many inquiries I never heard of

but one priest in the empire, though, of course, there may be others,

who preached, or rather read, a sermon every week.

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