Oliver Doud Byron, in San Francisco,--and, a little later, back again at

the Baldwin Theatre. He labored there, with short intermissions, as

actor and stage manager, from March 26, 1878, to the latter part of

September, 1879. On the former date the New York Union Square Theatre

Company emerged at the Baldwin in “Agnes,” in which Belasco played

_Rudolphe_. During the engagement of the Union Square Company “One

Hundred Years Old,” “Saratoga,” “A Celebrated Case,” and Joaquin

Miller’s “The Danites” were presented under Belasco’s direction, and, in

each of them, he acted a subsidiary part. His services as director

proved so valuable that when the engagement was ended and the company

made a tour of Pacific Slope towns an arrangement was effected with

Maguire whereby Belasco accompanied it. The tour lasted until the end of

May, and it was followed by a brief return season in San Francisco. At

its close the company, which included O’Neill, Charles B. Bishop, Rose

Wood, and F. F. Mackay, presented to Belasco a purse of $200 in gold “as

an expression of appreciation of his services and esteem for himself.”

The presentation was made, in presence of the assembled company, on the

stage of the Baldwin Theatre, by F. F. Mackay, who, in making it, read

the following letter:

(_F. F. Mackay, for the New York Union Square Theatrical

Company, to David Belasco._)

“DEAR MR. DAVID BELASCO:--

“In behalf of the members of the Union Square Company, I extend

sincere thanks for your unvarying courtesy and for your able

direction of our efforts. With our thanks are mingled a large

measure of congratulations for your ability. Your quick

apprehension and remarkable analytical ability in discovering and

describing the mental intentions of an author are so superior to

anything we have heretofore experienced that we feel sure that the

position of master dramatic director of the American Stage must

finally fall on you. Personally, I take great pleasure in thus

expressing the feelings and the wishes of the company, and have the

honor to subscribe myself,

“Yours truly,

“F. F. MACKAY.”

“OLIVIA” AND “PROOF POSITIVE.”

On July 8 a revival was effected at the Baldwin of Boucicault’s “The

Octoroon,” “re-touched and re-arranged” by Belasco. This, and a double

bill, comprising Byron’s “Dearer Than Life” and “The Post of

Honor,”--brought out on August 5,--filled the summer season, and on

September 2 Belasco’s play in five acts entitled “Olivia,”--the first

dramatization of Goldsmith’s “The Vicar of Wakefield” to be acted in

California,--was produced with the following notable cast:

_Dr. Primrose_ A. D. Bradley.

_Squire Thornhill_ Lewis Morrison.

_Mr. Burchell_ James O’Neill.

_Moses_ William Seymour.

_George_ Forrest Robinson.

_Jenkinson_ C. B. Bishop.

_Olivia_ Rose Wood.

_Sophia_ Jean Burnside.

_Mrs. Primrose_ Mrs. Farren.

_Arabella Wilmot_ Belle Chapman.

Belasco’s dramatic epitome adhered to Goldsmith’s story as closely as is

feasible for stage purposes; it was an effective play, it was admirably

set upon the stage and acted, and it gained substantial success. “Those

were strenuous times for me,” he writes; “every one was thrusting duties

on me then which, as I was always a glutton for work, I grasped as

opportunities. One lesson I learned at the Baldwin which I have never

forgotten--that one of the greatest mistakes a man can make is the

mistake of permitting anybody else to do his work for him. I wrote

’Olivia’ between times, as it were, and I was genuinely surprised by its

success.”

After the run of “Olivia” J. C. Williamson and his wife, “Maggie” Moore,

came to the Baldwin,--opening in “Struck Oil,”--and Belasco, while

directing the stage for them, completed an alteration of Wills’ “A Woman

of the People,”--which was brought forth October 14,--and a play, made

at the request of Rose Wood, which he called “Proof Positive,” based on

an old melodrama. This was produced on October 28, and in it James

O’Neill gained a notable success in the character of an eccentric,

semi-comic _Jew_.

BELASCO’S VERSION OF “NOT GUILTY.”

Clara Morris made her first appearance in San Francisco at the Baldwin,

November 4, as _Miss Multon_, and continued to act there for about eight

weeks. During that time Belasco was able to bestow some attention and

labor on an original play of his called “The Lone Pine,” in which he had

acted at Sacramento and a few other “interior places” during a brief

starring venture, and which he desired entirely to rewrite. In December,

however, he was compelled to lay aside that work and turn again to hack

playwrighting for the Baldwin company. His election fell on Watts

Phillips’ old spectacle play of “Not Guilty,” which he altered and

adapted in less than one week. It was announced as “The Grand Production

of the Magnificent Musical, Military, Dramatic, and Spectacular (_sic_)

Christmas Piece, which has been given for eight successive Christmas

seasons in Philadelphia,” and it was produced for the first time at the

Baldwin on December 24, 1878. This was the cast:

_Robert Arnold_ James O’Neill.

_Silas Jarrett_ Lewis Morrison.

_Jack Snipe_ C. B. Bishop.

_Isaac Vider_ J. W. Jennings.

_Joe Triggs_ James A. Herne.

_Trumble_ A. D. Bradley.

_St. Clair_ Forrest Robinson.

_Lal Singh_ William Seymour.

_Sergeant Wattles_ John N. Long.

_Polecat_ King Hedley.

_Alice Armitage_ Rose Wood.

_Polly Dobbs_ May Hart.

All the work of adaptation and stage management was done by Belasco--and

for it he received the munificent payment of $12.50 a performance.

Recalling the production, he writes: “A ’stock dramatist’ at that time

was obliged to do his work on short notice, and it was taken as a matter

of course that I should get a play ready for rehearsal in less than a

week, and put it on in less than another week. ’Not Guilty’ was very

spectacular (_sic_), and with my customary leaning to warfare I

introduced a Battle Scene, with several hundred people in an

embarkation, as well as horses and cannon. This embarkation alone used

to take ten minutes. It has all been done in many plays since--the

booming of guns, the padding of the horses’ hoofs on earth and stone,

the moving crowds in sight and larger ones suggested, beyond the range

of vision,--but this was the original, and it was wonderfully effective,

if I do say it myself.” Belasco’s view agrees with that recorded by all

competent observers of the time--one of the most conservative of whom

wrote, in “The San Francisco Evening Bulletin,” that “the Battle Scene,

in the Fourth Act, was about the most realistic ever produced on the

stage.” An operatic chorus of more than eighty voices was employed and

“The Cameron Cadets”--a local military organization--participated “in

full Highland costume.”

WITHDRAWAL FROM THE BALDWIN.--“THE LONE PINE” AND DENMAN THOMPSON.

Belasco withdrew from the Baldwin Theatre company immediately after the

“run” of “Not Guilty.” He was in danger of becoming exhausted by

over-work and he was resentful of mean treatment to which he had been

subjected. Lewis Morrison, who had suggested Phillips’ old spectacle for

alteration, and Frederick Lyster, who had caused the introduction in it

of music selected from the opera of “Carmen,” by connivance with

Maguire, charged a “royalty” of twelve per cent. against the gross

receipts from representations of that play, although Belasco was paid

for his service only about one per cent. This injustice, coming to the

knowledge of Baldwin, greatly incensed him, and in order to remedy it he

gave to Belasco $1,000. With that sum added to his savings he felt at

liberty to desist for a time from the exacting requirements of

employment under Maguire, but in about two months he had resumed his old

position, going back at the earnest request of Herne. In his “Story” he

gives the following account of his experience in the interim:

“J. M. Hill, the pioneer of page advertising, brought Denman

Thompson to the Bush Street Theatre in ’Joshua Whitcomb,’ startling

San Francisco by a lavish press work, which had never been heard of

before. ’Young man,’ Hill said to me, ’I want you to see Thompson,

and to study him. If you find him a play, there may be a fortune in

it for you.’ When I met Thompson afterwards and he suggested that

we collaborate, I told him that such a proposition was quite

impossible, but that I had been working on a play not yet finished,

[“The Lone Pine”] and that I would send it to him. I told him and

Hill the gist of the story, and then and there the latter drew up a

contract, giving me a retainer of $1,000 and tempting me with the

proposition that were the piece a success I might get eight hundred

a week out of it. In due course of time I completed two acts and

sent them on to him in New York. Soon I received a message: ’We

like your manuscript. Bring acts three and four yourself. Railroad

fares arranged.’ When I reached New York I went to the Union Square

Hotel and there met Hill and Thompson again. It was like giving a

part of myself when I handed over the Third Act of ’The Lone Pine.’

To my dismay, Thompson began to give suggestions, explaining what

he intended to do, making of his part a youthful _Joshua Whitcomb_,

with a fine sprinkling of slang and curses, and although I knew

that if I could give this man a successful play I could make a

fortune--thirty-two hundred a month, perhaps more!--I could not

bring myself to do it. I went to my hotel and wrote Hill a letter,

explaining the conclusion I had come to, and returning the thousand

dollars retaining fee. But Hill would hear none of this and grew

very angry trying to make me see Thompson’s point of view and

sending back the retainer. To avoid any further discussion, I

boarded a train and left New York, having seen very little of the

city. Hill’s parting message was: ’If I don’t produce that play, no

one shall.’ They never returned my manuscript, and years after,

when I was stage-manager at the Madison Square, I thought that it

would be a fitting successor to my ’May Blossom,’ which I had just

produced. So I went to Dr. Mallory and told him of the

Thompson-Hill episode. He had a streak of the fighter in him, and

suggested that I sue Hill for the recovery of the manuscript. After

some preliminary proceedings we were persuaded that Hill had

actually lost the manuscript, even though he still refused to

release me from my contract. So the suit was withdrawn, for there

was nothing to go upon.

“During the days when Hill was manager of the New York Standard

Theatre we met again, and I did some work for him. It was then that

he returned me my contract. Then, a miracle of miracles happened,

at the time of the razing of the Union Square Hotel. The clerk sent

for Mr. Ryan (who afterwards played in ’Naughty Anthony’), and told

him that in one of the back rooms he had found a bundle of papers

behind some old books. My lost manuscript was at last found! Some

day I may finish it for David Warfield.”

“WITHIN AN INCH OF HIS LIFE.”

Belasco was re-employed by Maguire during the first days of February,

1879, and he at once resumed his multiform labor as stage manager,

prompter, and playwright. The Baldwin Theatre was profitably occupied by

the Wilson, Primrose & West Minstrel Company and his first work was done

at the Grand Opera House, which Maguire had leased, and where, February

17, “the legitimate company from Baldwin’s” appeared in Belasco’s

dramatization of Gaboriau’s story of “Within an Inch of His Life.” This

melodrama, advertised as “the most powerful play ever acted,” was the

product of “a week of strenuous days and sleepless nights,” it was

produced as a stopgap, and--so Belasco writes--“the makeshift, like so

many accidental productions, was an instant success.” That success was,

in large part, due to a striking mechanical effect, devised and

introduced by Belasco, representative of a conflagration, described in

the newspapers of the day as “the terrific fire spectacle,” about which

its inventor has given me this information: “The fire was in the First

Act. I did away with the lycopodium boxes and made my ’flames’ by a

series of red and yellow strips of silk, fanned from beneath by bellows

and lit by colored lights. Some complaint was made of danger to the

theatre and the authorities came upon the stage to investigate: they

were a good deal nonplussed at finding the ’fire’ nothing but pieces of

silk!”

“Within an Inch of His Life” was acted at the Grand Opera House until

March 1, when it was withdrawn to make way for “The Passion.” This was

the cast of its original production:

_Jules de Dardeville_ James O’Neill.

_Dr. Seignebos_ J. W. Jennings.

_Count de Clairnot_ James A. Herne.

_Falpin_ A. D. Bradley.

_Reibolt_ William Seymour.

_Gauchey_ John N. Long.

_Cocolean_ Lewis Morrison.

_Countess de Clairnot_ Rose Wood.

_Dionysia Chandore_ Katherine Corcoran.

SALMI MORSE’S “PASSION PLAY.”

At about the beginning of February, 1879, the popular and distinguished

actor James O’Neill, now long famous for his performance of _Monte

Cristo_, became enthusiastically interested in a spectacle drama by

Salmi Morse (1826-1884), called “The Passion Play,” the presentment of

which that author had long been earnestly but vainly endeavoring to

effect, in San Francisco. O’Neill was desirous of impersonating _Jesus

Christ_, a part to which he considered himself peculiarly fitted, and he

presently succeeded in persuading Maguire, the manager, to produce

Morse’s drama. Baldwin was induced to provide financial support for the

enterprise. Belasco was engaged as stage manager, after the preliminary

rehearsals had been conducted under direction of Henry Brown, who

officiated as prompter. Elaborate and handsome scenery was built and

painted. Henry Widmer (1845-1895), in after years long associated with

Daly’s Theatre in New York, was employed as leader of the orchestra, and

illustrative incidental music for the play was composed by him. Belasco

rehearsed the company and superintended the stage. The first

representation occurred on March 3, 1879, at the Grand Opera House, and

it caused much public interest and controversy. O’Neill’s impersonation

of _Jesus_ was fervently admired. Belasco, commenting on it and on its

effect on “the poor people” whom he “saw on their knees, praying and

sobbing,” wrote that the actor, “with his delicacy, refinement, and

grandeur, typified the real Prophet, and, I believe, to himself he _was_

the Prophet.”

NOT THE OBERAMMERGAU DRAMA.

Morse’s play was not the fabric customarily offered at Oberammergau, nor

was it in any particular an imitation. In the declared opinion of Morse,

an apostate Hebrew, that concoction had been devised and performed for

the purpose of arousing and stimulating hostility against the Jews, and

he profoundly disapproved of it. His purpose, he avowed, was simply to

present an epitome of the life of Jesus, as described in the gospels. He

had taken the thrifty precaution to read his play before an assemblage

of the Roman Catholic clergy of San Francisco (the Protestant

ecclesiastics not accepting his liberal invitation to enjoy that

luxury), and it had received their approbation. Several of the holy

fathers, indeed, had evinced their approval of it by kissing him on both

his cheeks, and Archbishop Allemany, of San Francisco, had not only

sanctioned the precious composition but had inserted several passages

into the text with his own sacerdotal hand. The play was comprised in

ten acts (at least, that was its form when, in 1880, in the vestibule of

the Park Theatre, Broadway and Twenty-second Street, New York, I heard

half of it read by the author and was permitted to inspect the whole

manuscript), and it consisted of a long series of dialogues accompanied

by pictures and tableaux. I know not whether the whole ten acts were

vouchsafed to the San Francisco audience, but, according to

contemporaneous records, the play gave much offence to many persons and

was incentive to some public disturbances and breaches of the peace:

ignorant Irish who witnessed it were so distempered that, on going

forth, some of them, from time to time, assaulted peaceable Jews in the

public streets--much in the spirit of the irate mariner who chanced to

hear first of the Crucifixion nearly 2,000 years after it occurred.

Belasco records that a committee of citizens called on Maguire and

“worked upon his credulous nature until he believed that he was marked

by the devil for sacrifice and would meet with instant death if he did

not withdraw the play,” and that “in a fever of fear he closed the

theatre,”--March 11. A little later, however, Maguire’s torrid

temperature appears to have abated, and the play was again brought

forward, April 15, at the Grand Opera House, but this time it was met by

an injunction, issued from the Fourth (Municipal) District Court, Judge

Robert Francis Morrison presiding, which, being disregarded, was

followed by the arrest of O’Neill (who was imprisoned), April 21, and

of his professional associates, all of them, subsequently, being

convicted of contempt of court and fined for that offence,--O’Neill $50

and each of the other players $5. Belasco escaped arrest through the

kindly interference of the local Sheriff, a friend of his, who forcibly

kept him away from the theatre when the other participants in the

representation were being taken into police custody. The following

notice appeared in “The Alta California,” April 22, 1879:

“GRAND OPERA HOUSE.--The management has the honor to announce that

in deference to public opinion ’The Passion’ will no longer be

presented.”

CONSTITUENTS OF MORSE’S PLAY.

There is nothing in Morse’s play that could exert an immoral influence.

There is no irreverence in either its spirit or its incidents. It is

merely a goody-goody, tiresome composition, full of moral twaddle, and

consisting in about equal degree of platitude and bombast. It purports

to be written in blank verse, but it is, in fact, written in nondescript

lines of unequal length, halting, irregular, formless, weak, and

diffuse. Choruses of rhymed doggerel occur in it, at intervals,

sometimes uttered by women, sometimes,--on the contrary,--by angels.

Stress is laid on the efforts of _Pontius Pilate_ to save _Jesus_ from

the fury of the mob. There is a succession of pictures. In the Temple of

Jerusalem many females appear, carrying babes, and a ferocious _Jew_,

essaying to kill the infant _Jesus_, falls back astounded and

overwhelmed by the aspect of the sacred infant. Later, _Joseph_, _Mary_,

and the _Holy Child_ are shown environed and protected by a branching

sycamore tree, while, in the mountains all around them, many shrieking

women and children are slaughtered by ruffianly soldiers. In a sequent

picture _King Herod_, uttering a multiplicity of aphorisms, wrangles

with his wife, _Herodias_, and the seductive _Salomé_ dances before them

and wins for her mother the head of her enemy, _John the Baptist_, which

pleasing trophy, wrapped in a napkin, is brought in on a tray. _Jesus_

and his disciples are then shown at the brook of Kedron. The agony of

_Jesus_ in the Garden of Gethsemane is depicted and the betrayal by

_Judas_, the latter scene being double, to show, on one side, a lighted

room in which is reproduced a semblance of “The Last Supper” according

to the admired picture by Leonardo da Vinci, and on the other a gloomy

range of plains and hills dimly lighted by the stars. In this scene

passages from the New Testament are incorporated into Morse’s play, in

the part of _Jesus_. The arraignment of _Jesus_ before _Pilate_

follows, including the wrangle between the furious people and that

clement magistrate, and ending with the investiture of _Jesus_ with the

Crown of Thorns. The final picture shows Golgotha, under a midnight sky,

and the removal of the dead body from the Cross.

AS TO PROPRIETY.

Salmi Morse, in conversation with me and my old comrade Dr. Charles

Phelps, at the time of the reading in the vestibule of the Park Theatre,

said that he began “The Passion Play” with the intention of writing a

poem like Milton’s “Paradise Lost,” but soon discovered that the Byronic

style, as evinced in “Cain,” was more consonant than the Miltonic style

with his subject and his genius, and accordingly determined to write not

like Milton but like Byron; and he added that his drama was really not,

at first, intended for the Stage, but for publication in a book. That

was a discreet judgment, from which it is a pity that he ever departed.

I have not, however, been able at any time to perceive what decisive

_moral_ reason there is why “The Passion Play” should not be presented

on the stage. Reasons other than moral can readily be assigned: it is a

matter of _Taste_, in which it is a gross injustice to employ the

police power as a corrective, and a matter of _Public Policy_, in

which, with due consideration, the police power can properly be invoked.

Familiar treatment of things widely considered sacred is, perhaps,

likely to lower them, except with very ignorant persons, in sanctity and

dignity, and certainly it does lower them with many persons of fine

intelligence and taste. In the end of a church in Heidelberg there is,

or was, visible, through a long window, a full-length effigy of Christ

on the Cross, which swings to and fro as a pendulum to the clock, and in

a church at Mayence there is a life-size figure of the Virgin Mary,

seated, with the body of the dead Christ, also life-size, lying across

her knees. I remember looking on those objects with aversion. To _see_,

in a theatre, a man, impersonating the _Christ_, washing the feet of

another man will, generally, give offence. Religious bigotry is a curse

to civilization, and nothing should be conceded to it, but certainly the

scruples of religious persons should receive reasonable respect.

“THE PASSION PLAY” IN NEW YORK.

After the suppression of his “Passion Play” in California Morse brought

it to New York and offered it to Henry E. Abbey, then a prominent

speculative manager, who, for a time, entertained the purpose of

producing it at Booth’s Theatre. A drop curtain was painted, showing a

flight of angels toward Heaven on Easter morning, and the purpose of

Morse was made known to remove the statue of Shakespeare from the top of

the proscenium arch and to substitute a large cross in its place.

Obstacles intervened,--disapproval, voiced in the newspaper press, being

one of them, and the destruction of Abbey’s New Park Theatre by fire

(October 30, 1882), in which conflagration all the costumes were

destroyed, being another,--and that project was abandoned. Prior to that

mishap Morse gave a reading of the play, December 3, 1880, at the Cooper

Institute; and later, February-April, 1883, ineffectual efforts were

made by the author (which brought him before Judge George C. Barrett, of

the New York Supreme Court) to present it in a house which he rented and

called Salmi Morse’s Temple (afterward known as Proctor’s Twenty-third

Street Theatre). His endeavors were finally blocked by an injunction,

and the venture was heard of no more. Belasco was in New York at the

time of Morse’s attempt to have his “Passion Play” represented there,

and Morse wished him to undertake the stage direction of it, but being

otherwise employed, and also clearly perceiving the public antipathy to

the project, he discreetly declined to participate in the enterprise.

On February 22, 1884, the unfortunate Morse met death by drowning, in

the Hudson River, near Harlem, and he was thought to have committed

suicide.

BELASCO’S SERVICES TO MORSE’S ENTERPRISE.

The Life of David Belasco; Vol. 1 · 第 7 / 32 段