Montaigne was thoroughly normal, not to say commonplace, in

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POT-BOILERS

by

CLIVE BELL

London

Chatto & Windus

MCMXVIII

Printed at the Complete Press

West Norwood

London

CONTENTS

PAGE

FOREWORD 1

MONTAIGNE IN FACSIMILE 17

IBSEN 28

MISS COLERIDGE 41

PEACOCK 50

BOSWELL'S LETTERS 74

CARLYLE'S LOVES AND LOVE-LETTERS 82

THE LYSISTRATA 99

TRELAWNY'S LETTERS 115

SOPHOCLES IN LONDON 126

THE FLIGHT OF THE DRAGON 135

WILLIAM MORRIS 146

PERSIAN MINIATURES 156

COUNTERCHECK QUARRELSOME 165

PICTURE SHOWS:

I. THE LONDON SALON 174

II. ENGLISH POST-IMPRESSIONISTS 179

III. AN EXPENSIVE "MASTERPIECE" 188

IV. MARCHAND 194

V. THE MANSARD GALLERY 199

CONTEMPORARY ART IN ENGLAND 209

ART AND WAR 231

BEFORE THE WAR 247

FOREWORD

DEAR GEOFFREY WHITWORTH,--Considering for how many ages how many clever

people have been complaining of their publishers, you might have

supposed that no device for getting one of them into a scrape could have

been left untried. Yet, so far as I can remember, no author has had the

bright idea of denouncing his publisher, particularly, and by name, as

accessory before the fact. I am willing to suspect my memory rather than

my profession of being at fault in this matter; but that the practice is

uncommon is most certain and that, surely, is very strange. No author

thinks twice of saddling his friend, his wife, his mother, or even his

mistress with the responsibility of having been the onlie begetter of

some feckless cub or monstrous abortion; but on his publisher, the very

man he should wish to injure, who ever thought of fastening the offence?

Yet you cannot deny, my dear Whitworth, that this book is your fault. I

was all for abandoning the project after I had read Mr. Arnold Bennett's

volume and recognized how much more readable his journalism was than

mine: your reader, I suspect, was of like mind: it was you, and you

alone, who, by enlisting my vanity, conquered my pride.

Of course in the end my vanity might have triumphed without you: it is

not often or easily beaten.

"Obliged by hunger and request of friends,"

I can imagine myself printing under that classic excuse, which has the

merit of being in the grand literary tradition and as disingenuous as

another; for in these days an author is not more hungry than every one

else, and my friends would have been the first to pardon my silence. You

may take it for certain, by the way, that when a man says he is

publishing at the instance of two or three friends he means that he is

offering the public what he knows that the public could have done

perfectly well without. He means that he is printing neither to persuade

nor to inform nor yet to express the truth that is in him, but simply to

gratify an itch for such notoriety as the careless attention of a few

thousand readers may be supposed to give. If I now contrive to escape

the consequences of my own axiom it is thanks to you, My Publisher--or

Publisher's representative must I say? (You are so very modest, my dear

Whitworth, and so exact.) Naturally, by so obliging me you have made me

your friend for life. But that was _ex post facto_.

I said just now that when I read Mr. Bennett's "Books and Persons," I

was for abandoning a project about which, you will do me the justice of

remembering, I was lukewarm from the first. I enjoyed immensely his

lively papers and I felt pretty sure that no one would so enjoy mine.

Your reader was good enough to point out some reasons, besides the

obvious one, why this must be so; and in self-defence I am going to

remind you of them. When Mr. Bennett wrote for the _New Age_ he was a

famous and full-grown author, very much at his ease, very much at his

liberty, well aware that if he said what he pleased as he pleased his

editor would be only too happy to print it. When I wrote most of the

reviews reprinted in this volume I was commencing journalism, and I

wrote them for the _Athenaeum_.

The _Athenaeum_, the editor of which I take this opportunity of thanking

for permission to reprint my articles, is a paper, was, at any rate, a

paper with ancient and peculiar customs; and of these customs perhaps

the most peculiar was that, while allowing its contributors

extraordinary liberty in some matters, it sustained what may perhaps be

described as a literary policy. Like other venerable institutions, the

_Athenaeum_ had a taste for unwritten law; its policy was adumbrated

rather than defined, but few contributors, I believe, were unconscious

of its existence. Not one of us, I am sure, would have expressed

anything but what he thought and felt, but we all hoped that our

thoughts and feelings would not be too dissimilar from those of our

presiding genius, Athene the wise, our eponymous goddess; because, if

they were, her high-priest, albeit one of the most charming and

accomplished people in Fleet Street or thereabouts, stood ready with the

inexorable blue pencil to smite once and smite no more. In the matter of

expression, too, Her Omniscience was, to my mind, something

over-exacting. Concision is an excellent quality in a writer. We all

know what Ben Jonson said about Shakespeare and we all agree with him.

Still, when, by the shape of one's paragraphs, the balance of one's

sentences, and the internal rhythm of one's clauses, one fancies that an

article has been raised almost to the perfection of a work of art, it is

disappointing to find a line cut out here, two more there, half a dozen

missing from the second galley, and from the third a whole paragraph

gone for no better reason than that they are not essential to the

argument--especially when one is persuaded that they are.

I have said that the editor of the _Athenaeum_, in my time, was a

charming and accomplished writer; he is also my very good friend and too

generous critic, and I should be a wretch if I did not love him. But on

the evening when a weekly paper goes to press, when the pages are

pouring in, and some one, as likely as not, is waiting at the Cafe

Royal, even the most cultivated and considerate of editors will be an

editor. Wherefore I must now plague you and my readers with a word or

two in explanation of my method of correction and revision. Re-reading

these articles--some of which were written nine or ten years ago--I come

on such phrases as "this is a notable achievement," "his equipment is

not really strong," and I wonder, of course, what the devil I did say.

No doubt it was something definite and particular, for in those days I

was a most conscientious writer; but what subtle limitation, what

delicately suggested reference, what finely qualifying phrase, what

treasure of my critical nonage lies buried beneath this "getting out"

formula I cannot now remember. I read the article again and again but I

want the courage and energy to read again the book about which it was

written. And, if I did, should I recapture precisely what I thought or

felt and tried, by means of that lost clause or sentence, not to leave

quite unexpressed? The idea is gone, and with it, no doubt, the

complete significance of the article. I have botched and cobbled, but at

best I have but patched a rent. I hope, however, that I have not spared

many of those trusty veterans who, occasionally even in our best weekly

and regularly in our morning and evening papers, are expected to do duty

for sense.

Wherever the blue pencil or standardized phrase has left too deep a

wound or gross a blemish I have had to rewrite. And, as I have rarely

succeeded in recovering the original idea, I have had to borrow from my

later thought. Of such patching I have been as thrifty as possible:

also, I have not attempted to square the opinions and sentiments of

early days with my later pronouncements, so, I make no doubt, some very

clever readers will have the pleasure of catching me in inconsistency.

If they are really clever they will catch me in worse things than that,

in puerility for instance, and affectation, to say nothing of blasphemy

and sedition. As for consistency, I seem consistently to have cared much

for four things--Art, Truth, Liberty and Peace. I was never much in

sympathy with my age.

With my youthful style I should not venture to tamper even were I

conscious of any important change in my theory of composition or power

of expression. And I am not. I write more fluently nowadays and

therefore, probably, worse. It cannot be helped. It charms me to notice

as I read these essays with what care and conscience they are done.

_Magna cum cura atque diligentia scripsit_--they are not far from Latin

Grammar days. Precisely on account of these qualities they have suffered

much from editorial amendment, and on their account I have been

conservative in a matter where another policy would, I dare say, have

been more to the taste of some connoisseurs. The matter in question is

that of the grand editorial "We." That, as you may suppose, was the

person in which Pallas habitually addressed her attentive suppliants;

that was the person in which these articles were written; and experiment

has shown that to substitute "I," "my," and "mine" for "we," "our," and

"ours," destroys invariably the texture of the prose. Whether this early

prose of mine was good is not for me to decide; but that it was closely

knit is indisputable, and a sensitive critic who cared to tease himself

with trifles could discover, I fancy, from stylistic evidence, just

which passages have been interpolated.

The articles borrowed from the _Burlington Magazine_, the _Nation_, the

_New Statesman_, the _International Journal of Ethics_, and the

_Cambridge Magazine_--to the editors of which I herewith tender

customary thanks for customary favours--all having appeared over my

signature were, of course, all written in the first person singular. Any

one who did me the honour of reading my book, "Art," so attentively as

now to notice that to its making went certain quarryings from these

articles, will have enjoyed it enough, I hope, not to resent being

occasionally reminded of it.

And here I might end a tedious letter: but first, if you will bear with

me, I should like to say a word on a subject in which both you and I are

interested. I have shown so much humility in contrasting these reviews

with those of Mr. Bennett that I will permit myself one comment, by no

means in disparagement of "Books and Persons," but in the hope that he,

or indeed any one who concerns himself with literary criticism, may

profit by it. In one respect I do fancy myself a better critic than Mr.

Bennett; for though, doubtless, I lack most of those qualities that make

his book a positive pleasure to read, I lack also his indiscrimination.

Partly, this comes of my not being what he calls himself--"a creative

artist," just as it results in my not using that term when I mean "an

intelligent person"; but chiefly it is that I am, I believe, almost free

from that "provincialism in time"--if I may coin a phrase--which is what

is most amiss with Mr. Bennett's critical apparatus. It is a great pity

Mr. Bennett should be provincial in any sense, for in the common he is

not; on the contrary, he is one who has lived in France, even as

Frenchmen live there, without being more than a little shocked. He has

read a good many books, both old and new; he is one who cares for

literature manifestly: then why does he call Mr. H. G. Wells a great

imaginative artist? I will not swear to the epithets--I have not his

book by me--but I am sure he is too candid to deny that if he has not

used them he has used their equivalents. This much I know he has

said--for I made a note when I read the essay--"astounding width of

observation, a marvellously true perspective, an extraordinary grasp of

the real significance of innumerable phenomena utterly diverse, profound

emotional power, dazzling verbal skill." Now, my dear Whitworth, if I

were to say that sort of thing about Marivaux you would raise your

eyebrows--you know you would. Yet I suppose no competent judge of

literature will pretend that the novels of Marivaux--to say nothing of

the comedies--are inferior to those of Mr. Wells. Pray read again "Le

Paysan Parvenu"--all except the eighth and last part, about which I

can't help thinking there is some mystery--and then try "Mr. Britling."

But if by Mr. Bennett's standards we are to give Marivaux his due, what

is there left to say about Shakespeare?

Provincialism in time is as fatal to judgment as the more notorious

sort, and a defective sense of proportion is at the root of both.

Consider English novelists of the last hundred years. Who but a fool

dare predict confidently for any living Englishman, save Hardy, so much

immortality as belongs to Galt's "Annals of the Parish," or Mrs.

Oliphant's "Beleagured City"? Now what figure, think you, would a critic

cut who besprinkled these writers with such compliments as Mr. Bennett

peppers his contemporaries withal? You need not answer. Mr. Bennett is a

friend of the firm.

Had Mr. Bennett lost his head about contemporaries who were attempting

to solve new artistic problems I could understand it. Young writers wax

over-enthusiastic about Laforgue and Charles-Louis Philippe--both of

whom, by the way, died some years ago--and are not much to blame on that

account; neither should I have the least difficulty in forgiving myself

were it to turn out--as it will not--that I had said too much in praise

of Matisse or Picasso. The artist who even appears to have discovered or

rediscovered an instrument of expression or to have extended by one

semitone the gamut of aesthetic experience is bound to turn the best

heads of his age. Were it possible to overrate Cezanne, not to do so

would be a mark of insensibility. I was never much impressed by those

superior persons of an earlier age who from the first saw through

Wagner; there was a time when to dislike Wagner was, in ninety-nine

cases out of a hundred, a sign not of superiority but of stupidity. The

artists, however, whom Mr. Bennett belauds so uncritically, are not of

this sort. In my judgment, Mr. Wells, Mr. George Moore, and the late Sir

John Galsworthy are not artists at all: be that as it may, past question

they are artistically conventional and thoroughly in the tradition of

British fiction. Of course they write of motor-cars and telephones where

an older generation wrote of railway-trains and telegrams, and of the

_deuxiemes_, _troisiemes_ or _quatre-vingt-dixiemes_ where their

grandmothers wrote of _les premiers amours_; also, they can refer to the

Almighty in the third person without bursting into capitals. But in this

there is no more artistic novelty than there would be in a picture of an

aeroplane painted in the manner of Ingres. Neither is there any

discredit; very much the same might be said of our three best living

novelists--Hardy, Conrad, and Virginia Woolf, all of whom are more or

less traditional, as is Anatole France, perhaps the best novelist

alive. A first-rate unconventional work of art is not a straw better

than a conventional one, and to become slightly light-headed about

either is not only permissible but seemly. Nevertheless, to go silly

over a mediocre innovation is far more excusable than to be taken in by

its equivalent in a familiar style. While to rave about Messrs. Wells,

Moore and Galsworthy seems to me shocking. Surely there can be no

difficulty about treating these writers as ordinary citizens of the

Republic of Letters--a state, let us try to remember, that not only

extends in space beyond the horizons of Tooting but in time beyond the

Edwardian and even the Victorian era.

A critic, I submit, should judge a work of art, not in relation to the

age and circumstances in which it was produced, but by an absolute

standard based on the whole _corpus_ of that art to which the particular

work belongs. We do not want to hear how good "Tono-Bungay" seems by

comparison with Mrs. Ward's last production. Marvellous, no doubt: so,

no doubt, are Mrs. Ward's intellectual gifts by comparison with those of

a walrus. But we want to have Mrs. Ward judged as a specimen of Humanity

and "Tono-Bungay" as a specimen of Literature. It must be tried by the

standards we try "Tristram Shandy" and "La Princesse de Cleves" by.

How, then, does it stand? With "Liaisons Dangereuses"? Hardly. Well, is

it of the class of "Evelina" or of "Adolphe," or of "Consuelo" even? Mr.

Bennett can be as sharp as a special constable with Thackeray: is it as

good as "Pendennis"? And, unless it be infinitely better, what sense is

there in despising Thackeray and extolling Mr. Wells? Pray, Mr. Bennett,

how good is this book? Let us see; I think I have a note on the subject:

"his scientific romances" are "on the plane of epic poetry" and "in

'Tono-Bungay' he has achieved the same feat, magnified by ten--or a

hundred"; "there are passages toward the close of the book which may

fitly be compared with the lyrical freedoms of no matter what epic, and

which display an unsurpassable dexterity of hand." And now what are we

to say of "Manon Lescaut"? That it is a million times better than Milton

and knocks spots off Homer? But all this though distressing is not

conclusive; it proves provinciality but it proves nothing worse. Mr.

Bennett may really have been thinking all the time of "Robert Elsmere"

and "The Epic of Hades." About another of his favourites, however, he is

more precise: "I re-read 'A Man of Property,'" he says, "immediately

after re-reading Dostoievsky's 'Crime and Punishment,' and immediately

before re-reading Bjornson's 'Arne.' It ranks well with these European

masterpieces." I repeat that in one respect I am a better critic than

Mr. Bennett.

This question of criticism fascinates me. It interests Mr. Bennett, too,

and he has written several competent and surprisingly confident articles

on the subject. I could almost wish to discuss one of them with him. I

would help him to understand Coleridge and tell him about Dryden's

essays and Johnson's "Lives of the Poets," and I would assure him, too,

it was not I who wrote that unfortunate review of Conrad that gets such

an exemplary drubbing at his hands for its self-complacent imbecility.

He ought to know that, or he will think that I speak out of malice. He

says that England has need of a literary critic. I agree. And I agree

that this critic must not be of that professorial breed with which he

deals so faithfully, not one who will date you every line in Shakespeare

on internal evidence and then obligingly pronounce Sir Arthur Conan

Doyle our greatest living writer. He will need the intelligence, the

first-hand views, the open mind, the genuine taste for books, the

respect for art and irreverence for persons of Mr. Bennett himself; and,

as I have hinted, he will need one or two qualities for which Mr.

Bennett is not so well off. He must be a resolute critic of literature

and not an authority on current reputations; he must have enough natural

taste to recognize a work of art in odd company, new clothes, or fancy

dress; he must be the sort of person who would have seen at a glance

that Kipling or Paul Bourget was not the real thing; he must be a

scholar and a man of the intellectual world: and he must be as incapable

of calling Mr. George Moore "a great artist" or speaking of "a

first-rate beautiful thing" by that gentleman as Mr. Bennett is of

eating peas with his knife.

The critic of our dreams--Mr. Bennett's and mine--has yet to be found.

You will not imagine, surely, that I am putting myself forward as a

candidate? Here you will find very few of the virtues and some, I

suspect, of the critical vices to which I have alluded in this letter.

But you need not fear, my dear Whitworth, that I am now going to tax

your good nature by an elaborate defence of these essentially

insignificant papers. They are an odd lot, and I think there are but

two--the two last--that I am not a little ashamed of reprinting.

Clearly, were I now to write on the same themes I should have something

very different to say and should say it differently. Honestly, I believe

these things are worth reading; I can say no more for them and I shall

hold him generous who says as much. But the pleasure I shall derive from

seeing them printed and off my hands will be as great almost as that

which I felt when, four years ago, you, or your firm rather, did me the

honour of publishing a book to which I attached, and continue to attach,

a good deal of importance. Here I am harvesting my wild oats; and that

deed done, I expect to feel what a regular but rather humdrum sinner

must feel as he returns from Confession. Quit of my past, I shall be

ready to turn over a new leaf. I shall be able, if I please, to approach

life from a new angle and try my luck in unexplored countries, so far,

that is, as the European situation permits.

C. B.

_February 1918._

MONTAIGNE IN FACSIMILE[1]

[Sidenote: _Athenaeum Jan. 1913_]

Let it be understood at once that the appearance of this magnificent

work is a bibliophilic rather than a literary event. The literary event

was the publication by M. Fortunat Strowski, in 1909, of "L'Edition

Municipale," an exact transcription of that annotated copy of the 1588

quarto known to fame as "L'Exemplaire de Bordeaux." What the same

eminent scholar gives us now is a reproduction in phototype of

"L'Exemplaire." Any one, therefore, who goes to these volumes in search

of literary discoveries is foredoomed to disappointment. Indeed, the

same might have been said of "L'Edition Municipale"; for the "Motheau et

Jouaust" edition, reprinted by MM. Flammarion in their "Bibliotheque

classique," was complete enough to satisfy all but the most meticulous

scholars, while for general literary purposes the edition published in

1595, three years after the author's death, by his niece, Mlle. de

Gournay, is sufficient and adequate.

Though five editions of the "Essais" were printed during their author's

life--1580 and 1582 at Bordeaux, 1584 (probably) and 1587 at Paris, 1588

at Bordeaux--to critics in search of dramatic spiritual changes a

comparative study will afford but meagre sport. To be sure, the editions

of '84 and '87 were nothing more than what we should now call reprints;

but the edition of 1588, of which "L'Exemplaire de Bordeaux" is a copy,

represents so thorough an overhauling and so generous an enlarging of

the old book that some have been tempted to reckon it a new one. Yet,

though it garners the fruit of eight fertile years of travel and public

service, it reveals no startling change in the outlook, nor in what is

more important, the insight, of its author. We need feel no surprise.

Had Montaigne been the sort of man whose views and sentiments are

profoundly affected by travel or office, he would not have been the

object of that cult of which the three volumes before us are the latest,

and perhaps the most significant, monument. That is a peculiar man whose

crossings and dottings and deletions are judged worthy of photographic

record by the authorities of a great industrial city.

Montaigne was thoroughly normal, not to say commonplace, in his ability

to pass through foreign countries without suffering anything so alarming

as a conversion. He left home on his travels in Germany, Switzerland,

and Italy, a learned and extremely intelligent man of affairs, who had

taken, rather late in life perhaps, to playing the part of a French

country gentleman; he returned with a store of acute observations and

pleasant anecdotes, a little older, a little mellower, otherwise

unchanged. Of those magically expanded views, those sudden yawnings of

sympathetic depths, that nowadays every one may count on winning, if not

by a week in Brittany, at any rate by a month in Manitoba, we find

scarcely a trace. In the sixteenth century that sort of thing was

unusual. Even in those days there were people of extraordinary

sensibility for whom life was a succession of miracles, who with

difficulty recognized themselves from year to year, to whom going abroad

was an emotional adventure, a supreme revelation: but of these Montaigne

was not one. Him, like some others, change seems merely to have

confirmed in his native predispositions and prejudices. As he grew older

he grew vainer, rather more garrulous, fonder of his favourite authors,

and a little less open-minded; and his travels were nothing more than a

long and agreeable stage on the longest journey. There are people for

whom travel provides nothing but supplementary evidence in a cause that

has already been judged. Those who can find nothing good at home will

smack their lips over the sourest wines abroad; and "Old Meynell" need

not have left his garden to arrive at that conclusion commended by Dr.

Johnson: "For anything I see, foreigners are fools." Montaigne was not

of these, either; too normal to be above patriotism, he was too proud

and too intelligent to be blindly patriotic.

Montaigne was the ideal man-in-the-street. We do not mean that he was

typical; but if there are men-in-the-street in heaven, they will

resemble Montaigne. And though we rank a third-rate saint or artist a

great deal higher than a first-rate good fellow, we recognize that there

is something about any kind of perfection that dazzles even those who

are most alive to its essential inferiority. Montaigne is the exemplar

of good feeling and good sense; in him we see those qualities chatting

on terms of familiarity with genius and inspiration. He held the views

that all sensible people would hold if only all were as intelligent and

benevolent as they honestly believe themselves to be; he expressed them

in a form appropriate to, and therefore limited by, his subject, but,

within those limits, perfect.

The form in which Montaigne expressed himself was new to French

literature. In the sixteenth century there was a recognized literary

style based on the Latin period. Sentences were long, sonorous, and

circuitous. It was a language well suited to those who followed the

profession of letters, but unserviceable to one who would communicate

his thoughts and feelings to others. Montaigne was not a professional

author; he was a country gentleman with something of his own to say. The

literature of the professionals was an ingenious and abstract

superstructure built up over an idea or an emotion. Montaigne wished to

set down the original thought or feeling as it sprang, hot, from the

mind; and, as original thoughts and feelings present themselves always

with the force of sensations, he gave them the forms of sensations--that

is to say, he wrote in images. He expressed his philosophy of good sense

in short, hard, coloured sentences, keeping them as close as possible to

the naked thoughts they conveyed. That in print they appear as long as

those of his contemporaries is a mere accident of typography; for almost

every semicolon in the "Essais" one may substitute a full stop: very

rarely is the long sentence in Montaigne a period.

Like most sensible men, Montaigne had an unreasonable fondness for

reason; unlike most, he possessed an intellect that showed him the final

consequences of his fancy. Not only have we no sufficient reason for

believing that we know anything, we have none for affirming that we know

nothing. By sheer reasonableness we are reduced to a state of pure

Pyrrhonism, where, like the poor donkey, we must die of starvation

midway between two equally large and equally appetizing bundles of hay.

An affectation of superior ignorance has been a favourite literary

device from the days of the Preacher to those of Anatole France.

Montaigne loves to tease and confound us with a "Que scay-ie," he has

the common literary taste for humiliating unsympathetic readers; but he

has also a taste for honesty not so common, even in literature. Doubt is

a mark of good sense: honest doubt is a mark of genius almost. In his

reflective moments the reasonable man inclines to believe that reason

can prove nothing--except what he believes. How fearlessly did those

nineteenth-century apostles of Reason make havoc in the parlours of meek

curates and spinsters, thundering against the altogether insufficient

grounds on which were accepted the surprising adventures of Noah and his

Ark! But when they were told that Reason was as unfriendly to their

moral code and the methods of science as to the Book of Genesis, they

clapped her in jail without more ado. Reason affords no solid grounds

for holding a good world better than a bad, and the sacred law of cause

and effect itself admits of no logical demonstration. "Prison or the Mad

House," cried the men of good sense; Montaigne was more

thorough--"Tolerance," said he.

Like the man-in-the-street, Montaigne found refuge from reason in

conviction. Until we have formulated a proposition reason has no excuse

for interference; and emotional convictions precede intellectual

propositions. Only, as we have no means of judging between convictions,

we must remember that the firm and disinterested convictions of others

are as respectable as our own: again we must tolerate. To credit

Montaigne with that sublime liberality which is summed up in the most

sublime of all Christian aphorisms--"Judge not, and thou shalt not be

judged"--would be absurd. Montaigne was a Pagan, and his high conception

of tolerance and humanity was derived entirely from the great pagan

philosophers. Of them he was a profound and sincere disciple, so it is

not surprising that his ideas were far in advance of those of his age,

and of ours. For instance, he hated brutality. Both his own nature and

that fine Athenian humanity which by study he had made his own were

revolted by barbarous punishments. That there may be men too vile to

live seemed to him, doubtless, a tenable opinion--he could forget all

about the fallibility of human judgments--but "Quant a moy," he says,

"en la iustice mesme, tout ce qui est au dela de la mort simple, me

semble pure cruaute." To hurt others for our own good is not, he dimly

perceived, to cut a very magnanimous figure. To call it hurting them for

their own, he would have thought damnable; but that piece of hypocrisy

is the invention of a more enlightened age. Torture he abhorred.

Assuredly Montaigne would have been more at home in the streets of

Periclean Athens than in those of sixteenth-century Bordeaux or

twentieth-century London.

Nothing illustrates better Montaigne's essential paganism than his

passionate admiration for magnanimity. That was the virtue he loved.

High courage and fortitude, dignity, patience, and generosity--these are

qualities, examples of which never fail to strike a spark of enthusiasm

from his calm nature. He is never tired of extolling the constancy of

Socrates and Cato, the courage of Caesar, the generosity of Alexander,

the great and grandiose actions of the heroes of antiquity. Indeed,

this admiration for courage and dignity so transports him that once, at

any rate, he surpasses most pagan philosophers, and joins hands with the

latest and most Christian of Christian moralists:

"A quoy faire nous allons nous gendarmant par ces efforts de la

science? Regardons a terre, les pauvres gens que nous y voyons

espandus, la teste panchante apres leur besongne: qui ne scavent ny

Aristote ny Caton, ny exemple ny precepte. De ceux-la, tire Nature

tous les iours, des effects de constance et de patience, plus purs

et plus roides, que ne sont ceux que nous estudions si curieusement

en l'escole. Combien en vois ie ordinairement, qui mescognoissent

la pauvrete: combien qui desirent la mort, ou qui la passent sans

alarme et sans affliction? Celui la qui fouit mon iardin, il a ce

matin enterre son pere ou son fils. Les noms mesme, dequoy ils

appellent les maladies, en addoucissent et amollissent l'asprete.

La phthysie, c'est la toux pour eux: la dysenterie, devoyment

d'estomach: un pleuresis, c'est un morfondement: et selon qu'ils

les nomment doucement, ils les supportent aussi. Elles sont bien

griefves, quand elles rompent leur travail ordinaire: ils ne

s'allitent que pour mourir."

This passage is exceptional; it is not the less sincere. Of its

sincerity no one who reads and feels can doubt. But generally the

instances of eximious virtue are what Montaigne delights to honour.

Nothing in him is more lovable than this passionate hero-worship; and

what quality is more lovable or more common in the ordinary man?

"Le plus sage des Francais," Sainte-Beuve called him; the judgment is

typical of the critic and his age. We need not stay to quarrel with it.

We can hold that there is a higher wisdom than the quest of golden

mediocrity without disparaging either Horace or his disciple. If the

man-in-the-street be one who approaches the obvious in the spirit of a

pioneer, we must admit that Montaigne rises superior to his class, for

he not only explored that country, but possessed and cultivated it too,

and forced it to yield an ampler harvest of good sense and humanity than

any other husbandman before or since. France has ever been rich, and is

as rich as ever, in men who have known how to sacrifice the shadow to

the substance; in fanatics who have pursued without pause or divagation

dreams of impossible Utopias and unattainable good; in idealists who

have joyfully given all to love, to art, to religion, and to logic. It

is not inappropriate, therefore, that France should have produced in an

age of turmoil and terrible madness the man who exalted the cult of

moderation to the heights of sublime philosophy.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] "Reproduction en Phototypie de l'Exemplaire, avec Notes manuscrites

marginales, des Essais de Montaigne appartenant a la Ville de Bordeaux."

Publiee, avec une Introduction, par Fortunat Strowski. 3 vols. (Paris,

Hachette.)

IBSEN[2]

[Sidenote: _Athenaeum June 1912_]

Was it chance made Mr. Ellis Roberts mention Cezanne on the fourth page

of a book about Ibsen? One cannot think so. Similarities in the work and

circumstances of the two men can hardly have escaped him. Born within a

dozen years of each other (Ibsen was born in 1828), both matured in a

period when the professions of writing and painting were laboriously

cultivated at the expense of art. Each, unguided except by his own sense

of dissatisfaction with his surroundings, found a way through the

sloughs of romance and the deserts of realism, to the high country

beyond them. Both sought and both found the same thing--the thing above

literature and painting, the stuff out of which great literature and

painting are made.

The Romantics and Realists were like people coming to cuffs about which

is the more important thing in an orange, the history of Spain or the

number of pips. The instinct of the romantic, invited to say what he

felt about anything, was to recall its associations. A rose made him

think of quaint gardens and gracious ladies and Edmund Waller and

sundials, and a thousand pleasant things that, at one time or another,

had befallen him or some one else. A rose touched life at a hundred

pretty points. A rose was interesting because it had a past. On this the

realist's comment was "Mush!" or words to that effect. In like

predicament, he would give a detailed account of the properties of _Rosa

setigera_, not forgetting to mention the urn-shaped calyx-tube, the five

imbricated lobes, or the open corolla of five obovate petals. To an

Ibsen or a Cezanne one account would appear as irrelevant as the other,

since both omitted the thing that mattered, what philosophers used to

call "the thing in itself," what now they would call "the essential

reality":

SOLNESS. ... Do you read much?

HILDA. No, never! I have given it up. For it all seems so

irrelevant.

SOLNESS. That is just my feeling.

It was just what the books left out that Ibsen wanted to express.

He soon worked through the romantic tradition. It hampered him long

enough to prevent _Peer Gynt_ from becoming a great poem; after that he

found himself on the threshold of a world where everything mattered too

much in itself for its associations to be of consequence. Attempting to

analyse Ibsen's characters used to be a pastime for fools; to-day, we

all know that they come from that world where everything has been

reduced to an essence that defies analysis. There Ibsen was never so

completely at home as Cezanne; he lacked the imagination by which alone

one arrives and remains in the world of reality. His vision was more

uncertain and so his faith was weaker. He was a less ferociously sincere

artist. When vision began to fail he took refuge in a catalogue of facts

or in unconvincing symbolism: Cezanne tossed his picture into a bush.

Perhaps that is why a new generation, hungry for great contemporary art,

turns more hopefully to painting than to literature.

Thirty years ago it would have been misleading to say, what is

undoubtedly true, that it is as an artist that Ibsen is great. To call a

man a good artist came to much the same thing as calling him a good

ping-pong player: it implied that he was proficient in his own business;

it did not imply that he was a great man who affected life greatly.

Therefore many people who understood Ibsen and were moved by his plays

preferred to call him a political thinker or a social reformer; while

their enemies, the aesthetes, were very willing to call him a great

artist, since by doing so they excused themselves from paying the least

attention to anything that he said. Ibsen was a reformer in the sense

that all great artists are reformers; it is impossible to speak of

reality without criticizing civilization. In the same way he was a

politician; it is impossible to care passionately about art without

caring about the fate of mankind. But Mr. Roberts is certainly right in

holding that to appreciate Ibsen we must consider him as an artist.

Ibsen approached humanity in the spirit of an artist. He sought that

essential thing in men and women by which we should know them if the

devil came one night and stole away their bodies; we may call it

character if we choose. He imagined situations in which character would

be revealed clearly. The subjects of his plays are often "problems,"

because he was interested in people who only when "problems" arise are

seen to be essentially different from one another, or, indeed, from the

furniture with which they live. There is no reason to suppose that Ibsen

had any love for "problems" as such; and we are tempted to believe that

some modern "problems" are nothing more than situations from Ibsen's

plays. Ibsen's method is the true artist's method. The realist writing

about people tends to give an inventory of personal peculiarities, and a

faithful report of all that is said and done. The romantic hopes,

somehow, to "create an atmosphere" by suggesting what he once felt for

something not altogether unlike the matter in hand. Ibsen sets himself

to discover the halfpennyworth of significance in all this intolerable

deal of irrelevance. Which is the word, which the gesture, that,

springing directly from the depths of one character, penetrates to the

depths of another? What is the true cause of this hubbub of inconsequent

words and contradictory actions? Nothing less remote than the true cause

will serve, nothing else is firmly rooted in reality. Is that man

expressing what he feels or is he paying out what he thinks he is

expected to feel? Have I pushed simplification as far as it will go? Are

there no trappings, no overtones, nothing but what is essential to

express my vision of reality? And, above all, is my vision absolutely

sharp and sure? These were the questions Ibsen had to answer. When he

succeeded he was a great artist, not, as Mr. Roberts suggests, in the

manner of Shakespeare, but in the manner of Aeschylus.

There is no more obvious proof of the greatness of Ibsen's art than the

perfection of its form. To assert that fine form always enfolds fine

thought and feeling would imply a knowledge of literature to which it

would be effrontery in a critic to pretend. He may be allowed, however,

to advise any one who is ready with an instance of great form enclosing

a void to verify his impressions: it was thus that one critic at any

rate came to appreciate Goldoni and Alfieri. Be that as it may, this is

certain: a perfectly conceived idea never fails to express itself in

perfect form. Ibsen did not shirk the labour of making his conceptions

as hard, and definite, and self-supporting as possible. No matter how

autobiographical some of his best plays may be, he is too good an artist

to allow them to lean on his personal experience; they have to stand

firmly on their own feet. Ibsen, therefore, worked his conceptions to

such a degree of hardness and self-consistency that he could detach them

from himself and study them impersonally. That is why his plays are

models of form. And if there be an Academy of Letters that takes its

duties seriously, _Rosmersholm_ and _Ghosts_ are, we presume, in the

hands of every young person within its sphere of influence. The students

are shown, we hope, that Ibsen's form is superb, not because Ibsen paid

any particular attention to the precepts of Aristotle, but because,

like Sophocles, who had the misfortune to predecease the Stagirite, he

knew precisely what he wanted to say, and addressed himself exclusively

to the task of saying it. To achieve great form is needed neither

science nor tradition, but intense feeling, vigorous thinking, and

imagination. Formlessness is not a sign of spirited revolt against

superstition; it is a mere indication of muddleheadedness.

The subject-matter of Ibsen's plays is reality; unfortunately, his

imagination was not always strong enough to keep a sure hold on it. When

the vision faded he took refuge in symbolism or literality. There was a

commonplace background to his mind, of which we see too much in such

plays as _An Enemy of the People_ and _Pillars of Society_. It is this

commonplace and rather suburban quality that tempts us occasionally to

explain Ibsen's popularity by the fact that he represented the revolt of

the supremely unimportant, of whom there happen to be quite a number in

the world. With the symbolism of _The Master-Builder_ no fault can be

found. It is a legitimate and effective means of expressing a sense of

reality. The theme is never lost. The artist who sacrifices his human

relations, but dare not give all, dare not give his vanity or his life

to the ideal, moves steadily to his inevitable doom. Whether he move in

the form of Halvard Solness, the cowardly architect of genius, fearless

of ideas but fearful of action, or in the form of the symbolical

master-builder, the artist who tries to have the best of both worlds,

matters not a straw. The medium of expression changes, but the theme is

constant: the conception is whole. That is more than can be said of _The

Lady from the Sea_, where the symbolism comes perilously near padding;

or of _When We Dead Awaken_, where it often expresses nothing relevant,

merely standing picturesquely for commonplaces, and filling gaps.

To read one of Ibsen's great plays is always thrilling; to read one for

the first time is an event. If a savage who took locomotives and

motor-cars for granted, as inexplicable creatures of whim and fancy,

suddenly were shown, not by vague adumbration, but by straightforward

exposition, that they were expressions of intelligible laws controlled

by comprehensible machinery, he could not be more amazed than was the

nineteenth century by Ibsen. For Ibsen took nothing for granted. He saw

little on the surface of life that corresponded with reality; but he did

not cease to believe in reality. That was where he differed both from

the Philistines and from the elect. He saw that the universe was

something very different from what it was generally supposed to be: he

saw the futility of popular morals and popular metaphysics; but he

neither swallowed the conventions nor threw up his hands in despair,

declaring the whole thing to be an idiotic farce. He knew that truth and

goodness had nothing to do with law and custom; but he never doubted

that there were such things; and he went beneath the surface to find

them. It was Ibsen's revelation of a new world, in which moral values

were real and convincing, that thrilled the nineteenth century, and

thrills us yet. Can any one read sedately that scene in _Ghosts_ in

which Mrs. Alving shows with bewildering simplicity that, however

respectable the Pastor's morality may be, it is pure wickedness?

PASTOR MANDERS. You call it "cowardice" to do your plain duty? Have

you forgotten that a son ought to love and honour his father and

mother?

MRS. ALVING. Do not let us talk in such general terms. Let us ask:

Ought Oswald to love and honour Chamberlain Alving?

MANDERS. Is there no voice in your mother's heart that forbids you

to destroy your son's ideals?

MRS. ALVING. But what about the truth?

MANDERS. But what about the ideals?

MRS. ALVING. Oh--ideals, ideals! If only I were not such a coward!

Ibsen's social and political ideas follow necessarily from the nature

of his art. He knew too much about the depths of character to suppose

that people could be improved from without. He agreed with our

grandmothers that what men need are new hearts. It is good feeling that

makes good men, and the sole check on bad feeling is conscience. Laws,

customs, and social conventions he regarded as ineffectual means to

good. There is no virtue in one who is restrained from evil by fear. He

went further: he regarded external restraints as means to bad, since

they come between a man and his conscience and blunt the moral sense.

"So long as I keep to the rules," says the smug citizen, "I am of the

righteous." Ibsen loathed the State, with its negative virtues, its mean

standards, its mediocrity, and its spiritual squalor. He was a

passionate individualist.

Perhaps no one has seen more clearly that the State, at its best, stands

for nothing better than the lowest common factor of the human mind. What

else can it stand for? State ideals must be ideals that are not beyond

the intellect and imagination of "the average citizen"; also, since

average minds are not pervious to reason, the reasoning of statesmen

must be rhetoric. State morals--law and custom that is to say--are

nothing more than excuses for not bothering about conscience. But

Ibsen, being an artist, knew that he who would save his soul must do

what he feels to be right, not what is said to be so. Feeling is the

only guide, and the man who does what he feels to be wrong does wrong,

whatever the State may say.

The plain, though by no means frank, determination of society to

suppress the individual conscience lest it should clash with the

interests of the community seems positively to have shocked him. To be

fine, he believed, men must think and feel for themselves and live by

their own sense of truth and beauty, not by collective wisdom or

reach-me-down ideals.

"What sort of truths do the majority rally round? Truths so

stricken in years that they are sinking into decrepitude. When a

truth is so old as that, gentlemen, it's in a fair way to become a

lie (_Laughter and jeers_)."

How could Ibsen help being something of a politician? He seems really to

have wished his fellow-creatures to be fine, and to have been angry with

them because they wished to be nothing of the sort. He did not

understand that this passionate individualism, this sense of personal

responsibility, this claim to private judgment, is what no modern State,

be it democratic, bureaucratic or autocratic, can tolerate. Men long

for the ease and assurance of conformity and so soon as they are

sufficiently organized enforce it. Truth is the enemy--_ecrasez

l'infame!_ Poor, silly old Stockmann in _An Enemy of the People_ blurts

it out, blurts out that the water-supply is contaminated and his native

health-resort no better than a death-trap, for no better reason than

that he feels it is what he ought to do. He fails to consider the

feelings and, what is even more important, the financial interests of

his neighbours, and the neighbours make short work of him, as they

generally do of people who think and feel and act for themselves--of

saints and artists in fact. Thus it comes about that the prophets are

stoned and the best plays censored, while people such as Ibsen loathe

the State with its herd-instincts, now decently baptized however, and

known as Morality and Idealism.

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