A fine sweep of steps ascends from the river to Blackfriars—the second

of the three bridges, close by which the common sewers discharge

themselves, and blacken the water round about. There is a strong echo

under this bridge. On the Southwark side are the ruins of a large

building called the Albion Mills, which was erected for the purpose of

securing to the metropolis a certain supply of flour. A great capital

was vested in this useful undertaking; but perhaps in no country are

clamours so easily raised by the interested, and so greedily believed by

the ignorant, as in England. The very axioms of commercial policy are

not understood by      people, and it required all the firmness and all

the influence of Mr Pitt, during the scarcity, to save the country from

the inevitable miseries which a maximum would have occasioned. The

millers themselves, best aware of what roguery might be practised in

their own trade, spread abroad reports that the flour was adulterated

with all sorts of base mixtures. The Albion Mills took fire; whether by

accident or not is doubtful: but the mob, who on all such occasions

bestir themselves to extinguish a fire with that ready and disinterested

activity which characterizes the English, stood by now as willing

spectators of the conflagration; and before the engines had ceased to

play upon the smoking ruins, ballads of rejoicing were printed and sung

upon the spot. The fire broke out during the night, a strong breeze was

blowing from the east, and the parched corn fell in a black shower above

a league distant: even fragments of wood still burning, fell above

Westminster-bridge. There is a floating mill upon the river thus

constructed: a gun-boat is moored head and stern, with a house built on

it, and a wheel on each side which works with the tide.

The passage of the third bridge is considered as an achievement of some

little risque: our boat shot through it like an arrow. Close to the

bridge are the great water-works by which the city is supplied. When it

is considered that all the filth of this prodigious metropolis is

emptied into the river, it is perfectly astonishing that any people

should consent to drink it. One week's expenses of the late war would

have built an aqueduct from the Surry hills, and an hundred fountains to

have distributed its stores. The Thames water ferments and purifies

itself: in its state of fermentation it is inflammable. St Paul's and

the Monument are the main objects in this reach. Below the bridges is

the Tower of London, and a forest of shipping: here indeed we saw how

truly this city may be called the modern Tyre. Wharfs and warehouses

extend in this direction, far beyond any part of the eastern city which

I had explored. New docks upon a great scale are nearly completed in a

marsh, called the Isle of Dogs, so named, it is said, because the body

of a man who had been murdered, and buried there, was discovered by the

fidelity of a dog.[19]

At length we came in sight of green fields and trees. The marshes of

Essex, from whence London is so often covered with fogs, were on one

side; the Kentish hills, not far distant, on the other; the famous

observatory of Greenwich, from whence the English calculate their

longitude; and the hospital, a truly noble building, worthy of the

nation which has erected it, and of the purpose to which it is

consecrated. The palace of the Tudors stood here.—Charles II. began to

rebuild it, and William appropriated it to its present use. About 2000

disabled seamen are supported here, and boys are educated for the navy.

We saw the refectory and the church: but, as in a Relicario, the place

excited too much feeling to obtain much attention: we were in the asylum

of those sailors, whose skill and courage are unrivalled, a race of men

without fear, and as generous as they are brave. What volumes might be

compiled from the tales which these old chroniclers could tell! There is

not a shore in the habitable world but has been visited by some or other

of these men, nor a hardship incident to human nature which some of them

have not sustained.

We walked into the Park, and up the hill, where the rabble of London

assemble on Easter Monday, and roll down its green side, men and women

promiscuously. From hence we had a noble prospect of the river, the

distant shipping, and the pestilential marshes of the opposite coast. A

story is told of an old native of these marshes, who carried on a

thriving trade in wives. He chose them from the hill-country, and within

a few years married and buried eight, all of whom he brought home upon

one horse.

[18] A certain number of watermen are permitted to ply on Sundays; they

pay an annual acknowledgment on that account to the Watermen's Company!

Religion and profit are thus combined!—TR.

[19] The king's hounds were kept there when there was a royal palace at

Greenwich.—TR.

LETTER LXVII.

_Spanish Gravity the Jest of the English.—Sunday Evening

described.—Society for the Suppression of Vice.—Want of

Holidays.—Bull-Baiting.—Boxing._

One of the great philosophers here has advanced a theory that the

nervous and electric fluids are the same, both being condensed light. If

this be true, sunshine is the food of the brain; and it is thus

explained why the southern nations are so much more spiritual than the

English, and why they in their turn rank higher in the scale of

intellect than their northern neighbours.

Spanish gravity is the jest of this people. Whenever they introduce a

Spaniard upon the stage, it is to ridicule him for his pride, his

jealousy, and his mustachios. According to their notions, all our women

who are not locked up in convents, are locked up at home; guarded by

duennas as vigilant as dragons, and husbands, every one of whom is as

fierce as the Grand Turk. They believe, also, that a Spaniard thinks it

beneath his dignity ever to laugh, except when he is reading Don

Quixote; then, indeed, his muscles are permitted to relax.

I am writing upon Sunday evening, at the hour when in our cities the

people are at the theatre or the bull-fight; when in every street and

village the young are dancing with their castanets, and at every door

you hear the viola. What is the scene in England at this time? All

public amusements are prohibited by the dæmon of Calvinism; and for

private ones,—half the people seriously believe that were they to touch

a card on a Sunday, they should immediately find the devil under the

table, who is said to have actually appeared upon such an occasion to an

old lady at Bath. The Savoyard, who goes about with his barrel-organ,

dares not grind even a psalm-tune upon the sabbath. The old woman who

sells apples at the corner of the street has been sent to prison for

profanation of the Lord's day, by the Society for the Suppression of

Vice; the pastry-cook, indeed, is permitted to keep his shop-window half

open, because some of the society themselves are fond of iced creams.

Yonder goes a crowd to the Tabernacle, as dismally as if they were going

to a funeral; the greater number are women;—enquire for their husbands

at the alehouse, and you will find them besotting themselves there,

because all amusements are prohibited as well as all labour, and they

cannot lie down like dogs, and sleep. Ascend a step higher in

society,—the children are yawning, and the parents agree that the clock

must be too slow, that they may accelerate supper and bed-time. In the

highest ranks, indeed, there is little or no distinction of days, except

that there is neither theatre nor opera for them, and some among them

scruple at cards. Attempts have even been made to shut up the public

ovens on this day, and convert the sabbath into a fast for the poor. And

these are the people who ridicule Spanish gravity, and think they have

reformed religion, because they have divested it of all that is

cheerful, all that is beautiful, and all that is inviting.

Our peasantry have a never-failing source of amusement in the dance and

the viola. Here the poor never dance; indeed, illegal dancing is a

punishable crime, and if they do not dance illegally they cannot dance

at all. This requires some explanation. Partly from custom, still more

from the nature of the climate, there is no dancing here in the open

air; the houses of the poor are too small for this diversion; they must

therefore meet at some public house where there is a room large enough.

The rich do this also; but dancing at a peso-duro a-head, and dancing at

two reales, are very different things—the one is called a ball, the

other a sixpenny hop. The rich may take care of their own morals—the

police must look after the poor. These public dancing-rooms are

excellent preparatory schools for the brothel, and the magistrates very

properly endeavour to suppress them,—or should endeavour,—for the recent

institution of a society for the suppression of vice, seems to imply

that the laws are not executed without such assistance. Here I must

remark, that if there be one thing by which the English are peculiarly

distinguished from all other people in the world, it is by their passion

for exercising authority and enacting laws. When half a score or a dozen

men combine for any common purpose, whether to establish an

insurance-office, to cut a canal, or even to set spies upon apple-women

on a Sunday, they embody themselves into a company, choose out a

representative committee and a president, and issue their resolutions

with all the forms of a legislative body. It will be well if the slate

does not one day feel the inconvenience of this taste for legislation.

Music is as little the amusement of the people as dancing. Never was a

nation so unmusical. Perhaps the want of leisure may be the cause. They

reproach the Catholic religion with the number of its holidays, never

considering how the want of holidays breaks down and brutalizes the

labouring class, and that where they occur seldom they are uniformly

abused. Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, the only seasons of festival

in England, are always devoted by the artificers and the peasantry to

riot and intoxication.

You may well conceive of what character the popular amusements needs

must be, in a country where there is nothing to soften the manners or

ameliorate the condition of the poor. The practice of bull-baiting is

not merely permitted, it is even enjoined by the municipal law in some

places. Attempts have twice been made in the legislature to suppress

this barbarous custom: they were baffled and ridiculed, and some of the

most distinguished members were absurd enough, and hard-hearted enough,

to assert, that if such sports were abolished, there would be an end of

the national courage. Would to Heaven that this were true! that English

courage had no better foundation than brutal ferocious cruelty! We

should no longer be insulted in our ports, and our ships might defy

their buccaneering cruisers. Do not suppose that this bull-baiting has

any the smallest resemblance to our bull-feasts.—Even these I should

agree with the Conde de Norana, and with the Church, in condemning as

wicked and inhuman; but there is a splendour in the costume, a gaiety in

the spectacle, a skill and a courage displayed in the action, which

afford some apology for our countrymen, whereas this English sport is

even more cowardly than the bull-fights of the Portugueze.[20] The men

are exposed to no danger whatever; they fasten the animal to a ring, and

the amusement is to see him toss the dogs, and the dogs lacerate his

nostrils, till they are weary of torturing him, and then he is led to

the slaughter-house to be butchered after their clumsy and cruel method.

The bear and the badger are baited with the same barbarity; and if the

rabble can get nothing else, they will divert themselves by worrying

cats to death.

But the great delight of the English is in boxing, or pugilism, as it is

more scientifically denominated. This practice might easily be

suppressed; it is against the laws; the magistrates may interfere if

they please; and its frequency therefore, under such circumstances, is

an irrefragable proof of national barbarity. Cudgel-playing,

quarter-staff, broad-sword, all of which, brutal as such gladiatorial

exhibitions are, might have given to the soldiers a serviceable

dexterity, have yielded to this more brutal sport, if that may be called

sport which sometimes proves fatal. When a match is made between two

prize-fighters, the tidings are immediately communicated to the public

in the newspapers; and paragraphs occasionally appear, saying the rival

are in training, what exercise they take, and what diet, for some of

them feed upon raw beef as a preparative.—Meantime, the amateurs and the

gamblers choose their party, and the state of the betts appears also in

the public newspapers from time to time: not unfrequently the whole is a

concerted scheme, that a few rogues may cheat a great many fools.—When

the combat at length takes place, as regular a report is prepared for

the newspapers as if it were a national victory—the particulars are

recorded with a minuteness at once ridiculous and disgraceful; for every

movement has its technical or slang name, and the unprecedented science

of the successful combatant becomes the theme of general admiration.

Yet, notwithstanding all the attention which these people bestow upon

this savage art, for which they have public schools, they are outdone by

savages. When one of the English squadrons of discovery was at

Tongataboo, several of the natives boxed with the sailors for love, as

the phrase is, and in every instance the savage was victorious.

[20] The horns of the bull are tipt in Portugal, to preserve the horse.

In Spain, where no such precaution is taken, it is not unusual to see

the horse's entrails trailing along the ground.—TR.

LETTER LXVIII.

_The Abbé Barruel.—Journey of two Englishmen to Avignon to join a

Society of Prophets.—Extracts from their prophetical Books._

I had prepared for you an account of a pseudo-prophet who excited much

attention in London here at the beginning of the last war, when, almost

by accident, I was made acquainted with some singular circumstances

which are in some manner connected with him, and which therefore should

previously be told. These circumstances are as authentic as they are

extraordinary, and supply a curious fact for the history of the French

Revolution.

We were talking one evening of the Abbé Barruel's proofs of a conspiracy

against the governments, religion, and morality of Christendom. A friend

of J.'s said, there was about as much truth in it as in one of Madame

Scudery's romances; the characters introduced were real persons, to whom

false motives and manners were imputed; a little of what was ascribed to

them had really occurred, but the whole plot, colouring, and costume of

the book, were fictitious. It was a work, said he, written to serve the

purposes of a party, with the same spirit and the same intent as those

which in old times led to such absurd and monstrous calumnies against

the Jews; and, had its intent succeeded, there would have been a

political St Bartholomew's day in England. True it was that a society

had existed, whose object was to change or to influence the governments

of Europe; it was well organized and widely extended, but enthusiasm,

not infidelity, was the means which they employed.

In proof of this, he stated the sum of what I shall relate more at

length from the book to which he referred as his authority, and which I

obtained from him the next morning. Its title is this,—_A revealed

Knowledge of some Things that will speedily be fulfilled in the World,

communicated to a Number of Christians brought together at Avignon, by

the Power of the Spirit of God from all Nations; now published by his

Divine Command, for the Good of all Men, by John Wright his Servant, and

one of the Brethren. London, printed in the Year of Christ 1794_. It is

one of those innumerable pamphlets, which, being published by inferior

booksellers, and circulating among sectarians and fanatics, never rise

into the hands of those who are called the public, and escape the notice

of all the literary journals. They who peruse them do it with a zeal

which may truly be called consuming; they are worn out like a

schoolboy's grammar; the form in which they are sent abroad, without

covers to protect them, hastens their destruction, and in a few years

they disappear for ever.

John Wright, the author of this narrative, was a working carpenter of

Leeds, in Yorkshire; a man of strong devotional feelings, who seems,

like the first Quakers, to have hungered and thirsted after religious

truth in a land where there was none to impart it. Some travelling

Swedenborgian preachers having heated his imagination, he was desirous

of removing to London, to find out the New Jerusalem Church. It was no

easy thing for a labouring man with a large family to remove to such a

distance: however, by working over hours, he saved money enough to

effect it. The New Jerusalem Church did not satisfy him; every thing was

too definite and formal, too bodily and gross for a mind of his

complexion. But it so happened that at this place of worship he entered

into talk with a converted Jew, who, when he learnt his state of mind,

and that he expected the restoration of the Jews would shortly be

accomplished, said to him, I will tell you of a man who is just like

yourself;—his name is William Bryan, and he lives in such a place.

Bryan was a journeyman copper-plate-printer. J.'s friend saw him once at

the house of one of the Brotherists; he says that before he saw him he

had heard of his resemblance to the pictures of our Lord, but that it

was so striking as truly to astonish him. These features, his full clear

and gentle eye, the beauty of his complexion, which would have been

remarkable even in a girl, and the voice, in which words flowed from him

with such unaffected and natural eloquence, as to remind the hearer of

the old metaphorical descriptions of oratory, united to produce such an

effect upon his believers as you may conceive, considering that they

were credulous, and he himself undoubtedly sincere. Wright had now found

a man after his own heart. They were both Quietists, whom, for want of a

guide, their own good feelings led astray, and their experiences, he

says, operated with each other, as face answers face in a glass.

Bryan told him of a society of prophets at Avignon, assembled there from

all parts of the world. This was in the autumn of 1788. In the January

of the ensuing year, Wright mistook strong inclination for inspiration,

and thought the Spirit directed him to join them. The same spirit very

naturally sent him to communicate this to Bryan, whom he found possessed

with the same impression. Neither of them had money to leave with their

families, or to support themselves upon the journey, and neither of them

understood a word of French. Both were determined to go—Bryan that

night, Wright the following morning—such being their implicit obedience

to the impulse within them, that the one would not wait, nor the other

hasten. Before his departure Bryan called upon a friend, who said to

him, "William, I have had it in my mind to ask if thou wert not

sometimes in want of money?" He acknowledged that it was this want which

now brought him there; and the friend gave him four guineas. If this

same friend was the person who first told him of the society at Avignon,

as may reasonably be suspected, the whole collusion will be clear. One

guinea he left with his wife, who was at that time in child-bed, gave

half-a-guinea to Wright to carry him to Dover, and set off.

Bryan's wife, not being in a state of belief, was greatly offended with

Wright, thinking that if it had not been for him her husband would not

have left her. His own wife was in a happier temper of mind, and

encouraged him to go. She had a son by a former husband who was some

little support to her, and who acquiesced in the necessity of this

journey. He seems indeed to have communicated something of his own

fervour to all about him. A young man with whom he was intimate, bought

him several things for his journey, and gave him a guinea; this same

person befriended his family during his absence. At three in the morning

he rose to depart: his son-in-law prepared breakfast, and they made the

watchman who had called him partake of it, for it was severely cold. "I

then," says Wright, "turned to my children, who were all fast asleep,

and kissed them, and interceded with the great and merciful God,

relating to him their situation, in which, for his sake, they were going

to be left without any outward dependence;—and at that time some of them

were lying on a bed of shavings that I used to bring from my shop; at

the same time imploring him that he would be pleased to bless them, and

if one friend failed, another might be raised up, as I did not know

whether I ever should see them any more; for, although our first journey

was to Avignon, we did not know it would end there."

He then went to Bryan's wife, whom his own was nursing in child-bed. The

poor woman's resentment had now given way, the quiet self-devotion of

her husband and his friend had almost persuaded her to believe also; she

burst into tears when she saw him, and saluted him, as he says, in the

fear and love of God, in which she bade him remember her to her husband.

Wright then went to the coach. Soon after they left London it began to

rain and snow, and he was on the outside. He was of a sickly habit,

always liable to take cold, and had at this time a bad cough. A doubt

came upon him, that if the Lord had sent him he would certainly have

caused it to be fine weather. Besides this, he began to fear that Bryan

would already have crost the channel, in which case, when he got to

Dover, he should have no money to pay his passage. Was it not better

therefore to turn back? But the testimony of God's power in his heart,

he says, was greater than all these thoughts.

The wind had been contrary, and detained Bryan. They crossed over to

Calais, took some food at an inn there, and got their money changed,

enquired the names of bread, wine, and sleeping, in the language of the

country, and which way they were to go, and then set off on their

journey. They travelled on foot to Paris. Wright's feet were sorely

blistered; but there was no stopping, for his "mind was bound in the

spirit to travel on." They carried their burthen by turns when both were

able, but it generally fell upon Bryan as the stronger man. Change of

climate, however, aided probably by the faith which was in him, removed

Wright's cough. Their funds just lasted to Paris; here Bryan had an

acquaintance, to whose house they went. This man had received a letter

to say who were coming, and that they were bad men, Wright in

particular, whom it advised him to send back. As you may suppose, he was

soon fully satisfied with them—he entertained them three days, and then

dismissed them, giving them five _louis d'ors_ to bear them on. The

whole journal of their way is interesting: it relates instances of that

subsiding of overwrought feelings which bodily exhaustion produces, and

which enthusiasts call desertion; of natural thoughts and fears

recurring, remembrances of home, and depression which sometimes

occasioned self-suspicion and half-repentance:—with these symptoms the

church is well acquainted, as common to the deluded, and to those who

are in truth under the influence of divine inspiration, and they prove

the sincerity of this narrative.

At length they came in sight of Avignon. They washed some linen in the

river, sat down under the bushes till it was dry, then put it on; and,

having thus made their appearance as decent as they could, proceeded to

the house of the prophets, to which, as it appears, they had brought

with them a sufficient direction. The door was opened by one of the

brethren, and by a person who could speak English, and who had arrived

there a day or two before from another part of the world. After they had

washed and shaved, they were taken across the street to another house,

and shown into a large room, where there was a table spread, nearly the

whole length; they were told that table was provided by the Lord, and

when they wanted any thing to eat or to drink they were to go there, and

they would find a servant ready to wait upon them. The brethren also

provided them with clothes and whatever else they needed, and with money

to give to the poor, saying they had orders from the Lord to do so. In a

short time their Paris friend arrived, and was admitted a member of the

society before them, that he might be their interpreter. I wish the form

of initiation had been given. They met every evening to commemorate the

death of our Lord by eating bread and drinking wine. Very often, says

Wright, when we have been sitting together, the furniture in the room

has been shaken as though it were all coming to pieces; and upon

enquiring what was the cause, we were told that it announced the

presence of angels; and when these were not heard, the brethren were

always afraid that something was amiss, and so enquired at the Word of

the Lord.

You will easily suppose that they had orders to keep the society secret

till the appointed time. I much wish that the book had stated how their

answers from the Lord were received, but on this it is silent. The drift

and charter of the society are, however, sufficiently manifested by the

Extracts which Wright has published from their Journals, and of which I

here subjoin enough to satisfy you:

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