CHAPTER XIV.

IOWA.[50]

The Iowa Equal Suffrage Association was still conducting in 1901 the

campaign of education begun when it was organized in 1870, as fully

described in Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage. It seemed at

times a deadly dull process and there rose bolder spirits occasionally

who suggested more vigorous and spectacular means of bringing the

cause to the attention of the general public and of focusing the

suffrage sentiment, which evidently existed, on the members of the

Legislatures and putting them into a more genial attitude toward

submitting a State constitutional amendment, which seemed in those

years the only method of attaining the longed-for goal. Women,

however, are conservative and the Iowa laws on the whole were not

oppressive enough to stir the average woman to active propaganda for a

share in making and administering them. Therefore the association

proceeded along the beaten path--by way of education, aided by social

and economic evolution, from which not even the most non-progressive

woman can protect herself, much less protect her daughters. The

association never missed an annual meeting and the women elected each

year to carry on its work were those who knew that the cause might be

delayed but could not be permanently defeated.

The convention of 1901 was held in November at Waterloo and Mrs.

Adelaide Ballard was elected president, having previously served two

terms. The conventions of 1902, 1903 and 1904 took place in October in

Des Moines, Boone and Sheldon, and Mrs. Mary J. Coggeshall was each

year elected president, having held the office two years at earlier

dates. The annual meeting of 1905 was held in November at Panora; that

of 1906 in September at Ida Grove, and Bertha A. Wilcox was each year

elected president.

The conventions of 1907 and 1908 took place in October at Des Moines

and Boone and the Rev. Eleanor E. Gordon was at each elected

president. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, president of the National American

Woman Suffrage Association, who was present at the Boone convention,

had just returned from England and was accompanied by two young

English women who had campaigned for suffrage there and who took part

in the convention. She had marched in a parade in London and was very

desirous that parades should be held here. After much urging from her

and the president, and with great trepidation and many misgivings on

the part of the members, a procession was formed and marched through

the principal streets on October 29. The Boone _Daily News_ said: "The

members of the Equal Suffrage Association in convention, scores of the

local women interested in the movement and the Woman's Christian

Temperance Union united in a monster parade through the main streets.

The Wilder-Yeoman Band led with the Rev. Eleanor Gordon, president,

Mrs. Coggeshall, honorary president, Mrs. Julia Clark Hallam, Dr. Shaw

of Philadelphia and the Misses Rendell and Costelloe of London next in

the procession. From every viewpoint it was a success." This was the

first or one of the first suffrage parades to be held in the United

States and it required much courage to take part in it. The crowd

which lined the sidewalks was most respectful and when Dr. Shaw and

the English visitors spoke from an automobile there was enthusiastic

response.

In 1909 at the State convention held in Des Moines Mrs. Hallam was

made president. In 1910, at the convention in Corydon, Mrs. Harriet B.

Evans was elected to this position. The report of the corresponding

secretary, Mrs. Lona I. Robinson, was similar to those that had been

made in many preceding years and that continued to be made for several

following years. It showed that hundreds of letters were sent to the

officers of local clubs, asking them to interview the candidates for

the Legislature on their attitude towards woman suffrage; to sign the

petitions to Congress for a Federal Amendment, which were sent to

them; to strengthen their organization; to increase their propaganda

work, for which quantities of literature were furnished. The report

showed the activities of the State officers, meetings arranged,

addresses made and legislative work done.

At the annual meeting in October, 1911, at Perry, the Rev. Mary A.

Safford became president. This year the _Woman's Standard_, a monthly

newspaper published since 1886 by the association, was discontinued,

as there was an ever-increasing opportunity for suffrage news and

arguments in the newspapers of the State. On Dec. 22, 1911, Mrs.

Coggeshall, who had been the inspiration and leader of the State

suffrage work since its beginning and part of the time an officer of

the National Suffrage Association, passed away. She was the link

between those who began the movement and those who finished it.

Whatever the later workers in Iowa had done had been as a candle flame

lighted from the torch of her faith and devotion. She was a friend of

Susan B. Anthony, of Lucy Stone and of many of the other veterans. Her

delightful home was open to every suffragist of high or low

degree--there were no degrees to her if a woman was a suffragist. She

showed her faith in the cause not only by her gifts, her hospitality

and her unceasing activity during her life but also by bequests of

$5,000 to the State association and $10,000 to the National

Association. The former was used, as she would have wished it to be,

in the amendment campaign of 1916 and the National Association

returned a large part of its bequest for use at this time.

In October, 1912, the convention was held in Des Moines and the Rev.

Miss Safford was re-elected president. By this time new methods of

propaganda were being used. During the State Fair the City Council of

Suffrage Clubs in Des Moines arranged for the photoplay Votes for

Women to be shown in a river front park near a band stand where

nightly concerts were given and literally thousands of people had

their first education in suffrage through the speeches made there.

The State convention met in October, 1913, in Boone and Miss Flora

Dunlap was made president. An automobile trip crossing the State

twice, with open air meetings in thirty towns, had been undertaken in

September. Governor George W. Clark and Harvey Ingham, editor of the

Des Moines _Register_, a long time supporter of woman suffrage, spoke

at the first meeting and other prominent men, officials, editors and

clergymen, joined the party for one or more days. Two reporters from

Des Moines newspapers went with it and there was excellent publicity.

Mrs. P. J. Mills of Des Moines managed the trip and accompanied the

party with her car, Miss Evangeline Prouty, daughter of an Iowa member

of Congress, acting as chauffeur. Miss Dunlap also made the entire two

weeks' journey, while other workers joined for briefer periods. J. R.

Hanna, Mayor of Des Moines, wrote the Mayors of all towns in which

meetings were scheduled asking the courtesies of the city for the

party, and this, with the Governor's opening speech, gave a helpful

official sanction.

The annual meeting took place in October, 1914, at Des Moines and Miss

Dunlap was re-elected president. In March the Mississippi Valley

Conference, with many interesting delegates, had been held in that

city and made a very favorable impression. Miss Jane Addams and Mrs.

Harriet Taylor Upton, president of the Ohio Suffrage Association, had

spoken at a Sunday afternoon mass meeting in the largest theater. When

the convention met at Des Moines in October, 1915, a woman suffrage

amendment to the State constitution had at last been submitted by the

Legislature to be passed upon by the voters in June, 1916. Miss Dunlap

was again re-elected and arrangements were perfected for continuing

the vigorous campaign already under way. By the time the association

held its convention at Waterloo in September, 1916, the amendment had

been defeated but nevertheless the meeting was large and enthusiastic.

Miss Anna B. Lawther was elected president and arrangements were made

for securing as soon as possible the re-submission of the amendment.

The convention of 1917 met in October at Des Moines and Miss Lawther

was re-elected. The country was now in the midst of war, and, like

patriotic women everywhere, Iowa suffragists turned all their

attention to helping win it. Miss Lawther served on a special

committee appointed by the Governor to organize the women of the State

for war activities. Every woman on the suffrage board filled an

important position in the various State war organizations and every

county chairman and local member was active in the work of her

community. The women worked long, full days for the war and far into

the night for suffrage.

When the State convention met at Cedar Rapids in September, 1918, the

women were still immersed in war work. Meanwhile the Lower House of

Congress had voted to submit the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment and

for some months the efforts of the association had been centered on

this amendment. It had secured pledges from all the Iowa

representatives in Congress to vote for it except Harry E. Hull, who

voted against it. In June a "suffrage school" had been held in Penn

College, Oskaloosa, for the express purpose of educating women in the

need of this amendment and the necessity of educating State

legislators to the point where it would be ratified as soon as it was

submitted. Miss Lawther was again re-elected but resigned the next

June and Mrs. James E. Devitt, the vice-president, filled the office.

In 1919 the association was in the thick of the struggle to obtain

from the Legislature Primary and Presidential suffrage. The former was

defeated; the latter passed both houses in April. The Federal

Amendment was ratified by the Legislature July 2.

The work of the Equal Suffrage Association seemed finished. The half

century of agitation, education and evolution was completed. The 48th

and last annual convention was held Oct. 2, 1919, in Boone, which had

been its hostess many times, and the association was happily dissolved

by unanimous vote. The State League of Women Voters was at once

organized with Miss Flora Dunlap, chairman, and the old workers faced

the new task of making political suffrage for women the privilege and

blessing they always had believed it would prove to be.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION. A resolution to submit to the voters a woman

suffrage amendment to the State constitution was introduced in every

General Assembly beginning with 1870. In the early years petitions

were sent, the number of signatures rising from 8,000 in 1884 to

100,000 in 1900, but after that time they were almost entirely given

up, as they had no effect. The resolution was introduced according to

custom in the Legislature of 1902. Also according to custom, not

always so carefully observed, the Senate passed the resolution by 28

to 16, this being the Senate's year for this courtesy, and the House

accepted the report recommending indefinite postponement.

In 1904 the resolution was defeated in the House and did not emerge

from the Senate committee. In 1906 this program was repeated. The

meeting of the Legislature was now changed to the odd years and in

1907 the above program was reversed. After this year the members

omitted even the customary graciousness of an understanding that one

body would pass it and the other kill it, thus keeping the women

friendly and dividing the responsibility for the defeat, and both

Houses in 1909 rejected it.

In 1911 the Senate treated the resolution in a most contemptuous

manner by voting to strike out the enacting clause and then passing

it. This was the last time it was defeated. The tide was changing and

even the most confirmed opponents knew that it was a rising and not a

falling tide. Fortunately most of the active workers who sat through

that humiliating experience lived to see the men who were responsible

for it either retired entirely from public life or so changed in

sentiment as to claim a place among those who "always believed in

woman suffrage."

The neighboring State of Kansas fully enfranchised its women in 1912,

as did several other western States, and favorable pressure was

growing very strong. In 1913 the resolution to submit the amendment

passed in the House on February 20 by a vote of 81 to 26 and in the

Senate on March 7 by a vote of 31 to 15. The deadlock was broken and

every suffragist rejoiced.

The resolution had to pass two Legislatures and in July, 1914, the

Republican State convention strongly urged the next one to pass it. In

1915 this was done, by the Senate on February 12 by a vote of 38 to

11, and by the House on the 23rd by one of 84 to 19. The date for the

referendum to the voters was set at the time of the primary elections,

June 5, 1916, over three years from the time the resolution was first

passed. After forty-five years thus far had the workers for woman

suffrage arrived.

* * * * *

The activities of the State association were at once turned to the

education of the voters. It had been long thought by both State and

national leaders that if the amendment could be brought before them

they would give a large majority for it. Probably no State ever went

into a campaign under more favorable auspices and until the last few

weeks it seemed that victory was certain and the women had learned

that it was not entirely a State matter but one of national interest.

The national president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, gave six weeks of

time to the campaign and liberal contributions of money, as she

considered Iowa her State, having spent a large part of her life

there. The honorary president, Dr. Shaw, other national officers,

State presidents and men and women suffragists from many other States

rendered valuable help in time, money and service of all sorts. Large

numbers of Iowa women who had never helped before now did effective

work. The long-time suffragists devoted themselves wholly to the

campaign. Many Iowa men gave great assistance. A Men's League for

Woman Suffrage, John H. Denison, president, was organized with

headquarters at Des Moines and branches in all the large cities, forty

altogether. These leagues not only assisted with counsel but raised

funds, placed speakers and helped get out the vote. O. G. Geyer was

the executive secretary and the State offices of the League adjoined

those of the State Suffrage Association. There were the closest

cooperation and the greatest harmony in the work of the two

organizations. An unusually well-conducted press campaign was carried

on with Mrs. Rose Lawless Geyer at the head of the press department

and she and Miss Alice B. Curtis, executive secretary, gave long hours

and invaluable service to the campaign. Five-sixths of the newspapers

not only used plate matter and a weekly press letter but supported the

cause editorially and some of them refused the paid advertising of the

"antis."

Dr. Effie McCollum Jones was finance secretary; Miss Mabel Lodge was

the first organizer in the field and there is a long list of men and

women whose names deserve mention for the abundant time and unstinted

devotion they gave to the campaign. In some of the counties along the

Mississippi River, where the situation was the most difficult, were

strong groups of men and women workers. Miss Anna B. Lawther of

Dubuque headed one of the most active and the record of the river

counties would have been even blacker than it was but for the

herculean work that they did. In Keokuk, the most southern city on the

river, this was so effective that it alone was a white spot in the

long, black line when the election returns came in. Each of the

eleven Congressional districts had an organizer in charge from January

until election day. In every one of the ninety counties there was

organization. Nine-tenths of them opened headquarters from one to

three months before the end of the campaign and 2,000 precinct workers

were enrolled. The whole State was covered by auto-trips in the last

month. Approximately 5,000,000 pieces of literature were distributed,

much of it especially printed to meet local needs and the false

statements circulated by the opposition. One cent postage for one

circularization of the voters of Iowa cost $5,000.

As suffragists throughout the nation gave their help, so the opponents

outside the State tried to defeat the amendment. The women's National

Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage sent a number

of its paid workers and a considerable sum of money into the State.

There was a small anti-suffrage organization in Iowa during the

campaign affiliated with this national association, with branches in

Des Moines, Davenport, Clinton, Sioux City and a few other places.

Mrs. Simon Casady of Des Moines was State president. John P. Irish, a

former resident, came from California under its auspices to work

against the amendment but the press department widely circulated his

favorable declarations for woman suffrage in early years and reprinted

his editorials written during the Civil War, in which his disloyalty

to Lincoln and to the Union was shown. He was much disturbed by this

publicity concerning his past and soon left the State. The women's

anti-suffrage association did no particular harm but the forces of

evil with which it was allied did great damage and in the end defeated

the amendment. Iowa women had believed that their men were free from

entanglements with these forces but they learned that no State line

bars out the elements which work against democracy and the influence

of women in government.

In spite of these opposing forces the amendment would have won but for

political complications which arose during the last few weeks of the

campaign. It became necessary for the Republican party to sacrifice

woman suffrage to its "wet" candidate for Governor, as it felt sure

that he could not be elected in November if the vote should be given

to women in June. A prominent supporter said openly: "We had to do it

in self-defense."

The special election and the primary election were held on June 5,

1916, and after several days of waiting the final returns showed that

the amendment was defeated--ayes, 162,683; noes, 173,024--lost by

10,341 votes.

The adverse vote was almost entirely in the counties along the

Mississippi River. They were in revolt against the State prohibition

law and there was constant evasion of it and agitation for its repeal.

Naturally those opposed to prohibition were also opposed to woman

suffrage. The vote in these counties was large enough to overcome the

vote in the central and western counties where the sentiment was

generally "dry." Des Moines, the capital and largest city in the

State, voted in favor; Sioux City, the second largest, recorded a

small adverse vote; Council Bluffs on the western border returned a

favorable majority; Keokuk on the river in the southeastern corner of

the State was carried, but all the other cities on the eastern border

voted "wet." The river counties of Dubuque, Scott and Clinton gave

9,383 of the 10,341 adverse majority. They were the stronghold for the

commercial liquor interests of the State. The Republican candidate for

Governor received a majority of 126,754 and this party could easily

have carried the amendment.

It was evident that there were many irregularities in the election and

the board of the State Suffrage Association conferred with competent

attorneys but after much consultation it was decided that it would not

be practical to contest it. The defeat of the amendment was a serious

disappointment to the temperance forces and the Woman's Christian

Temperance Union determined to have the returns canvassed and if

possible discover the cause. The election proceedings and officials

returns were investigated in 44 counties and the report in affidavit

form consisted of 200 closely typewritten pages. The Des Moines

_Register_ of Oct. 15, 1916, said of this report:

The investigation revealed several strange conditions. The

records in the Secretary of State's office disclose that there

were 29,341 more votes cast on the equal suffrage amendment than

the total cast for all candidates for Governor by all parties.

The canvass in these 44 counties, however, shows that there were

13,609 more names listed as voting, as shown by the poll books,

than there were suffrage ballots. Add to this the 2,289 votes

where certain precincts show more votes on the amendment than

names recorded in the poll books and altogether 15,898 more names

are found on the poll books than there were ballots cast on woman

suffrage. If this proportion is maintained in the other

fifty-five counties, there would be approximately 30,000 more

voters listed than there were votes on the amendment. The

question the investigator raises is: "Did 60,000 men go to the

polls and fail to vote a primary ballot, and did 30,000 of these

fail to vote on the amendment? Did 30,000 go to the polls and

fail to vote for anybody or anything?"

The W. C. T. U. can draw but one conclusion from this condition,

namely, that they were defrauded out of their right to the

ballot.

The investigators found that in the 44 counties ... 4,743

ballots, shown to have been cast by the list of voters, are

absolutely unaccounted for.... In 15 counties it was found that

in certain precincts 2,239 more ballots were certified than there

were names on the list of voters.... In 15 counties there were

8,067 more ballots on the amendment than there were voters

checked as having voted.

In 30 counties where the combination poll books were used no

voter was checked as having voted, but the certificates show that

55,107 votes were cast on the amendment. In 27 cities canvassed,

a total disregard or ignorance of the registration laws in nearly

all precincts appears and in many of these the violations are

most flagrant.

The law requires that the judges and clerks of election shall

make out a certificate showing the total number of votes cast,

the number voting "yes" or "no" or "rejected." A total of 9,320

votes in these counties are not properly certified to and the

"true return" is not signed in many instances by any of the

clerks or judges and in others not by all. In this class 27,362

votes were affected. In six counties certificates properly signed

by the clerks and judges had been changed by a different hand and

in some cases several different precincts had been changed by the

same hand....

Many other instances were given of incompetence and dishonesty beyond

question, but, notwithstanding this positive evidence, the legal

requirements and restrictions were such as made any effort for a

recount or another election of no avail.[51]

* * * * *

A conference of the suffrage leaders was held in Des Moines the next

month after the election. Every one was sad but no one was resigned

and those who had worked the hardest and sacrificed the most were the

first to renew their pledges for further effort. It was decided that

while their forces were well organized they should at once begin

another campaign. The half-century-old resolution was presented to the

General Assembly of 1917, and, though there were arguments that the

voters had just spoken and that the question ought not again be

submitted in so brief a time, the resolution passed by a vote of 35

ayes, 13 noes in the Senate and 85 ayes, 20 noes in the House.

The women continued their work for the second vote, which must be

given by the Legislature of 1919. When it convened the discovery was

made that the Secretary of State, William S. Allen, did not publish

notice of the passage of the resolution the first time, as required by

law and it had to be voted on again as if the first time. It passed

with but one dissenting voice in each House but the second vote could

not be taken till 1921.

A bill for Primary suffrage passed the Lower House in 1919 by 86 ayes,

15 noes, but met with great opposition in the Senate even from men

posing as friends of woman suffrage. In a one-party State, as Iowa had

been for many years, the dominant party hardly could feel that its

supremacy would be threatened by women's votes in the primary, but, as

one speaker naïvely disclosed in the debate, the "machine" might be

thrown entirely out of gear. "Why," said he dramatically to the

listening Senate, "the Republican party would be in hopeless

confusion. Nobody could tell in advance what candidate the women might

nominate in the primary!" The bill was postponed by 31 ayes, 17 noes.

The next step was to have a bill introduced to give women a vote for

Presidential electors. One of the contributing factors to its success

was the ever-increasing number of victories for similar bills in other

States, particularly the recent victory in Missouri, which had

completed the circle of "white" States surrounding Iowa. One of the

features of the debate in the Senate was the reading of a letter from

John T. Adams, vice-chairman of the National Republican Committee,

heretofore an anti-suffragist, by Senator Eugene Schaffter, the

sponsor of the bill, in which he impressed upon the Republicans the

political urgency of granting the Presidential franchise to women.

After a hard campaign by the Legislative Committee of the State

Suffrage Association, with Mrs. Frank W. Dodson of Des Moines as

chairman, the Iowa legislators joined the procession and on April 4,

1919, the Senate passed the bill by a vote of 38 ayes, 8 noes, the

House following on April 19 with a vote of 84 ayes, 2 noes.

RATIFICATION. When the Federal Amendment went to the last vote in

Congress, the Iowa delegation maintained its record on each vote

that had been taken, both Senators and ten of the eleven

Representatives--all but Harry E. Hull--casting their votes in the

affirmative. Immediately Mrs. Devitt of Oskaloosa, acting president,

and Mrs. Fred B. Crowley of Des Moines, corresponding secretary of the

State association, requested Governor William L. Harding to call a

special session of the Legislature to ratify it. It met on July 2 in

special session for this sole purpose. Men and women had made their

way early to the Capitol, filling the galleries and the rear of the

chambers. The legislators, too, were apparently as happy as boys, with

a new idea of real democracy in Iowa. It seemed like a gathering of

great-hearted, honest-of-purpose men who were eager to do an act of

justice. The joyous expressions of these men, who had taken hot, dusty

rides on day trains from their farms and stores in the scorching July

weather to come and cast their votes for ratification, assured the

women of victory. It was a wonderful moment. After a joint session at

10 a. m., to hear the reading of the Governor's message, by 11:40 the

vote had been taken in both Houses. Every Senator but two was present

and was recorded in the affirmative; the vote in the House was 96

ayes, 5 noes; E. H. Knickerbocker, Linn county; T. J. O'Donnell,

Dubuque; C. A. Quick and George A. Smith, Clinton; W. H. Vance,

Madison. Senators J. D. Buser of Conesville and D. W. Kimberly of

Davenport were absent. The former had voted against Presidential

suffrage and the latter had not voted.

An informal luncheon followed in one of the Des Moines tea rooms which

had often housed the suffragists in times of desolation and it was

turned into a jollification meeting. Three former State presidents and

other women spoke and there were many present for whom the occasion

meant the fulfillment of an idea to which they had given years of

devoted service.

FOOTNOTES:

[50] The History is indebted for this chapter to Miss Flora Dunlap,

president of the State Equal Suffrage Association 1913-1915 and

chairman of the League of Women Voters.

[51] Space is given to this report because it is a fair illustration

of the conditions under which woman suffrage amendments were defeated

again and again in different States.

The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume VI · 第 14 / 43 章