CONNECTICUT.[22]
In 1901 the Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association had been in
existence for thirty-two years, and, except for the first two years,
Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker, who had led the movement for its
organization, had been its president. Closely associated with her
during all these years was Miss Frances Ellen Burr, who was recording
secretary from 1869 to 1910. Under her leadership and with the aid of
her husband, John Hooker, an eminent lawyer, legislation had been
secured giving mothers equal guardianship of their children and wives
full control of their property and earnings. The only concession that
had been made to the steady demand of the women for suffrage was the
grant of the School franchise in 1893 and eligibility to the school
boards. Interest in woman suffrage was at a low ebb when the new
century opened. The membership of the association had decreased and at
the State convention in Hartford in 1901 the treasurer's report for
the year showed an expenditure of only $21.75. The report of the
president and secretary said: "The work of the association is confined
to the annual fall convention and the legislative hearing."
A convention for the revision of the State constitution was to meet in
Hartford at the opening of 1902, whose delegates from the towns and
cities were chosen in the fall of 1901. Little was done to secure
pledges from the candidates but the association obtained the
concession of a room at the Capitol for its use. The National American
Woman Suffrage Association sent an organizer--Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell
of New York--into the State and paid her salary for four weeks and she
spent seven weeks in Hartford, living with Mrs. Hooker and giving her
time to the convention. Mrs. Hooker prepared a Memorial that was
presented and referred to a committee, which refused not only to grant
a hearing to the suffragists but even to receive for distribution in
the convention the copies of the Memorial which had been printed.
Charles Hopkins Clark, editor of the _Courant_, was chairman. Two
suffrage resolutions were presented in the convention at the request
of the State association, by Daniel Davenport of Bridgeport and
Colonel Norris Osborn of New Haven, and were defeated without debate.
In 1902 the State convention was held at Collinsville, in spite of
some unwillingness of local suffragists to "shock the town" by having
such a meeting there. By this time Mrs. Hooker, though still
president, had largely relinquished the work to Mrs. Elizabeth D.
Bacon, the faithful vice-president. A general feeling of
discouragement was perceptible in the reports to the convention of
1903, which was held at Mrs. Hooker's home in Hartford with only 21
delegates present; also to the convention of 1904 in New Haven.
Nevertheless it was voted to ask the Legislature for Municipal
suffrage for women.
During these years the annual expenditures never amounted to $200. In
1905 at the convention in Hartford on November 1 the treasurer
reported that $137 had been spent. In 1906, when the convention was
held at Meriden, November 2, the disbursements were reported as $162.
There were only nine delegates and Mrs. Hooker, who had not attended
the meetings for two years, was made honorary president, and Mrs.
Bacon was elected to the presidency. Mrs. Hooker died in January,
1907, at the age of 85, thus taking from the movement one of the most
brilliant figures of the early period.
The convention of 1907 was held in Hartford October 29, and the
following year it met in New Haven on October 1. A slightly increased
membership was reported and some younger women had come into the
movement, including Mrs. Jessie Adler of Hartford, who was responsible
later for the candidacy of Mrs. Thomas N. Hepburn. The expenditures
for 1908 were $265. In 1909 the convention was held at Meriden. It was
reported that the National Association had sent a request to
Connecticut for a petition to Congress with a quota of at least
30,000 signatures but that the number collected had fallen
considerably short of 5,000. Miss Caroline Ruutz-Rees, principal of a
flourishing girls' school in Greenwich, attended as a delegate from a
newly formed Equal Franchise League in that town and several young and
enthusiastic suffragists, including Mrs. Hepburn, who had lately come
into the State, were in attendance with the delegation from the Equal
Rights Club of Hartford.
In October Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst, whose "militant" movement in
England was attracting world-wide attention, spoke in Hartford. At
this meeting Mrs. Hepburn met Miss Emily Pierson of Cromwell, a
teacher in the Bristol High School. Both received an inspiration from
Mrs. Pankhurst and they began a campaign in Hartford, organizing
public meetings for which they obtained speakers of national
reputation. To support this work the Hartford Political Equality
League (afterwards the Equal Franchise League) was formed with a
membership at first of four, all of whom were officers. It quickly
attracted members and got into touch with the equally vigorous and
enthusiastic young league in Greenwich.
In the fall of 1910 the State convention was held at Greenwich, with a
large delegation from these leagues. These younger members had come to
the decision that if any active work was to be done there must be a
complete change in the management of the State Woman Suffrage
Association, an idea that was warmly endorsed by some of the older
leaders. A new "slate" of officers was presented headed by Mrs.
Hepburn, who had consented to nomination on condition that the
Greenwich and the Hartford leagues should each pledge $1,000 for the
work of the coming year. Miss Burr had resigned three months before
the convention the secretaryship which she had held over forty years.
The treasurer, Mrs. Mary Jane Rogers, who had been in office for
sixteen years, was re-elected and continued to serve until 1913. Then
on her refusal to accept another term she was elected auditor and held
the office until her death in 1918. In 1912 ex-presidents were put on
the executive board and Mrs. Bacon regularly attended the meetings and
aided the newer workers with her experience and advice until her death
in 1918. The income for 1910 had been $400, the largest ever
received.
The convention of 1911, held in Bridgeport, showed great advance in
organization and general activity. Miss Pierson was elected State
organizer and an automobile tour of one of the eight counties was
undertaken in August under her spirited leadership. Thirty-one
meetings were held and fourteen new leagues were formed and affiliated
with the State association. The income was reported at the convention
as having been $3,966 and the enrolled membership had increased to
over 5,000. At this convention Mrs. Hepburn declined re-election on
account of family duties and Mrs. William T. Hincks, president of a
new and active league at Bridgeport, was chosen. Mrs. Hepburn remained
a useful member of the board.
In 1912 the annual convention was held at New Haven, where after much
difficulty Miss Pierson had organized a flourishing Equal Franchise
League with Mrs. Carlos F. Stoddard president. A Political Equality
Club had existed here from before the opening of the century but its
membership was small and it made no appeal to a large number of women
who were ready to come out for suffrage. It seemed better, as in
Hartford in 1909, to form a new organization with younger leaders.
The annual convention in 1913 was held in Hartford. Mrs. Hincks
refused re-election and Mrs. Hepburn was again chosen, with Mrs. M.
Toscan Bennett as treasurer. The work accomplished during the year, as
reported at the convention, had included the collection of 18,000
names to a petition to the Legislature for full suffrage for women,
while campaigns had covered the smaller cities and towns and resulted
in the organization of all the State except one county.
The convention of 1914 again took place in Hartford and Mrs. Hepburn,
with practically the whole board, was re-elected. The work of the year
included a "ward campaign," in which a beginning was made of
organizing on the lines of a political party, automobile campaigns
completing the organization of the whole State; the first suffrage
parade took place in Hartford on May 2. Political work had resulted in
obtaining a woman suffrage plank in the Democratic State platform. The
total income for the year was $17,779.
In 1915 at the State convention in Hartford Mrs. Hepburn was again
re-elected. The reports included accounts of the activities of the
sixty-nine clubs and leagues affiliated with the State association. In
the Legislature not only had the suffrage measures been turned down
but almost all of those favored by the women, owing to the bitter
hostility of the Republican "machine," by which it had long been
dominated. This convention declared in favor of concentrating on State
work, the majority opinion being that it was as yet of no use to work
for the Federal Suffrage Amendment. The income for the year was
reported as $19,476, this being entirely apart from the money received
and spent locally by the affiliated leagues. During the year a
petition to submit a State amendment with over 43,000 names of men and
women had been collected and presented to the Legislature.[23]
The convention of 1916 was held at New Haven and Mrs. Hepburn was
re-elected. The reports showed that the year then ended had been the
most active in the history of the association. In the winter of
1915-16 work had been undertaken in the counties whose Representatives
had made the worst showing in the preceding Legislature. Miss Helen
Todd, who had worked in California in 1911 when its victory was
gained, was secured as the principal speaker for a campaign organized
for her by Miss Catharine Flanagan of Hartford. Other organizers were
Miss Alice Pierson of Cromwell, Miss Katherine Mullen of New Haven and
Miss Daphne Selden of Deep River, Miss Emily Pierson remaining State
organizer and directing the work. In the spring of 1916 Miss Alice
Pierson married Ralph Swetman and during the summer both undertook a
house to house campaign, with numerous open air meetings in the
smaller towns of Hartford county. The income for the year was $27,442,
nearly all of which was expended. The membership of the State
association by careful count was 32,366 and the affiliated leagues
and clubs numbered eighty-one. During the year a bulletin from
headquarters was sent twice a month to each dues-paying member. In
June a delegation went to Chicago and marched under the leadership of
Mrs. Grace Gallatin Seton in the great parade of the National Suffrage
Association that braved the rain and wind on its way to the Coliseum,
where the cause of woman suffrage was presented to the Resolutions
Committee of the Republican National Convention.
The State convention of 1917 was held in Hartford November 7, 8, and
the reports showed that attention had been concentrated on the three
measures before the Legislature--a bill for Presidential and Municipal
suffrage; a bill for Excise suffrage (a vote in local option), and a
resolution for a State constitutional amendment also but both bills
were defeated in House and Senate. The amendment resolution, however,
secured a majority in the House and as the constitution provides that
the House alone shall consider an amendment on its first presentation,
this victory insured that it should pass to the next Legislature for
final action. Through the whole of 1917 much work also was done for
the Federal Suffrage Amendment, deputations being sent to each of the
U. S. Senators and Representatives from Connecticut.
The suffragists felt the urge of patriotism and Mrs. Hepburn in the
name of the association offered its services to Governor Marcus A.
Holcomb. The offer was graciously received though not definitely
accepted but requests for clerical help came to suffrage headquarters.
In response some 540 hours of work were given by volunteers. A Central
War Work Committee, under the auspices of the association, was formed
in April, immediately after the declaration of war, the chairmanship
held first by Miss Ruutz-Rees, who had been a member of the executive
board of the association from 1910. When she was made chairman of the
Woman's Division of the State Council of Defense, the chairmanship was
taken by Miss Katharine Ludington and other leading suffragists gave
their services. The War Work Committee had chiefly to do with food
conservation and $5,350 were collected by it for this purpose.
In addition to the money contributed by suffragists for war work, the
income of the association for the year was $29,933. At this convention
Mrs. Hepburn, who had been strongly stirred by the jailing of the
members of the National Woman's Party at Washington, announced her
intention of working with that organization and Mrs. Bennett refused
re-election for the same reason. Miss Ludington was elected president,
with Miss Mabel C. Washburn as treasurer. Mrs. Seton, who had been
vice-president since 1910, retained her position and Miss Ruutz-Rees
remained. Miss Ludington had shown her qualifications for the State
presidency, first as president of the Old Lyme Equal Franchise League,
then as chairman of New London county and during 1917 by her
organizing and executive ability as chairman of the War Work
Committee. At the annual convention of 1918 held at New Haven, she was
re-elected. The year had been a peculiarly difficult one on account of
the absorption of many women in war work but the income was $30,085,
of which $1,879 had been contributed for the oversea hospitals of the
National Suffrage Association. The work of the year had been directed
towards (1) the Federal Suffrage Amendment and the securing of a
favorable Connecticut delegation to Congress; (2) influencing the two
major parties in the State to include suffrage planks in their
platforms; (3) securing the election of members of the Legislature who
would be favorable to ratification.
At the jubilee convention of 1919, held at Bridgeport after the
Federal Amendment had been submitted in June, a new constitution was
adopted, which provided for the election of five political leaders in
addition to the other officers and an organization of the State by
counties and districts, looking towards the forming later of a League
of Women Voters. During the year there had been a financial campaign,
which was carried on under the direction of Mrs. Nancy Schoonmaker,
resulting in gifts and pledges amounting to $30,993, of which $25,813
were paid at the time of the convention. The total income for the year
was $63,398. Miss Ludington was again elected and most of the other
officers remained on the board. After thorough discussion it was
resolved that the policy of the association for 1919-20 should be to
oppose especially the small group of Republican politicians who had
blocked and were persistently blocking the progress of woman
suffrage. This resolution pledged the association to a fight against
the Republican "machine," which was made with intense determination.
RATIFICATION. The final struggle came in 1920 over ratification of the
Federal Suffrage Amendment. Great efforts had been made to obtain a
majority favorable to it in the Legislature that would meet in 1919
and had Congress submitted it in time to be voted on at the regular
session it would doubtless have been ratified, as both parties knew it
was inevitable. It was not passed by Congress, however, until June 4,
and by this time the Legislature had adjourned, not to meet again for
two years unless called in special session. All that the suffragists
were able to do during the winter of 1919 was to press for a
Presidential suffrage bill such as had been adopted by a number of
States. In support of this a petition signed by over 98,000
women--increased afterwards to 102,000--was presented to the
Legislature when the bill came up for consideration. Nevertheless,
through the intense hostility of the Republican "machine," the bill
was defeated by a single vote in the Senate after having received a
large majority in the House.
When Congress finally sent the amendment to the Legislatures most of
them had adjourned and would not meet again until 1921. If women were
to vote in the general election of November, 1920, ratification would
have to be by special sessions. The suffragists of Connecticut were
determined that it should be one of the States to hold an extra
session. Deputations from the State Association and the National
Woman's Party waited upon Governor Holcomb in the summer of 1919 to
ask that he call one in order to ratify the amendment. He refused on
the ground of a constitutional limitation of the Governor's power. The
State constitution provides that the Governor may convene the General
Assembly "on special emergencies" and he held that no special
emergency existed. The association then concentrated on the Republican
State Central Committee and the other leaders whom they considered the
chief opponents of suffrage. A petition signed by 478 prominent
members of the Republican party was presented to the chairman of this
committee on Feb. 11, 1920, by the Men's Ratification Committee--a
committee friendly to woman suffrage and anxious for the ending of
the long struggle, which had been formed with Colonel Isaac M. Ullman
chairman. No effect was produced by this petition nor by an interview
with John Henry Roraback, the State chairman, by Miss Ludington, in
which he was urged to put Connecticut among the 36 States necessary
for ratification, in order that the women might be able to feel that
suffrage had been granted them by their own State.
By March 35 Legislatures had ratified and only a group of three or
four States held out any hope of the 36th and final ratification, of
which Connecticut was one. Leading Republicans in and out of Congress
tried to impress upon those in Connecticut that this was no longer a
State but a national issue. At their State convention in March the
Resolutions Committee gave a hearing to the suffragists and reported a
resolution in favor of a special session, which was passed by the
convention and presented to the Governor. It then returned to power
the very men who would prevent it. The Governor remained obdurate. To
the first petition he had replied that the desire of a few women did
not create an emergency. Then he had argued that suffrage was not an
issue when the Legislature was elected and therefore the legislators
were not authorized by the voters to act upon it. A little later he
gave it as his opinion that persistent appeals do not constitute an
emergency. Finally on April 10, in reply to a letter from Colonel
Ullman, he stated that he was ready to receive proof of the existence
of an emergency. The Connecticut women decided to give him the proof
and the National Suffrage Association offered its cooperation by
sending women from all over the country to Connecticut to join in a
great protest against the blocking of woman suffrage for the whole
nation. May 3-7, 1920, was declared "emergency week" and a Suffrage
Emergency Corps was organized of 46 eminent women from as many States.
They assembled in New York the evening of Sunday, May 2, as dinner
guests of Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the national president, and
received their "marching orders and field instructions" from her and
Miss Ludington.
The Emergency Corps arrived in Hartford Monday morning and were guests
at a luncheon given in their honor at the Golf Club, whose rooms were
crowded with men and women to meet these doctors, lawyers,
professors, scientists, officials, business women, presidents of
organizations--a remarkable gathering. There were roll call and
speeches and then they separated into four groups and departed by
motors for the four largest cities, where they spoke at mass meetings
in the evening. A carefully planned tour was made of thirty-six towns
with a total of forty-one meetings, at which they were introduced and
assisted by prominent men. Mrs. Catt spoke to a large audience in
Woolsey Hall, New Haven, with Mayor Fitzgerald presiding. The object
of the campaign was to show the sentiment in the State for a special
session of the Legislature and a resolution calling for it was
enthusiastically adopted at each meeting.
The Governor appointed Friday morning at 11:30 for the interview and
the visitors and the officers and staff of the State Suffrage
Association were at the Capitol. Every possible point bearing on the
case was brought out by the speakers and they pleaded with the
Governor to settle this question of ratification by a stroke of his
pen for the women of the whole nation. He said he would reserve his
decision till he had carefully considered their arguments, and they
went out to report to the mass meeting in progress on the grounds of
the Capitol. The following Tuesday he made public his answer, which
was that, while the arguments proved that there was a strong desire
for a special session, they did not prove the existence of the
"special emergency" mentioned in the constitution and he felt
compelled to decline.
A petition asking for a special session was then sent to the Governor
signed by a majority of both parties in both Houses of the
Legislature, which had not the slightest effect. The State association
held a meeting and resolved to try to defeat those Republican
candidates who were opposed to ratification and especially the little
group who composed the Republican "machine." Miss Ludington issued a
manifesto giving in detail their action which had determined this
policy and saying:
Our fight now is "November, 1920." One of the most important
presidential elections in years is to be held then. Women are
just as vitally affected by it and as deeply interested in it as
men. Although 35 out of the necessary 36 States have ratified, no
women can vote in this election under the Federal Amendment until
the 36th State has ratified. It is curious how slow the
public--women as well as men--have been to realize this. They
talk of our being "almost" voters. They do not seem to understand
that although Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, etc., have
ratified the amendment, the women of these States will not vote
until the 36th State ratifies. Who is responsible for the delay
which may keep over 10,000,000 women from the vote for President
and about 20,000,000 from the vote for members of Congress, State
officials, etc.? Both political parties but the Republican in
greater degree.... It lies in the power of this party to speak
the word that will fully enfranchise the women of this country
and where there is power there is responsibility.
"But," the Republicans say, "we have given you 29 States. Think
of that! You ought to be grateful to us." "Exactly," we answer,
"but you have withheld that one State which would make just the
difference between our voting or not voting. And by the way you
didn't 'give' us those 29 States--we had to work pretty hard to
get some of them!" An emancipator is not the man who takes the
prisoner all the way to the door and lets him look out but the
man who actually unlocks the door and lets him go free. Once in
history the Republican party played the part of a genuine
emancipator. Now it looks very much as if it was playing petty
politics.... At the time of the last State Republican convention
the Hartford _Courant_ obligingly explained that the suffrage
resolution it passed was a pretense and really meant nothing--a
statement, it is only fair to say, repudiated by many honorable
Republicans. Now it is Chairman Roraback, who, with happy
unconsciousness that he is exhibiting his party in a "yellow"
light, tells the public that the national Republican platform
should not be taken seriously.... "The leaders of the party," he
says, "put in the suffrage plank to please women in the voting
States but they meant nothing by it." Are the men who are to lead
a great party as double-faced and untrustworthy as Mr. Roraback
paints them? Were they laughing in their sleeves as they wrote
the solemn pledges in the rest of the national platform? We
wonder if Connecticut Republicans will let Mr. Roraback smirch
the party honor unchallenged.
The course for the State Suffrage Association is clear. We must
play our part in this sector of the national suffrage struggle
and we must let our opponents see that they can not keep American
citizens out of their fundamental rights with impunity.
A committee of Republican women circulated a pledge to give no money
or work for the Republican party as long as women had no votes. Three
influential Republican women travelled to Columbus, O., to put before
the Republican National Executive Committee the opinions of Republican
women who were questioning the sincerity of the party in regard to
woman suffrage. In August thirty Connecticut women, headed by Miss
Ludington, went to New York by appointment to call upon Will Hays,
chairman of the National Republican Committee, and ask him what the
party was doing to secure ratification in Connecticut. He received
them in the national headquarters and Miss Ludington, who spoke for
the deputation, reminded him that his party was taking the credit for
the ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment thus far but not
bringing any effective pressure on the Republican Governors of
Connecticut and Vermont, each of whom could insure its full success,
and said: "What the women want is the vote in November. What the
parties apparently want is a good record as a talking point in the
coming campaign. What to the women is the supremely important thing is
that 36th State. What to the parties seems to be most important is to
exact their full due of gratitude from women who have not as yet
received the gift that was promised.... In our own State, where the
Republican party is responsible, the women are actually being called
upon to aid its campaign while it is repudiating the policy and
promises of the national party in regard to ratification."
The speaker then quoted the resolution adopted by the National
Republican Committee Dec. 10, 1919, calling for special sessions
before February to complete ratification, accompanied by the public
statement: "The party managers will cooperate with the women in a
determined effort to bring about the calling of special sessions." She
quoted the resolution passed by this committee June 1, 1920: "Such
Republican States as have not already done so are urged to take such
action by their Governors and legislators as will assure the
ratification at the earliest possible time." She then gave a part of
the plank in the national Republican platform adopted two months ago:
"We earnestly hope that Republican Legislatures which have not yet
acted will ratify the 19th Amendment to the end that all women may
participate in the election of 1920," and said: "We have had no proof
as yet that the party means to make good on these declared
intentions--in fact many things seem to point the other way; first,
the Republican failure to ratify in Delaware; second, the weak plank
in the Republican national platform, which was emasculated _at the
request of the Connecticut delegates_ until it was an affront to the
intelligence of women and a mockery of the Connecticut and Vermont
Legislatures; third, the present situation in Connecticut.
"From the time when suffrage became an issue," Miss Ludington
continued, "it has had the opposition of the leaders of the Republican
party in this State. Since the amendment passed Congress they have
resisted every expression of public opinion, every plea for
ratification on grounds of justice and fair play. For a year the
suffragists have tried sincerely and patiently to work in and with the
Republican party to overcome this opposition, and have been
cooperating with a Republican Men's Ratification Committee formed for
this purpose, but we are apparently no nearer a special session than
we were a year ago." She then concluded:
During all this time we have had no evidence that the National
Republican Committee was really working in the State. We have
found it very difficult to reach you personally and our appeals
for specific help have been ignored. Mr. Roraback and Major John
Buckley, secretary to the Governor, have stated that he has never
been asked by you to call a session. They evidently feel, and
wish the public to understand, that the National Republican
Committee has given them a free hand to pursue their
obstructionist course. And to confirm this comes President-elect
Harding's refusal to attempt to persuade Governor Holcomb.
In the meantime, we women are being told that the Republican
party can not be held responsible, because the Governor stands
alone in his opposition! We submit that so long as the official
leaders of the party in the State are in entire harmony with him
in opposing us and the national party keeps hands off, they are
accomplices in his opposition and must be held responsible
accordingly. And we further submit that if a national party is to
come before the voters on the basis of its policies and promises,
then it must be held responsible for making those promises good
through its State branches.... If the Connecticut Republican
leaders can play a free hand without interference from the
national party, then that party faces the alternative of either
admitting powerlessness and disintegration or of being an
accomplice in the State's attitude of repudiation.
Connecticut women will remain voteless unless their State or
Vermont or a southern State ratifies. The Republican party can
help us in two ways--either by giving a solid Republican vote in
Tennessee or by putting forth a really vigorous effort in a New
England State.
The situation in Connecticut remained unchanged but about two weeks
after this interview the Tennessee Legislature ratified by means of
both Republican and Democratic votes. This made the 36th State and
Secretary Colby proclaimed the Federal Suffrage Amendment a part of
the National Constitution. The Democrats were claiming the credit and
the general election was only two months away. The Republicans,
especially those in Connecticut, keenly felt the situation. Governor
Holcomb was obliged to call a special session to enact legislation for
registering the women. The Legislature was called to meet September 14
and the Governor warned it that it must restrict itself to the
business outlined in the call. No such restriction had ever before
been laid upon a Connecticut Legislature and the Governor himself two
years before had urged that he was powerless to prevent it from
enacting any bills that it pleased when once it had been called in
special session. The members of House and Senate were almost unanimous
in resenting this attempt to fetter their action and plans were laid
to ratify the Federal Amendment.
Before September 14, however, developments in regard to the Tennessee
ratification seemed to threaten its validity and Governor Holcomb and
the Republican leaders perceived that there was an emergency which
called for ratification by Connecticut to prevent difficulty in the
coming elections. This was especially apparent to U. S. Senator Frank
B. Brandegee, who had been an uncompromising opponent of the Federal
Suffrage Amendment and voted against it every time it came before the
Senate. He sent an urgent letter to Colonel Ullman, chairman of the
Men's Ratification League, in which he said: "In view of the fact that
the validity of the ratification of the amendment by the State of
Tennessee has been questioned and that the result of the entire
election throughout the country may be imperilled thereby, and in
consideration of the fact that the amendment is certain to be ratified
by more than the required number of States as soon as their
Legislatures assemble in 1921, I earnestly hope that the Legislature
of Connecticut will ratify it."[24]
As soon as the special session opened Governor Holcomb went before it
and asked it to adjourn without action, as he intended to issue
another call for it to meet a week hence to ratify the amendment as
well as to enact the necessary legislation. Both House and Senate
refused to accede to his request but by unanimous vote in the Senate
and by a vote of 216 to 11 in the House, the Federal Suffrage
Amendment was ratified, although the Governor had not submitted the
certified copy to them.[25] After passing a number of other bills, all
of which were outside of the limits set by the Governor, the
Legislature adjourned to September 21, when the second session had
been called.
When the Legislature met on September 21 the Governor appeared before
the two Houses and asked them to ratify the amendment which he now
laid before them. Many of the members were unwilling to do this, as it
seemed a confession that their former action was invalid. Wiser
counsels prevailed, especially as Miss Ludington and the State Board
strongly urged them not to allow their scruples to stand in the way
when there might be a possible doubt as to whether the first
ratification was legal. The amendment was again ratified, by the
Senate unanimously, the House 194 to 9. Later in the day a motion was
made to reconsider and confirm the action of the first session. This
was done to satisfy the members who were determined that the first
record should stand as authentic. Thus after a struggle lasting over
fifteen months, the Legislature at its first opportunity ratified the
Federal Suffrage Amendment, once, twice and thrice, and if there was
any doubt about Tennessee there was none whatever about Connecticut.
* * * * *
The long fight for ratification and the contest against Senator
Brandegee made it impossible to organize a League of Women Voters in
1920. On November 8 and 9, after the election was over, the
Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association held its last convention in
Hartford. It voted to keep the organization in existence for a couple
of months until a league could be formed and then, without further
ceremony, to dissolve. Preliminary organization work was continued and
on Jan. 18, 1921, at a convention in New Haven the League of Women
Voters came into existence with Miss Mabel C. Washburn chairman.[26]
LEGISLATIVE ACTION. The Connecticut Legislature has only a melancholy
record of defeats, having given the women nothing except a vote for
school trustees and on some school questions in 1893.
1901. A bill for Municipal suffrage was adversely reported from
committee and defeated.
1903. The same bill was defeated in the House on roll call by 105
noes, 40 ayes; in the Senate without roll call.
1905. The same measure had a favorable report from the Joint Woman
Suffrage Committee but it was not accepted by House or Senate.
1907. In addition to the Municipal suffrage bill the association
presented one for Presidential suffrage. The Senate rejected both
without a roll call; House vote on Municipal suffrage, noes, 86; ayes,
56; on Presidential, noes 93; ayes, 55.
1909. For the usual bill the Legislature substituted one giving women
a vote on levying a tax for maintaining a public library, which passed
the Senate without roll call and the House by 82 ayes, 50 noes. It
never was put into operation.
1911. The two usual bills received unanimous favorable reports from
committees. The Municipal passed the Senate but was defeated in the
House, both without roll call. A resolution to submit an amendment was
defeated in the House, not voted on in the Senate.
1913. State constitutional amendment defeated in the Senate by 20
noes, 9 ayes, and in the House without roll call.
1915. The above action was repeated except that both Houses defeated
without a roll call.
1917. Three measures were introduced--a bill for Presidential and
Municipal suffrage, a bill giving women a vote in local option
elections and the amendment resolution. The two bills were fought with
great determination. The first was defeated in the Senate by 19 noes,
13 ayes; in the House by 149 noes, 85 ayes. The Excise bill was tabled
in the Senate, rejected in the House by 139 noes, 69 ayes. The
resolution passed the House by 138 ayes, 96 noes and was referred to
the next Legislature for final action, as required by law.
1919. The State constitutional amendment came automatically before the
Legislature but a legal opinion given by former Governor Baldwin held
that it would sweep away the literacy test for voters and the suffrage
leaders, who doubted the wisdom of going to the work and expense of a
referendum campaign when the Federal Amendment was so near, were glad
to have so good a reason for not pressing the matter. The Presidential
suffrage bill secured a majority favorable report from the Joint Woman
Suffrage Committee and it passed in the House by a majority of 27. In
the Senate the Republican "machine" was determined to defeat it. In
the first vote there was a majority of two against it but on
reconsideration there was only one. The "machine" only defeated it by
winning a few Democratic votes. The fight over this measure had been
made with skill and courage by the women against the most determined
opposition on the part of the Republican "machine," which since 1900
had completely controlled both Houses.
The chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, John Henry
Roraback, and Major John Buckley, secretary to the Governor, were
accounted by the women their most bitter enemies and Speaker of the
House James F. Walsh used his large powers to defeat the suffrage
bills. Of the fifteen important House committees anti-suffragists held
eleven of the chairmanships. The chairman of the Woman Suffrage
Committee, Admiral William S. Cowles, was an "anti" but in spite of
his influence the committee report was favorable. This was due to the
progress of public sentiment, accelerated by the work of women during
the war and to the organization for suffrage which had been going
forward. Of the more progressive group of Republicans in the
Legislature who fought for suffrage may be mentioned Lieutenant
Governor Clifford Wilson, Senators John B. Dillon, Charles E.
Williamson, William H. Heald, Arthur E. Bowers and Representative
Harry R. Sherwood. Senator Charles C. Hemenway, Democratic leader and
editor of the Hartford _Times_, was one of its most valuable
supporters.
The liquor forces always employed lobbyists against the suffrage bills
and fought the movement secretly and openly. There were a number of
prominent women opposed but they were not organized until aroused by
the activity that followed the election of Mrs. Hepburn as president
in 1910. The State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage was then
formed with Mrs. Daniel Markham as president and she held the office
until the proclamation of the Federal Suffrage Amendment put an end to
her organization. It held occasional meetings with speakers from
outside the State. The members attended legislative hearings and at
the large one on the Municipal and Excise bills in 1917 they occupied
the right of the chamber with row on row of the liquor men back of
them wearing the red rose which was their emblem.
As the Democrats constituted a minority party it was always easier to
secure from them expressions favorable to woman suffrage and in 1916
and 1918 such planks were placed in their platform. In 1918 they
declared for the Federal Suffrage Amendment and a majority of those
elected pledged themselves to vote for ratification, if it came before
the Legislature, and did vote for the Presidential suffrage bill. The
women went to the Republicans conventions each year to ask for a
suffrage plank but were steadily unsuccessful. In 1916 the State
platform reaffirmed the national one, which declared in favor of woman
suffrage. In 1918 the Republican platform included a plank approving
the principle of woman suffrage but leaving it to the States for
action and not to a Federal Amendment.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Annie G.
Porritt, journalist, author and lecturer, officially connected with
the Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association from 1910 as corresponding,
recording and press secretary.
[23] In June, 1915, a branch of the Congressional Union (later the
National Woman's Party), was organized with Mrs. William D. Ascough as
chairman. At that time the Woman Suffrage Association was giving its
attention almost exclusively to State work and the new organization
began by sending deputations to each of the Congressmen and Senators
to ask support for the Federal Suffrage Amendment. Meetings and a
press service to promote the amendment were carried on until
ratification was completed. Connecticut members took part in every
national demonstration of the Union and eleven suffered terms of
imprisonment. Annual conventions were held each year and in 1918 Mrs.
Thomas N. Hepburn was elected chairman, Mrs. Ascough having removed
from the State. The Union raised money for the ratification campaigns
in New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, West Virginia, Delaware and
Tennessee and sent workers to assist them and also to secure a special
session in Vermont.
[24] Notwithstanding this letter the State Suffrage Association used
its whole strength against Senator Brandegee's election on November 2.
It was estimated that 90 per cent. of the women voted. Although the
big Republican landslide elected him he received 12,446 fewer votes
than the Republican candidate for President.
[25] A certified copy of this vote was immediately dispatched to
Washington by Miss Flanagan, one of the National Woman's Party
workers, and Secretary of State Colby accepted it as valid. It is
therefore on record in Washington that Connecticut ratified the
Federal Suffrage Amendment on September 14, 1920.
[26] The officers of the State Association from 1901 to 1920,
besides the presidents, not already mentioned, were as follows:
Vice-presidents, Mrs. Annie C. S. Fenner, 1906-1910; corresponding and
recording secretaries, Mrs. Ella B. Kendrick, Mrs. Marcia West, Mrs.
Jessie Adler, Mrs. Annie G. Porritt, Miss Mabel C. Washburn, Mrs.
Frederick C. Spencer, Mrs. Hiram P. Maxim, Mrs. William H. Deming,
Mrs. Samuel T. Davis, Jr., Mrs. S. H. Benton, Mrs. William C. Cheney.
Among those who served in other official capacities were Mesdames E.
J. Warren, Cynthia B. Fuller, Henrietta J. Pinches, A. Barton Hepburn,
Julius Maltby, H. H. DeLoss, Carlos F. Stoddard, Henry Townshend,
Jonathan A. Rawson, T. S. McDermott, Ruth McIntire Dadourian; Misses
Emily Whitney, Mary A. Goodman, Mary Bulkley, Frances Osborn.
The names of the many women who gave devoted service to this cause
during this score of years can never be recorded.