It was long a Protestant custom to taunt Roman Catholics with being

divided among themselves as regards topics vitally important, and to

draw from the fact of such division an argument for making Scripture the

only 'rule of faith and manners.' Chillingworth said, 'there are Popes

against Popes, councils against councils, some fathers against others,

the same fathers against themselves--a consent of fathers of one age

against a consent of fathers of another age, the church of one age

against the church of another age. Traditive interpretations of

Scripture are pretended, but there are few or none to be found. No

tradition but only of scripture can derive itself from the fountain, but

may be plainly proved, either to have been brought in in such an age

after Christ; or that in such an age it was not in. In a word, there is

no sufficient certainty but of Scripture only for any considering man to

build on. [70:1] And after reading this should 'any considering man' be

anxious to know something about the Scripture on which alone he is to

build, he cannot do better than dip into Dr. Watt's book on the right

use of Reason, where we are told 'every learned (Scripture) critic has

his own hypothesis, and if the common text be not favourable to his

views a various lection shall be made authentic. The text must be

supposed to be defective or redundant, and the sense of it shall be

literal or metaphorical according as it best supports his own scheme.

Whole chapters or books shall be added or left out of the sacred canon,

or be turned into parables by this influence. Luther knew not well how

to reconcile the epistle of St. James to the doctrine of justification

by faith alone, and so he could not allow it to be divine. The Papists

bring all their Apocrypha into their Bible, and stamp divinity upon it,

for they can fancy purgatory is there, and they find prayers for the

dead. But they leave out the second commandment because it forbids the

worship of images. Others suppose the Mosaic history of the creation,

and the fall of man, to be oriental ornaments, or a mere allegory,

because the literal sense of those three chapters of Genesis, do not

agree with their theories.

These remarks are certainly not calculated to make 'considering men' put

their trust in Scripture. Coming from a Protestant Divine of such high

talent and learning, they may rather be expected to breed in

'considering men' very unorthodox opinions as well of the authenticity

as the genuineness of _both Testaments_, and a strong suspicion that

Chillingworth was joking when he talked about their "sufficient

certainty." The author of this Apology has searched Scripture in vain

for 'sufficient certainty,' with respect to the long catalogue of

religious beliefs which agitate and distract society. Laying claim to

the character of a 'considering man,' he requires that Scripture to be

_proved_ the word of a God before appealed to, as His Revelation; a feat

no man has yet accomplished. Priests, the cleverest, most industrious,

and least scrupulous, have tried their hands at the pious work, but all

have failed. Notwithstanding the mighty labours of our Lardner's and

Tillemont's and Mosheim's, no case is made out for the divinity of

either the Old or New Testament. 'Infidels' have shown the monstrous

absurdity of supposing that any one book has an atom more divinity about

it than any other book. Those 'brutes' have completely succeeded in

proving that Christianity is a superstition, no less absurd than

Mohammedanism, and to the full as mischievous. To us, we candidly avow

that its doctrines, precepts, and injunctions appear so utterly opposed

to good sense, and good government, that we are persuaded even if it

were practicable to establish a commonwealth in harmony with them at

sun-rise it would infallibly go to pieces before sunset. The author has

read that Roman augurs rarely met to do the professional without

laughing at each other, and he is bothered to understand how Christian

priests contrive to keep their countenances, amid the many strong

temptations to mirth, by which, in their official capacity they are

surrounded. No doubt very many of them laugh immoderately in private, by

way of revenge for the gravity they are constrained to assume in public.

It is well known that hypocrites are most prone to an affectation of

sanctity; which marvellously steads them in this world, happen what may

in the world to come. Nine-tenths of those who make a parade of their

piety, are rotten at heart, as that Cardinal de Crema, Legate of Pope

Calixtus 2nd, in the reign of Henry 1st, who declared at a London Synod,

it was an intolerable enormity, that a priest should dare to consecrate,

and touch the body of Christ immediately after he had risen from the

side of a strumpet, (for that was the decent appellation he gave to the

wives of the clergy), but it happened, that the very next night, the

officers of justice, breaking into a disorderly house, found the

Cardinal in bed with a courtezan; an incident, says Hume, [72:1] "which

threw such ridicule upon him, that he immediately stole out of the

kingdom; the synod broke up, and the canons against the marriage of its

clergymen, were worse executed than ever."

Christian practice is after all, the best answer to Christian theory.

Men who think wisely, do not it is true, always act wisely; but

generally speaking, the moral, like the physical tree, is known by its

fruit, and bitter, most bitter, is the fruit of that moral tree, the

followers of Jesus planted. Notwithstanding their talk about the pure

and benign influence of their religion, an opinion is fast gaining

ground, that Bishop Kiddor was right, when he said, 'were a wise man to

judge of religion by the lives of its professors, perhaps, Christianity

is the last he would choose.'

No unprejudiced thinker who is familiar with the history of religion

will deny, that of all priests in this priest-ridden world Christian

priests are the worst. Though less potent they are not much less proud

or ambitious than when Pope Pascal II. told King Henry I. that all

ecclesiastics must enter into the church through Christ and Christ

alone, not through the civil magistrate or any profane laymen. Nor are

they less jealous of such as would fain reduce the dimensions of their

'spiritual jurisdiction,' than when that haughty Pope reminded his king

that 'priests are called God in Scripture as being the vicars of God;'

while in consideration for the poor and the oppressed, modern priests

are disadvantageously distinguished, from those 'vicars of God,' who

trod upon the necks of emperors and kings, made or unmade laws at

pleasure, and kept Europe, intellectual Europe, in unreasoning,

unresisting subjection. The reader who agrees with Milton that

To know, what every day before us lies,

Is the prime wisdom,

will in all likelihood not object to cast his eyes around and about him,

where proofs of modern priestly selfishness are in wonderful abundance.

By way of example may be cited the cases of those right reverend Fathers

in God the Bishops of London and Chester, prelates high in the church;

disposers of enormous wealth with influence almost incalculable; the

former more especially. And how stand they affected towards the poor? By

reference to the _Times_ newspaper of September 27th, 1845, it will be

seen that those very influential and wealthy Bishops are supporters _en

chef_ of a 'Reformed Poor Law,' the 'virtual principle' of which is 'to

reduce the condition of those whose necessities oblige them to apply for

relief, below that of the labourer of the _lowest class_.' A Reformed

Poor Law, having for its 'object,' yes reader, its object, the

restoration of the pauper to a position below that of the independent

labourer.' This is their 'standard' of reference, by rigid attention to

which they hope to fully carry out their 'vital principle,' and thus

bring to a satisfactory conclusion the great work of placing 'the pauper

in a worse condition than the independent labourer.' It appears, from

the same journal, that in reply to complaints against their dietary, the

Commissioners appointed to work the Reformed Poor Law, consider that

twenty-one ounces of food daily 'is more than the hard working labourer

with a family could accomplish for himself by his own exertions.' This,

observes a writer in the _Times_, being the Commissioners' reading of

their own 'standard,' it may be considered superfluous to refer to any

other authority; but, as the Royal Agricultural Society of England have

clubbed their general information on this subject in a compilation from

a selection of essays submitted to them, we are bound to refer to such

witnesses who give the most precise information on the actual condition

of the _independent labourer_, with minute instructions for his general

guidance, and the economical expenditure of his income. 'He should,'

they say, 'toil early and late' to make himself 'perfect' in his

calling. 'He should _pinch and screw_ the family, even in the _commonest

necessaries_,' until he gets 'a week's wages to the fore.' He should

drink in his work 'water mixed with some powdered ginger,' which warms

the stomach, and is 'extremely cheap.' He should remember that 'from

three to four pounds of potatoes are equal in point of nourishment to a

pound of the best wheaten bread, besides having the great advantage of

_filling_ the stomach. He is told that 'a lot of bones may always be got

from the butchers for 2d., and they are never scraped so clean as not to

have some scraps of meat adhering to them.' He is instructed to boil

these two penny worth of bones, for the first day's family dinner, until

the liquor 'tastes _something_ like broth.' For the second day, the

bones are to be again boiled in the same manner, but for _a longer

time_. Nor is this all, they say, 'that the bones, if again boiled for a

_still longer_ time, will _once more_ yield a nourishing broth, which

may be made into pea soup.'

This is the system and this the schoolmastership expressly sanctioned by

the Bishops of London and Chester. In piety nevertheless these prelates

are not found wanting. They may starve the bodies but no one can charge

them with neglecting the souls of our 'independent labourers.' Nothing

can exceed their anxiety to feed and clothe the spiritually destitute.

They raise their mitred fronts, even in palaces, to proclaim and lament

over the spiritual destitution which so extensively prevails--but they

seldom condescend to notice _physical_ destitution. When the cry of

famine rings throughout the land they coolly recommend rapid church

extension, thus literally offering stone to those who ask them for

bread. To get the substantial and give the spiritual is their practical

Christianity. To spiritualise the poor into contentment with the

'nourishing broth' from thrice boiled bones, and to die of hunger rather

than demand relief, are their darling objects. Verily, if these and men

like these do not grind the faces of the poor, the Author of this

Apology is unable to conceive in what that peculiar process consists. In

Scripture we are told, the bread of the poor is his life, and they who

defraud him thereof are men of blood; and by whom are the poor defrauded

of their bread if not by those who, like the Bishops of London and

Chester, legislate for poverty as if it were a crime, and lend theft

sanction to a system which, while it necessitates the wholesale pinching

and screwing even in the commonest necessaries of life 'of independent

labourers,' does also necessitate the wholesale starvation of still more

wretched paupers? Formerly our 'surplus populations' were 'killed off'

by bullet and sabre, now they are got rid of in Poor Law Unions by a

process less expensive perhaps, but not less effectual.

Did Atheists thus act, did they perpetrate, connive at, or tolerate such

atrocities as were brought to light during the Andover inquiry, such

cold blooded heartlessness would at once be laid to the account of their

principles. Oh yes, Christians are forward to judge of trees by their

fruit, except the tree called Christianity. Their great 'prophet' argued

that if the tree is good the fruit will be good; but when their own

religion is in question they give such argument the slip. The vices of

the Atheist they ascribe to his creed. The vices of the Christian to

anything but his creed. Let professors of Christianity be convicted of

gross criminality, and lo its apologists say such professors are not

Christians. Let fanatical Christians commit excesses which admit not of

open justification, and the apologist of Christianity coolly assures us

such conduct is mere rust on the body of his religion--moss which grows

on the stock of his piety.

It has been computed that the Spaniards in America destroyed in about

forty-five years ten millions of human creatures, and this with a view

of converting them to Christianity. Bartholomew Casa, who made this

computation, affirms that they (the Spaniards) hanged those unhappy

people _thirteen in a row_, in honour of the _thirteen Apostles_, and

that they also gave their infants to be devoured by dogs. [75:1]

Corsini, another religious author, tells us the Spaniards destroyed more

than fifteen millions of American aborigines, and calculates that the

blood of these devoted victims, added to that of the slaves destroyed in

the mines, where they were compelled to labour, would weigh as much as

all the gold and silver that had been dug out of them.

If these or similar horrors were perpetrated by Atheists, who can doubt

that Roman Catholics would at once ascribe them to the pestiferous

influence of Atheistical principles. And the Author of this Apology is

of opinion that they would be justified in so doing. When whole nations

of professed irreligionists shall be found conquering a country, and

hanging the aborigines of that country thirteen in a row, in honour of

some thirteen apostles of Atheism, their barbarity may fairly be

ascribed to their creed. Habit does much, and perhaps much of our

virtue, or its opposite is contingent on temperament; but no people

entertaining correct speculative opinions could possibly act, or

tolerate, atrocities like these. But strange to say, neither Roman

Catholic, nor any other denomination of Christians, will submit to be

tried to the same standard they deem so just when applied to Atheists.

Now sauce for the goose every body knows is equally sauce for the

gander, and it is difficult to discover the consistency or the honesty

of men, who trace to their creed the crimes or merest peccadilloes of

Atheists, and will not trace to their creed the shocking barbarity of

Christians. To understand such men is easy; to admire them is

impossible; for their conduct in this particular palpably shocks every

principle of truth and fairness. Why impute to Atheism the vices or

follies of its Apostles, while refusing to admit that the vices or

follies of Christians should be imputed to Christianity. Of both folly

and vice it is notorious professing Christians have 'the lion's share.'

Yet the apologists of Christianity, who would fain have us believe the

lives of Atheists a consequence of Atheism, will by no means believe

that the lives of Christians are a consequence of Christianity.

Let no one suppose the Author of this Apology is prepared to allow that

Atheists are men of cruel dispositions or vicious. He will not say with

Coleridge that only men of good hearts and strong heads can be Atheists,

but he is quite ready to maintain that the generality of Atheists are

men of mild, generous, peaceable studious dispositions, who desire the

overthrow of superstition, or true religion as its devotees call it,

because convinced a superstitious people never can be enlightened,

virtuous, free, or happy. Their love of whatever helps on civilisation

and disgust of war are testified to even by opponents. We may learn from

the writings of Lord Bacon not only his _opinion_ that Atheism leaves

men to sense, to philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reputation,

all which, he justly observes, may be guides to an outward moral virtue,

though religion were not; but the _fact_ that 'the times inclined to

Atheism (as the times of Augustus Caesar) were civil times.' Nay, he

expressly declared 'Atheism did never perturb states; for it makes men

wary of themselves as looking no further.' [76:1] Can the same be said

of religion? Will any one have the hardihood to say religion did never

perturb states, or that the times inclined to religion (as the times of

Oliver Cromwell) were civil times, or that it makes man wary of

themselves as looking no further? During times inclined to religion more

than one hundred thousand witches were condemned to die by Christian

tribunals in accordance with the holy text, thou shalt not suffer a

witch to live. During times inclined to religion it was usual to burn,

broil, bake, or otherwise murder heretics for the glory of God, and at

the same time to spare the vilest malefactors. During times inclined to

religion, it has been computed that in Spain alone no less than 32,382

people were, by the faithful, burnt alive; 17,690 degraded and burnt in

effigy; and all the goods and chattels of the enormous number of 291,450

consigned to the chancery of the Inquisition. [77:1] In short, during

those 'good old times,' men yielded themselves up to practices so

strangely compounded of cruelty and absurdity, that one finds it

difficult to believe accounts of them, however well authenticated.

Speaking of the bigotted fury of certain ecclesiastics, Hippolyto Joseph

de Costa, in his 'Narrative of the persecution' he suffered while lodged

gratis by the Portuguese Inquisition for the pretended crime of Free

Masonry, says, it would exceed the bounds of credulity, had not facts in

corroboration of it been so established by witnesses, that nothing can

shake them. Among ecclesiastics of this denomination we may mention that

Pontiff, who, from a vile principle of hate for his predecessor, to whom

he had been an enemy, as soon as he ascended the Papal chair directed

the corpse to be taken out from the grave, had the fingers and the head

cut off and thrown into the sea, ordered the remainder of the body to be

burnt to ashes and excommunicated the soul. Could revenge be carried

farther than in this instance? The institution itself of the inquisition

and the cruelty with which its members persecute those whom they suspect

of tenets different from their own, may well excite surprise. In their

eyes the tortures and the death of their fancied enemies are a mere

amusement. They burn some of their prisoners alive, render their

memories infamous, and prosecute their children and all the connections

of these unhappy sufferers; they deprive orphans of the inheritance of

their parents, dishonour families in every possible shape, and at length

have recourse to the auto da fe, [77:2] on which occasion, while the

miserable wretches are lingering in torments, the members of the

inquisition not only feast their eyes with this Infernal spectacle, but

regale themselves with their friends at the expense of their unhappy

victims. Such are the practises of the Inquisition.

When those Spanish Christians who amused themselves by hanging poor

wretches, thirteen in a row, in honour of the thirteen apostles, were

taunted with cruelty, they boldly affirmed that as God had not redeemed

with his blood the souls of the Indians, no difference should be made

between them and the lowest of beasts. In Irvings history of New York is

a letter written, we are told, by a Spanish priest, to his superior in

Spain, which, 'among other curiosities, contain this question--'Can any

one have the presumption to say these savage pagans have yielded

anything more than an inconsiderable recompense to their benefactors, in

surrendering to them a little pitiful tract of this dirty sublunary

planet in exchange for a glorious inheritance hereafter.'

Such is the conceit as well as cruelty of men who imagine themselves the

vicegerents and avengers of Deity. In His name they burn, and slay, and

rob without compunction or remorse; nay, when like Sir Giles Overreach,

their ears are pierced by widows cries, and undone orphans wash with

tears their thresholds, they only think what 'tis to make themselves

acceptable in the sight of God. Believing pious ends justify any means,

they glory in conduct the most repugnant to every principle of decency,

equity, and humanity.

In the cathedral of Saragossa, is a magnificent tomb, raised, in honor

of a famous inquisitor; around it are six pillars, to each of which is

chained a Moor preparatory to his being burnt. And if additional

evidence were needed of human folly, and stupid disposition, like dray

horses to go perpetually, on 'one's nose in t'others tail,' we have it

in the astounding fact, that when the Spanish Cortes proposed the

abolition of the Inquisition, the populace of Spain considered such

proposal, 'an infringement of their liberties.' [78:1] We have it on

respectable authority, that Torquemada in the space of fourteen years

that he wielded the chief inquisitorial powers, robbed, or otherwise

persecuted eighty thousand persons, of whom about six thousand were

committed to the flames.

Inquisitors made no secret of their hatred towards heretics; to destroy

them they considered a sacred duty. Far from ashamed of their cruelty

towards heretics, they gloried in it, as undeniable evidence of their

enthusiasm in the cause of Christ. Simoncas, one of their most esteemed

writers, said, 'the heretics deserve not merely one death, but many

deaths; because a single death is the punishment of an ordinary heretic;

but these (the heretics) are deserving of punishment without mercy, and

particularly the teachers of the Lutheran heresy, who must by no means

be spared.' Pegma, another of their writers, insists, that dogmatical

heretics should be punished with death, even though they gave the most

unequivocal proof of their repentance.

That eminently pious monarch, Phillip the Second of Spain, so loved to

hear heretics groan, that he rarely missed Auto da Fes; at one of which

several distinguished persons were to be burnt for heresy; among the

rest Don John de Cesa, who while passing by him, said,' Sire, how can

you permit so many unfortunate persons to suffer? How can you be witness

of so horrid a sight without shuddering?' Phillip coolly replied, 'If my

son, sir, were suspected of heresy, I should myself hand him over to the

Inquisition.' 'My detestation,' continued he, 'of you and your

companions is so great, that I would act myself as your executioner, if

no other could be found.'

Phillip the Fifth, as may be seen in Coxe's Memoirs of the Kings of

Spain, 'presented about the year 1172, three standards taken from

'infidels' to our lady of Atocha; and sent another to the Pope, as the

grateful homage of the Catholic King to the head of the Church. He also,

for the first time, attended the celebration of an Auto da Fe, at which

in the commencement of his reign he had refused with horror to appear,

and witnessed the barbarous ceremony of committing twelve Jews and

Mohammedans to the flames.' So great during times inclined to religion

was inquisitorial power, that monarchs and statesmen of liberal

tendencies were constrained to quail before it. It is related that a

Jewish girl, entered into her seventeenth year, extremely beautiful, who

in a public _act of faith_, at Madrid, June 30th, 1680, together with

twenty others of the same nation of both sexes, being condemned to the

stake, turned herself to the Queen of Spain, then present, and prayed,

that out of her goodness and clemency she might be delivered from the

dreadful punishment of the fire. 'Great Queen,' said she, 'is not your

presence able to bring me some comfort under my misery? Consider my

youth, and that I am condemned for a religion which I have sucked in

with my mother's milk.' The Queen turned away her eyes, declaring, she

pitied the miserable creature, but did not dare to intercede for her

with a single word.

Not only have Roman Catholic writers defended these inquisitorial

abominations, but, with what every Protestant must needs consider daring

and blasphemous impiety, laboured to prove that the first Inquisitor was

God himself. Luis de Paramo, for instance, in his book 'De Origine et

Progressu Officii Sanctoe Inquisitionis, ejusque dignitate et

utilitate,' proves God to be the first Inquisitor, and that in the

Garden of Eden was the first auto da fe.

Nor do these most pious casuists discover anything in Scripture which

forbids the burning of heretics, notwithstanding such texts as

'Whosoever sheddeth man's blood by man shall his blood be shed,' which

they contend inquisitors do never violate the true meaning or spirit of,

it being evident that to burn men is not to shed their blood--thus

eluding the maxim Ecclesia non novit sanguinem. And if their right to

burn heretics was questioned they triumphantly cited the text (as given

in the 'Beehive' of the Romish Church) 'Whosoever doth not abide in me,

shall be cast out of the vineyard as a branch and there wither; and men

gather those branches and cast them into the fire and burn them.'

On this text John Andreas, Panormitamis, Hostraensii, Bernardus

Leizenburgen, and others of the Roman Catholic casuists built up their

proof that heretics, like grape branches, should be cast into the fire

and burnt.

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