justify and even to praise this proceeding of their nation towards the
said convoy, but in vain have they attempted to induce the public to
adopt this error, by advancing boldly, that the Court of Russia
approves the violence, which they have exercised in this rencounter.
No man believes them, since in fact it is impossible that the Empress
can approve an action so diametrically opposite to the tenor of
treaties, to the law of nations, as well as to the dignity of a
sovereign and independent power, the injustice of which is so
notorious, that if it had been committed with similar circumstances
upon the Russian flag, the Princess herself would have been the first
to have condemned it. Thus the reports, which the English propagate
here, of the approbation given to these proceedings, imply so much the
more of a manifest contradiction to the sentiments and manner of
thinking of the Empress and her Ministers, that it is well known, that
from the beginning of the present troubles, the Court of Russia has
made representations and complaints against that of London, for the
violent and arbitrary manner of acting, which this last has indulged
herself in, against the navigation and commerce of neutral powers,
from whence it has resulted, that other nations, in imitation of this
proceeding, have embarrassed business more and more, until there
exists no safety for any, which causes the greatest embarrassment to
merchants and the freighters of ships.
I ought to add to this letter, that the English emissaries, who
propagate false news everywhere and about everything, having
circulated a report, that the Porte was discontented with the peace
made with Russia, the Grand Seignior thought it necessary to order the
interpreter of the Court to declare to all foreign Ministers, that the
Sultan and all his Ministers had every reason to be very well
satisfied with the accommodation with the Empress of Russia, and that
he was determined to maintain religiously all the articles contained
in that treaty. All these things tend to show, that the state of
Europe continues the same, and that England, instead of getting an
ally, is likely to have a combination of all maritime powers to bring
her to reason.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT MADRID.
Paris, April 8th, 1780.
Sir,
I have this moment the honor of your letter from Madrid of the 29th of
February, as I suppose, although the month is not mentioned. I thank
you, Sir, for commencing a correspondence, which I have for some time
wished to begin. I wrote to Mr Jay at Madrid, on the 22d of February,
and wish to know if he has received the letter. It is certainly
proper, that those who are intrusted abroad should maintain a
correspondence and cultivate a good understanding with each other,
because, although their departments are in some respects separate, yet
in others they are intimately connected. From all that I heard in
Spain, I expected, that you would meet with an agreeable reception at
Madrid; and I am much pleased to learn from you, that I was not
mistaken.
I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain in making a treaty
with us; but, when I reflected upon a certain secret article, my
surprise ceased. We are already bound in a treaty to her, but she is
not bound to us. It would be ungenerous in her, however, to hold us
long in this situation. The treaty, notwithstanding all that has been
justly said of the advantages to us, is not less advantageous to our
allies. The single article, that binds us to exclude all armed vessels
of the enemies, in all future wars, from our ports, is worth more
millions to them than this war will cost; nay, it will be a severer
loss to Great Britain, than all that she has spent in it. Whether
Great Britain has considered this or not I do not know; but she will
some time or other discover it, and feel the inconvenience of it.
You ask for news from America. A vessel from Baltimore is arrived at
Bordeaux, but not a single letter to Dr Franklin or me. She brings two
or three Baltimore newspapers, one as late as the 15th of February.
There has been a hard winter, deep snows, uncommon frosts, frozen over
from Connecticut to Long Island, and from New Jersey to Staten Island.
Lord Sterling went over to Staten Island with a party on the ice,
burnt a few vessels and a guard house, took a few prisoners, and
brought off a few deserters. Some New Jersey people went over at the
same time, and plundered without mercy. Finding the communication open
with New York, which had been supposed to be obstructed by the ice, he
returned. An article from a Fishkill paper says, that Clinton and
Cornwallis sailed the 26th of December, with seven thousand men, for
the West Indies, but that the storm, which happened soon after their
departure, was supposed to have done him mischief. A ship, brig, and
schooner were lost in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence,
all perished. Congress had recommended to all the States to regulate
prices at twenty for one, which, by the speculations in the papers,
was not well liked. Governor Johnson is a delegate for Maryland,
General Ward for Massachusetts, in the room of Mr Dana, (who desires
me to return you his compliments and respects.) The other delegates as
last year. This is all the news I can recollect, having seen the
papers only a few minutes in a large company.
The general state of affairs appears very well. I see no probability
of England's obtaining an ally; on the contrary, there are many
symptoms of an approaching combination of the maritime powers, to
protect neutral ships from searches and insults. Ireland is in the
full career of independence. England seems determined to force Holland
into a war against her, that she may have an opportunity to plunder
her.
The correspondences and associations in England distress the Ministry
very much; and, if the war continues and they should not be very
successful, it seems likely, that they would save us the trouble of
despatching them. I wish, however, that France and Spain were more
convinced of the advantages they have in America and the West Indies.
The more ships they send into those seas, the more they will force
England to send there; and the more she sends there, the weaker she is
in Europe, and the less she is dreaded and respected. Holland,
Ireland, the opposition in England, and the other maritime powers all
feel a confidence rising in proportion to the diminution of the
British naval force in Europe, besides the innumerable advantages the
French and Spaniards have, in supporting the war in the American seas
over the English, which they have not in Europe; but I am apprehensive
of being tedious. My compliments to Mr Jay and his family.
I am, with much respect, your most obedient and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 8th, 1780.
Sir,
It will not be disagreeable to Congress to see a list of the naval
losses of the English, since the commencement of the war.
_Taken by the Americans and the French._
Guns. Guns.
Active, 82 Experiment, 50
Fox, 1st, 20 Montreal, 32
Fox, 2d, 20 Alert, cutter, 14
Lively, 20 Ceres, 18
Hellena, schooner, 16 Countess of Scarborough, 42
Ardent, 64 Liverpool, 28
Thorn, 16 Unicorn 20
Drake, 20 Ariel, 16
Minerva, 32 Folstone, cutter, 6
Serapis, 44 Holderness, destroyed, 4
_Lost, or cast away._
Guns. Guns.
Somerset, 64 Mermaid, 28
Arethusa, 32 Glasgow, burnt, 20
Speedwell, 14 Vestal, 20
Acteon, 32 Mercury, 20
Repulse, 32 Quebec, blown up, 32
Viper, 16 Grampus,
Success, 24 Tortoise,
Pomona, 18 Leviathan.
_Burnt, sunk, or otherwise destroyed, to prevent their falling into
the Hands of their Enemies_.
Guns. Guns.
Augusta, 64 Cerberus, 28
Lark, 14 Syren, 28
Juno, 32 King Fisher, 14
Flora, 32 Falcon, 18
Orpheus, 32 Essex, 64
Making a total number of fortysix vessels.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 10th, 1780.
Sir,
There are several miscellaneous articles of intelligence, which ought
to be mentioned to Congress.
One from Copenhagen, of the 25th of March. "The Count de Lucchese,
Minister of the King of the Two Sicilies, and charged at the same time
with the affairs of the Court of Madrid, has received orders to
declare to ours, that the King of Spain had it in contemplation to
make arrangements relative to merchant ships of neutral powers, and
with which we should have cause to be very well pleased. However this
may be, we have not any news that the Danish ships detained, to the
number of twenty, at Cadiz and Malaga, have been as yet released,
which is a great damage to those who are interested in those vessels.
"There is arrived in this city a courier coming from St Petersburg,
who has also passed through Stockholm, who after having delivered his
despatches to the Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of
all the Russias, at this Court, immediately continued his journey for
Hamburg."
Another is from Madrid, the 13th of March. "It is said that our Court
will soon publish a new regulation relative to the Dutch navigation.
In the meantime, they have released two ships of this nation, viz. the
Griffin and the Zandam, which were detained at Algeziras.
"The register ships destined for the Havana and Vera Cruz, which are
ready at Cadiz, are to sail immediately; these ships will be convoyed
by twelve ships of the line and two frigates, as far as the Canary
Islands. It is assured, that there will be embarked on board of this
fleet, twelve thousand men, who are to be transported to America under
the command of Don Victa de Nava, Lieutenant General. The last letters
from the Havana import, that there were in that port fourteen ships of
the line, as well as four thousand men ready to embark for an
expedition, the object of which is yet unknown. Two of our cruisers
have entered Barcelona with five very rich prizes, among which, one
had on board eighteen thousand guineas, destined for Mahon."
Another from Paris. "Letters from Malta of the 11th of February
inform, that the King's frigate, the Syracuse, commanded by M. Clavel,
off Candia, has taken the English cutter, the Buck, of twentyfour
guns, twelve swivels, and two hundred and three men, commanded by
Captain George Flagg, and that the bad condition to which the
engagement had reduced her, had induced him to sink her."
Another from Francfort, of the 1st of April. "They write from Hesse,
that they continued to raise many recruits, and that there were at
Ziagenham six hundred and eight volunteers, who were to set off in a
little time with eleven hundred and twenty men for America."
Another from Amsterdam, of the 6th of March. "We learn from Dort, that
they expected there the English vessels destined to transport the
German troops for the service of England, which were still at
Nimeguen; and they write from the Hague, that General Faucet had
arrived there a few days since."
Another from London, of the 31st of March. "The despatches, which the
Court has last received from Sir Joseph Yorke, excite the particular
attention of the Ministry. Although the contents of them have not yet
been made public, it is said, nevertheless, that in consequence of the
memorial, presented on the 21st to the States-General by the British
Minister, their High Mightinesses have taken the _Pre-avis_, relative
to the succors demanded by Great Britain, which, although conceived in
very moderate terms, contains, nevertheless, a refusal to furnish the
succors demanded. The Republic, as it is pretended, founding its
inability to comply with this demand principally upon the
non-existence of the case of invasion of the British States, as a
case, which alone could lay them under obligation to accede to the
requisition of the King of England, the Count de Welderen, Envoy
Extraordinary of the States-General, has been on the 29th in
conference with Lord Stormont, and communicated to him the _Pre-avis_
of their High Mightinesses, relative to the requisition of his
Britannic Majesty, upon the subject of which the States-General will
soon take a formal resolution. It is reported also, that his
Excellency has likewise imparted to our Ministry the sentence of a
court martial, which has adjudged, that Count Byland was not the
aggressor in the affair of the seizure of the Dutch ships by
Commodore Fielding. However, it is asserted, that the Court of St
James has declared afresh, 'That if the States-General refuse to
furnish to England the succors demanded in virtue of the treaties, she
will give orders to search, without distinction, all Dutch ships under
convoy and without convoy, and that all the merchandises and effects
destined for the French and Spaniards, which shall be found loaded on
board of these vessels, shall be seized and confiscated; adding, that
it is neither just nor reasonable, that the Republic should be
excused, on her part, from the observation of the treaties, while
England should be held on hers to fulfil the conditions, and that
thus, in consequence of her former declaration, the Republic should be
no more considered but on the footing of other neutral powers.'
"They say, moreover, that the reasons alleged by their High
Mightinesses in justification of their refusal to acquiesce in the
demand of England, are of a nature to convince our Ministry, that such
an acquiescence would produce consequences equally hurtful to the
respective interests of the two powers in the present conjuncture.
"We are assured, that each man of the crews of the squadron of
Commodore Fielding, will receive more than nine pounds sterling, for
his share of the proceeds of the captures made of the Dutch convoy,
and that there will be two hundred pounds sterling paid to the King's
ships at Spithead, for their part of the prizes which they have made.
"The Court has received, within a few days, a great number of
despatches from its Ministers at foreign Courts, the contents of which
have given occasion to several cabinet councils. Those of Sir Joseph
Yorke have excited a particular attention.
"The officers of all the vessels of war destined for sea, have
received orders to repair on board as soon as possible, and be ready
to sail on the first notice. The officers of the regiments of regular
troops, and of the militia, must also join their respective corps
without delay, that they may be ready to march by the middle of April.
The forces will encamp nearly in the same place as last year; and
there will be some detached corps ready to join the different camps
according to circumstances."
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 10th, 1780.
Sir,
The _Memoire_ of the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary from the
Empress of all the Russias to the States-General, presented the third
of this month, is of too much importance to the United States of
America, and their allies, to be omitted to be sent to Congress. It is
of the following tenor.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress
of all the Russias, has the honor to communicate a copy of the
declaration, which the Empress, his Sovereign, has made to the
powers actually at war. Your High Mightinesses may regard this
communication, as a particular mark of the attention of the
Empress to the Republic, equally interested in the reasons which
have given birth to this declaration.
"He has, moreover, orders to declare, in the name of her Imperial
Majesty, that how much soever she may desire, on the one hand, to
maintain during the present war the strictest neutrality, she
will, nevertheless maintain, by means the most efficacious, the
honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of her commerce, and
the navigation of her subjects, and will not suffer that any
injury should be done to it by any of the belligerent powers.
That to avoid, on this occasion, all misunderstanding or false
interpretation, she has thought it her duty to specify in her
declaration the terms of a free commerce, and of that which is
called contraband; that if the definition is founded upon notions
the most simple, the most clear, and the most determinate by the
law of nature, that of the latter is taken by her literally from
the treaty of commerce of Russia with Great Britain; that by this
she proves incontestably her good faith, and her impartiality
towards both parties; that she thinks, consequently, that she
ought to expect, that the other commercial powers will be earnest
to accede to her manner of thinking relative to the neutrality.
"In pursuance of these two views, her Majesty has charged the
subscriber to invite your High Mightinesses to make a common
cause with her; insomuch, that this union may serve to protect
commerce and navigation, observing at the same time the most
exact neutrality, and to communicate to you the measures which
she has taken in consequence. Similar invitations have been
already made to the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon,
to the end, that by the common cares of all neutral maritime
powers, a neutral system, founded on justice, and which, by its
real utility, may serve as a rule for future ages, may be
established and made legal in favor of the commercial navigation
of neutral nations. The subscriber makes no doubt, that your High
Mightinesses will take into consideration the invitation of her
Imperial Majesty, and concur in making, without delay, a
declaration to the belligerent powers, founded upon the same
principles with those of the Empress, his sovereign, by
explaining your sentiments at the same time upon the subject of
the protection of your commerce, of your navigation, and of the
nature of contraband goods, conformably to the terms of your
particular treaties with other nations. Moreover, the subscriber
has the honor to assure your High Mightinesses, that if, for
establishing solidly a system, equally glorious and advantageous
to the prosperity of navigation in general, you will commence a
negotiation with the neutral powers abovementioned, to the end to
establish a particular convention upon this subject, the Empress,
his sovereign, will be ready to engage in it.
"Your High Mightinesses will readily perceive the necessity of
coming to a resolution upon subjects equally important and
advantageous to humanity in general.
"The subscriber requests the favor, that your High Mightinesses
would furnish him with a speedy answer.
GALLITZEN."
* * * * *
DECLARATION
_Of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, made to the Courts of
Versailles, Madrid, and London, mentioned in the foregoing
Memorial._
"The Empress of all the Russias has manifested so visibly the
sentiments of justice, equity, and moderation, which animate her, and
has given, during the whole course of the war maintained against the
Ottoman Porte, such convincing proofs of her attention to the rights
of neutrality, and the freedom of commerce in general, that, in this
respect, she may appeal to the testimony of all Europe. This conduct,
as well as the scrupulous exactness with which she has observed the
rules of neutrality during the Course of this war, has given her room
to hope, that her subjects would peaceably enjoy the fruits of their
industry, and the advantages, which belong to all neutral nations.
Experience has, however, taught her the contrary, since neither these
considerations, nor the regard due to what the law of nations in
general prescribes, have been able to hinder the subjects of her
Majesty from being oftentimes troubled in their navigation, or
interrupted or retarded in their commerce, by the subjects of the
belligerent powers. These interruptions having come upon business in
general, and that of Russia in particular, are of a nature to awaken
the attention of all the neutral nations, and oblige her Majesty, the
Empress, to seek to deliver herself from them by all means suitable to
her dignity and the well being of her subjects.
"But before she shall put them in execution, being filled with a
sincere desire to prevent all subsequent acts of violence, she has
thought that it was consistent with her equity to lay open to all
Europe the principles, which will govern her, and which are
indispensable to prevent all misunderstanding, as well as all which
might give occasion to it. To this she has determined herself with so
much the more confidence, as these principles are drawn from the
primitive law of nations, and adopted by all nations, which the
belligerent powers themselves cannot enervate, at least not without
violating the laws of neutrality, and contemning the fundamental rules
which they themselves have adopted, in divers treaties and alliances
now existing.
"ARTICLE I. That all neutral vessels ought to navigate freely from one
port to another, as well as upon the coasts of the powers now at war.
"ARTICLE II. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the
belligerent powers shall be free in neutral ships, excepting always
contraband goods.
"ARTICLE III. That her Imperial Majesty, in consequence of the limits
above fixed, will adhere strictly to that which is stipulated by the
tenth and eleventh articles of her treaty of commerce with Great
Britain, concerning the manner in which she ought to conduct towards
all the belligerent powers.
"ARTICLE IV. That as to what concerns a port blocked up, we ought not
in truth to consider as such any but those, which are found so well
shut up by a fixed and sufficient number of vessels belonging to the
power which attacks it, that one cannot attempt to enter into such
port without evident danger.
"ARTICLE V. That these principles above laid down ought to serve as a
rule in all proceedings, whenever there is a question concerning the
legality of prizes.
"From these considerations, her Imperial Majesty makes no difficulty
to declare, that wishing to insure the execution of that, which is
herein before declared, to maintain at the same time the honor of her
flag, as well as the safety of the commerce of her States, and also to
protect the navigation of her subjects against all those whom it may
concern, she has given orders that a considerable portion of her
maritime forces shall be put to sea, with no other intention than to
insure the observation of the most exact and the most strict
neutrality, which her Majesty proposes to keep as long as she shall
not see herself absolutely forced to depart from that system of
moderation and of perfect neutrality, which she has adopted; in such
sort, that it will not be but in the last extremity, that her fleet
will exercise her final orders to go wherever the necessity and the
circumstances may require.
"It is then by assuring the belligerent powers in the most solemn
manner, and with all that rectitude and sincerity, which form the
distinguishing character of her Imperial Majesty, that she declares to
them that she proposes to herself no other thing, than to convince
them of the sentiments of equity with which she is animated, as well
as of the tendency of her salutary views towards the well being of all
nations in general, and particularly of those now at war, and that
consequently her Imperial Majesty will provide her Admiralty as well
as her Generals with instructions relative to this system, extracted
from the code of nations, and which they have so often taken for rules
in their treaties."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 11th, 1780.
Sir,
The counties in England, which have agreed to petitions upon the
expenditure of public money, the influence of the Crown, and the
corruption of Parliament, are these.
York, December 3d, 1779,
Dorset, " 27th, "
Middlesex, January 7th, 1780,
Chester, " 13th, "
Hertford, " 17th, "
Sussex, " 20th, "
Huntington, " 20th, "
Surry, " 21st, "
Cumberland, " 22d, "
Bedford, " 24th, "
Essex, " 24th, "
Gloucester, " 25th, "
Somerset, " 25th, "
Wilts, " 25th, "
Devon, " 28th, "
Norfolk, " 29th, "
Berks, " 31st, "
Bucks, February 26th, "
Nottingham, " 28th, "
Kent, March 4th, "
Northumberland, " 8th, "
Hereford, " 11th, "
Suffolk, " 14th, "
Cambridge, " 25th, "
Derby, " 30th, "
In all, twentyfive counties.
The first meeting of the delegates was March the 11th, 1780. The
cities and towns, which have agreed upon similar petitions, are
London, Westminster, York, Bristol, Cambridge, Nottingham, Newcastle,
Reading, and Bridgewater.
The counties, which have not yet agreed upon petitions, are
Westmoreland, Durham, Lancaster, Salop, Stafford, Lincoln, Leicester,
Warwick, Oxford, Worcester, Cornwall, and Rutland. Hants agreed on a
petition, but appointed no committee, and Northampton agreed to
instruct their members on the points of the petition.
This account takes no notice of the twelve Welsh counties; these,
however, are small.
The counties, which have already petitioned, it seems, therefore, are
a vast majority of the kingdom in numbers as well as property and
understanding; and the meeting of their committees may be reasonably
considered as a more equitable and adequate representation of the
people of England, than the House of Commons.