DU TAILLY.

Review of the Conferences of Haguenau--the state of parties in

Germany.

STRASBOURG, _28th July 1540_.

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY,--Owing to my having put off writing to you my

last letters until we should have more certain news of the Assembly

of Haguenau to send you, I was unwilling to let this bearer depart

without a letter, albeit the matter has not yet been brought to

a conclusion. I shall, therefore, briefly report progress up to

this present time. You are aware that King Ferdinand had summoned

the princes of his party some time before those of our side, for

the purpose of taking counsel with them as to the quarter in which

it would be most advisable to attack us. After having held their

consultation, they have given it as their opinion to elect four

suitable arbiters, to hear the controverted points on the one

side and on the other, with the view of arriving at some settled

determination. The commissioners were the Count Palatine, the Bishop

of Treves, both electors; the Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishop of

Strasbourg. Not one of our princes has yet appeared, for that they

have been summoned on too short an intimation, and to that effect

have excused themselves to the Emperor; but they have despatched

with a safe conduct their ambassadors and councillors, along with

learned men, to make all the needful arrangements. These same

persons, although they might by rights have refused those whom

they had presented to them as arbiters, or at least a part, have

nevertheless agreed to accept them, so as to let them understand

that they did not wish on any account whatever to draw back. But it

has come to pass, as indeed we always thought it would. Whenever

there has been some stir about making a beginning, Messieurs the

arbiters, not knowing where to commence, have asked our folk what

they had to say. To which they have returned for answer, that they

required, in terms of the Confession presented at Augsbourg, the

Churches might be reformed, offering, on their part, to clear up

any difficulties which might lie in the way, and to explain more

fully whatever might be obscure. Thereupon, Nausea[214] advised

Ferdinand to yield to us at once the marriage of the clergy and the

communion in both kinds; as to other matters in dispute, that it was

not lawful to enter upon them without the leave of our holy father

the Pope. That also met with the entire approval of Faber,[215]

of Cochlæus,[216] and their companions. So, in conclusion, answer

is made by Ferdinand, and by those who were of a like mind with

himself, that it depends on our princes, and it is their fault if no

good method of agreement were fallen upon; that for his part, he was

there to deliberate in friendly conference for that end, but that

they had not deigned to give him a meeting. That notwithstanding all

that, the Emperor will not oppose the assembling of another diet,

in which the points in dispute may be discussed on both sides, but

under such conditions that, after each debate, the definite decision

must be referred to his Majesty [the Emperor] and his Holiness the

Pope. That, in the meanwhile, our folk must not be strengthening

themselves by new alliances, nor entice away any one to receive

their religion, while, at the same time, the confederate alliances

entered upon since the Assembly of Nuremberg[217] must be annulled.

[214] Frederic Nausea, theologian, known by some writings of a

controversial kind against the Lutherans.

[215] John Faber, Vicar-General of the Church of Constance, a

renowned theologian of the Roman Catholic Church. In recompense of

his zeal in opposing the Protestants, he obtained the Bishopric of

Vienna.

[216] John Cochlæus of Nuremberg, one of the principal opponents

and detractors of Luther, against whom he displayed more anger than

skill in his warfare. He appeared at the Conferences of Worms and of

Ratisbon, in 1541, and died in 1552. We have, of his writing, the

"_Libri duo Hussitarum Historiæ_," Moguntiæ, 1549.

[217] The princes of the Empire, met at Nuremberg in 1524, had

drawn up a list of the abuses of the Court of Rome, proclaimed the

necessity of a Reformation, and appealed to a general council,

interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any opinion

contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of

that assembly.

As to that objection, that our princes have hindered the progress

of the treaty, it has been easy enough to meet it with a sufficient

reply, for there was no need for their being present in person,

when they sent their doctors and their councillors with full power.

Moreover, they had promised to come if they saw that a settlement

was contemplated in good earnest. As for the conference, _that_

they received very willingly, but the whole of the conditions they

utterly rejected as unbearable, not to say ridiculous; for it is the

very reverse of what the Emperor had promised at Frankfort.

The intention of our opponents has been to extend their league and

to contract ours; but we hope that God will order and dispose our

lot far otherwise. However that may turn out, those of our side seek

to advance and to extend the kingdom of Christ as much as possible,

and hold on their course with inflexible resolution. We know not at

present what the Lord will be pleased in his providence to send.

There is one section of our adversaries who cry loudly for war. The

Emperor is so embarrassed, that he dare not undertake it. The Pope,

for his part, in good earnest is quite ready to set his hand to it,

for he has made offer, by his ambassador, of three hundred thousand

ducats to begin with. If all those who as yet have not received our

religion would only agree among themselves to attack us, the Emperor

would make no difficulty in lending his name, were it for no other

motive than to break the strength of Germany, so that he might

tame them all the more at his ease; but he has one great let and

hindrance in his way, and that is, that the whole of the electors

are of one mind as to this, that it is desirable to quench these

civil broils without having recourse to arms. The Duke of Saxony

and the Marquis of Brandenbourg are confederate with us. Thus they

have no choice but to follow out the cause they have taken up. The

Archbishop of Cologne is no less to be counted on, for he goes so

far as to admit that the Church needs to be reformed, and sees well

enough that we have truth on our side. The Count Palatine, also, is

very desirous to have some reformation, which he cannot expect to

see accomplished by any other than peaceful means. Mentz and Treves

love the peace and liberty of the country, which they fear might be

sacrificed should the Emperor have subdued us. These considerations

induced them to resist any other course of proceeding against us

but that of a peaceable conference, such as we have called for. The

King of France lends no assistance, except on the condition that

their proceedings are regulated by Christian feeling. His ambassador

is Baysius, who knows nothing at all about the matter in dispute.

Notwithstanding, he receives us kindly enough when we go to call

for him, and has thought right to call here before returning to his

lodging.

All the learned folks who have come hither on our behalf are well

agreed with one another. Seeing that our opponents do nought but

amuse themselves, they have thought good to consult apart how they

might set up some sort of discipline in the Church; but as they

could not come to any conclusion without communicating with the

absent, as with Luther, Philip, and others, and far less carry their

plan into execution without the consent of the princes, they have

only got so far as that each has promised for himself to use his

endeavour with the princes and towns to assemble a meeting of our

friends in order to attend to that. It will be the most important

affair which we shall have to deal with at present.

Melanchthon is not yet come hither, by reason of some sudden

illness, and also because, perhaps, he thought that there was no

need to be in any immediate hurry to come. For my part, my only

object was recreation, as also that of Capito.

Your brother and good friend,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. Copy_--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1250.]

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