XLI.--TO FAREL.

Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin with Caroli--the

minister Alexandre--a lecture of Bucer--negotiations of

the Protestant Princes of Germany--their answer to Henry

VIII.--French translation of the Epistle to Sadolet.

STRASBOURG, _27th October 1539_.

Pardon me, my most amiable brother, for not having written to you

since that discontented letter[167] which lately had been forced out

of me by my ill-humour in its first fervour. I do not quite remember

what I may have written. I am aware, however, that I had not

sufficiently softened the expressions, because this single solace of

my grief remained, to expostulate with you for having created such

annoyance to me through your extreme facility. Now, you excuse your

fault in a lengthened apology, although, nevertheless, you try to

defend what you have done; the sum total, however, of the defence

consists of entreaty. After this, therefore, look to it that you

set bounds to your clemency, and take care that it does no harm

to others. I did not omit any of those things which you enumerate

in your epistle, when I came to speak upon the matter. For I have

diligently tracked all the exploits which he has perpetrated since

his going away, both at Geneva and at Lausanne, and also in France;

but afterwards he was brought in, and according to his pleasure, he

softened down some things, others he made light of, and in some he

threw back the charge upon ourselves. They did not venture to trust

me with him, that he might not exasperate me beyond all bearing.

They also qualified his answers, or suppressed them entirely. Thus

have I been deceived in the whole affair. When I foresaw this from

the first, my intention was expressly declared, to take no part

either in approving or in disapproving of what might be done. For

all the matter in discussion was, that the person might not be cast

off by us who had been received by you. You deny that you are the

Church. But who can suppose otherwise than that you have recommended

him on the certificate of the Church? Deny it if you can, that you

attested his reconciliation by your letter. Moreover, what you wrote

as applicable to you, was understood as referring to the whole

Church, from whose authority all were of opinion that you had not

departed. In this way, I have been left alone in my opposition.

That, also, deprived me of authority, that he had succeeded in

getting our friends to think he had some reason for discussing that

controversy about the Trinity, in which respect Capito helped him

not a little, who informed Bucer that he had formerly received a

letter from you, in which you acknowledged that you dissented on

that point from others, or I know not what to the same purpose,

for Bucer has not clearly explained it to me. All of them, also,

have strangely annoyed me about the creeds. These, and matters of

a like kind have effected, that they have come to judge him not

altogether unworthy of compassion. But upon what conditions he was

received, you will understand from the minutes. I will consistently

perform what I have there promised, if he faithfully observes his

engagement. If, however, he may happen to deceive, that instant I

am free, for I have bound myself in regard to him only conditionally.

[167] That is to say, the preceding letter concerning Caroli.

With reference to Alexandre,[168] I am already thoroughly informed,

so that I can welcome him, as often as he calls, according to his

deserts; and I shall have more weight in that cause, because it will

not appear so much as if I were pleading my own case. Listen to a

signal instance of his impudence. Once he ventured to enter our

dwelling with the view of obtruding himself upon me in some way or

other. When I happened to go down to the lower part of the house,

there I caught him with the domestics. He bowed in a very courtly

style, and put himself in the gesture of preparation to speak.

I condescended to regard him neither by look nor by salutation.

Nevertheless, I summoned one of them, of whom I requested that he

would desire him to go away, for that we did not suffer those to

remain on our premises who had been cast out of the Church of God.

From that time he has not dared to present himself to me. Now let

him come, he shall not find me unprepared. You will be amused, also,

when you hear how Caroli was received at one of Bucer's lectures. He

was treating of the passage about stoning the false prophet: when

he had defined what was meant by the expression _Pseudo Propheta_,

he said, that he was not a person who might teach somewhat beyond

or independent of the word of God, but one who could welcome or

approve of dogmas opposed to the word of God. He added an example

concerning those who would imagine a certain place in which souls

are purified, and he pronounced that doctrine to be absurd; but on

account of that we ought not to condemn any one, provided he so

professed it that he left it undetermined; but that he who maintains

that the dead are aided by our prayers, was not only to be condemned

of vain worship, but also of impiety. When he spoke these words, at

one time he looked towards me, and at another he turned his eyes to

Caroli. Now, however, since we have agreed with him, we must take

care that he has no good ground of complaint against us, either

on the score of consistency or sincerity. I may, nevertheless,

somehow understand with what adroitness he has conducted himself

with Rognac. He affords me an opportunity of speaking of the church

at Metz, and what has happened there. He passes on thither, and

seizes an opportunity of preaching. Instantly an official appears,

who orders him to be cited. What passes with him thereupon I know

not, except that shortly afterwards he withdraws. About fifteen days

before, I had sent my brother thither. He lived with an excellent

and most upright man, and kept very quiet. As soon as they got

knowledge of it, they required of his master that he would send

him away. He refused to do so. Then they turned their fury against

my brother, and ordered him to depart the city within seven days.

He replied, that it was both an unjust and unusual proceeding

to pronounce against an unoffending man without hearing him. He

therefore went to the magistrate, sought a hearing, was refused;

appealed to the provost and his council, which consists of persons

of some rank. He presented, according to custom, a petition and

supplication, but he made nothing of it. Nor did they treat him

only in this way, but they decided that no stranger in future,

upon whom any suspicion might fall, should be suffered to remain.

Briefly, I wish you to understand, that the way in that direction,

for the present, is shut against the Gospel. Therefore, we must

wait for a better opportunity, which I shall be always looking for.

Those small vermin, _Malizi_ and _Crociati_, you cannot do better

than constantly to crush and bruise them, which you may do without

danger, for they can only spit spent venom.

[168] Alexandre, late minister of Thonon. He had been excommunicated

by the presbytery of Neuchatel for having deserted his charge.

That information which the French ambassador has received about the

Edict[169] has been the doing of Bucer, who has underhand instructed

Doctor Chelius[170] to write to him, that all our friends were

greatly estranged from the king on account of that cruelty.[171]

Not a word about the embassy. Bucer himself dictated the letter,

and certainly, already we had almost begun to despair about it. The

Landgrave had yielded, and the matter was already settled, unless

the Elector of Saxony had stood out, who supposes that he does

his duty well, provided he keeps himself at as great a distance

as possible from all his adversaries. In the meantime, the pious

who are endangered are deserted. The King of England had lately

despatched an embassy to him, to excuse himself for having sent away

his ambassadors and those of the Landgrave without having attained

their object.[172] He alleged as a reason, that they did not appear

to him to be furnished with a sufficiently ample commission. The

Elector replied, that the proverb spoke truth which said, that

loop-holes of escape are always to be found by those who wish to

play fast and loose; for that the ambassadors had full power of

entering into the treaty which he and his allies were willing to

make with him. That he deceived himself if he could suppose that our

friends could be induced to mix themselves up with all his peculiar

controversies; they would not engage in any other alliance than such

as would be for the sake of the Gospel. Besides, that the King had

sufficiently displayed the temper of his mind when he published that

impious Edict;[173] for that his conscience impelled him to this

harsh language, nor could even he prevent the learned in his own

dominions from denouncing so great impiety. The Landgrave, with no

less constancy, more mildly replied, that he would smooth the way

for him, if there was hope of mending the matter. The convention is

now appointed for the 19th November, in which both embassies will

be dealt with. Early yesterday a messenger arrived, although it is

not yet known what it is about; the consultation, however, appears

to be of importance. You can thence, also, conjecture what has so

suddenly called them together. It will be a journey of ten days for

our friends; for the others somewhat more, who have not yet had

notice of it.

[169] This refers, doubtless, to the Edict which was published the

following year in France. It contained most rigorous clauses against

heretics.

[170] Ulric Chelius, a distinguished physician, the friend of Bucer.

[171] See notes 2, pp. 129, 150. The Protestant princes of Germany,

irritated by the persecutions directed against their brethren of the

Reformed Churches of France, threatened the rupture of all friendly

relations with the reigning sovereign, Francis I.

[172] Sec p. 125, note 2. These deputies had at first been most

graciously received by the King of England. They held frequent

conferences with his counsellors, at the house of Thomas Cromwell,

regarding the object of their mission--the foundation of a defensive

alliance between the German princes and the English monarch.

Henry appeared favourable to the project. This was, however, but

a political ruse; for, after having amused the deputies with fair

words and pretended negotiations, he allowed them to depart.--See

Seckendorf, lib. iii. sect. 19, parag. 73; and Burnet.

[173] The Act of the Six Articles, called the _Bill of Blood_,

promulgated the 28th April 1539. See Burnet, _Hist. Ref._ vol. i.

pp. 256-260.

Do you know what has happened to Count William?[174] While he wished

to defend these valleys of the Alps against the assaults of the

Comte de Montmian, he incurred the enmity of the Constable,[175]

which has proceeded to that extent, that he forced himself away

from Court without even taking leave of the King, having, however,

previously resigned his offices. The story is tedious, therefore I

cannot relate the whole of it.

[174] William du Bellay, Lord of Langey, and Viceroy of Piedmont,

then occupied by Francis I.

[175] Anne de Montmorency. He had been promoted to the office of

Constable in 1538, for his able defence of Provence against the

Imperialists.

The translation of my Epistle to Sadolet I was not able to compare

throughout, for that employment required one whole day. I have

looked over it, however, and having partially examined, I am able

to form an opinion of it. It is not amiss. I am unwilling, however,

that it should be published before it has been corrected. In some

respects it is faulty; I fear, however, that should Antony Pignorius

delay, some person may be beforehand with him, who has perhaps

already finished it. For I did not waste a third part of the time in

composing it which has passed away since he wrote that he had begun,

nor do I doubt that this has been by the advice of Michael. The

Secretary of Payerne has one of his brethren here. By way of return,

he is educating his brother's son. He has entrusted him to the care

of Gaspar, a good and worthy man. The mother is meanwhile very

anxious, because she hears not a word about her son. Do, therefore,

try and make him write briefly how he is getting on. All here salute

you in the most friendly way; Capito, Bucer, Brito, the scholars of

Claude, James with his comrade Enard, the whole of our household,

where at present my brother is stopping with us. It will be better

to keep this letter to yourself, than to let it go farther.--Yours,

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