Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort--the question
of Ecclesiastical property--news of Geneva--opening of the
religious conferences at Frankfort--disposition of the Roman
Catholic princes and Protestants in Germany--Policy of Charles
V.--Reformation in England--remarkable judgment on Henry VIII.
STRASBOURG, _15th March 1539_.
The day after your last letter save one reached me, I set out on
the road for Frankfort.[119] So hurried was my departure that
there was no time to write to you; what so frequently happens in
the event of sudden resolves. It never entered into my mind to
undertake that journey until the day before I undertook it. When,
however, I had received Bucer's letter, in which he informed me that
he could effect nothing in the affair of our brethren, the desire
instantly seized me to go thither, partly that the cause of the
brethren might not be treated negligently, as often happens in such
a crowd of business, partly that I might interchange thoughts with
Melanchthon about religion and the concerns of the Church. Unless
I am mistaken, both of these reasons will appear satisfactory to
you. I was encouraged also by the advice of Capito, and all of them
together, with besides, the opportunity of companions; for Sturm,
and other worthy men, accompanied me as fellow-travellers. As to the
Lord of N., less is to be believed concerning him than is reported.
You know how true is that common saying, that broad rumour acquires
strength as it rolls on. He was looking out only for one preacher
who, during this time of Lent, might imbue his common people with
a purer doctrine. The Lady R. at first invited me thither; but
because the way did not appear sufficiently open I excused myself,
on the ground of being detained here by another engagement, which
was indeed a small matter, but quite sufficient to lay me under the
obligation of attending to it. Dr. Ulrich has now been away at a
distance for about two months, so that I cannot expostulate with him
about the letters. He alleges, by way of excuse, that he deposited
them with N., who, if I mistake not, is one of the brethren who
some time ago raised disturbances against the people of Soleure.
It grieves me very much that they are lost, for assuredly they
contained many things which it was of very great consequence not
to have published abroad. As for the union which I advised, there
is no reason why you should be so averse to it; for I avowed that
there was nothing I wished for more than, as far as was possible,
that all the pious might withdraw themselves from that side. This
one thing I strove for, that they might not schismatically divide
any Church whatsoever, which, however it might be very corrupt in
morals, and infected with outlandish doctrine, had not cut itself
off entirely from that doctrine, upon which Paul teaches the Church
of Christ to be founded. Because, however, the question is of such
a nature that it is better let alone, unless discussed fully and in
a regular manner, I shall urge it no further, except that I wish
to testify, that no other union of the brethren was recommended by
me than what is pointed out to us by the example of Christ, who,
notwithstanding their deplorable impiety, did not scruple to unite
with Jews in participating in the mysteries of God. And that you
may understand with how much prudence they considered my advice,
it especially exasperated them that I made some difference between
the minister and the common people, and insisted that it was from
him, as the dispenser, that both prudence and faithfulness were
required. From private persons I said, that somewhat less strictness
and a more easy trial might be exacted, but that every one should
examine himself. Even that, if we shall have an opportunity of
conferring face to face together, can be settled with little
trouble. When I see the clear judgments of God appearing in those
noisome pestilences which have been afflicting the wretched Church,
I am partly comforted and refreshed, but also somewhat disturbed in
mind, because I perceive that they are sent, not altogether without
just cause of anger. It is, however, greatly to be desired, that in
whatever way it pleases himself, the Lord would purify his Church
from all filth of the kind. About Gast, my brother has written
very plainly. I must at once disapprove of that facility of Grynée
in giving recommendations; nor had I delayed so long to speak to
himself about it, if it had not been that at the time when your
letter reached me, I thought it was right to spare him, for his wife
was at the time in extreme danger of her life, for while pregnant
she was seized with the plague. Let me understand, I entreat you,
where that good and unbroken soldier of Christ--has betaken himself
unto. I see you will have no little trouble from N., so long as
he persists in strutting about after this manner; but because he
cannot be got rid of, we must just tolerate him. It is an occasion
presented to you of the Lord, whereby he will put your patience in
exercise. I owe you no little thanks for having greeted the mayor in
my name; for it is important that he should understand that both of
us are so united with Bucer and Capito that we communicate freely
all impending matters with one another. As to the question of the
ecclesiastical property, I wish that it were in my power to give
you a more favourable account, although the business is not in the
very worst state; for Bucer insisted with so much constancy, that
he seems to have in no small degree promoted it. Philip alarmed him
at first by the difficulty of carrying the business through, but he
persevered, and was not to be diverted from his purpose. There was
difficulty, however, in obtaining what he wanted, as the princes
thought that they had nothing to do with that matter,--they who take
upon themselves to administer ecclesiastical property according to
their own will. There are others who take it amiss, that the lucre
which they have been accustomed to extract from that source, has
been wrested out of their hands; others, although they will not
incur any loss, are not easily brought to concur, from the fear of
bringing upon themselves the enmity of that class, which you are
aware is numerous in Germany. Bucer proposed a measure, based on the
ancient custom and practice of the Church, by which he provided both
for Christian peace and agreement, and for the public tranquillity
of the empire. Seeing that the property which is at this day in the
hands of the canons of the principal church in this city, has been
bequeathed on this condition, that it should be administered by
counts, he consents that a college of the nobility be instituted, by
whom these revenues are to be held; those, however, who are admitted
to that office, he wishes may neither be from among the clergy nor
from the canons, but married persons, who are only attached by their
faith to the Church, and who give themselves and all they possess
to maintain its peace. As the bishop is a prince of the empire,
and as that position cannot be suppressed without producing great
disturbance in the empire, he conceives that it would be expedient
to do as of old, that in the place of the bishop some one of these
counts should succeed, who should have the entire possession of
those revenues which are at present assigned to the bishop, and
that he shall be called the vice-dominus, as being rather the
steward than the proprietor. That it shall be the duty of this
administrator to protect the Church when from any quarter it shall
be attacked, and for securing that object he must bind himself by a
solemn oath. The other ecclesiastical properties are to be applied
to more legitimate purposes, such as are the prebends, the chapels,
priories, and the rest. I call that a more legitimate use, that they
be applied to the support of the ministry, to schools, to the poor,
and other ecclesiastical burdens. If that shall be obtained, it will
form a tolerable provision in such an unsettled state of affairs.
There is some, and now indeed good, expectation, that the princes
have begun to take up the matter in earnest; the free cities enter
cordially into the arrangement, seeing that their ecclesiastical
property is everywhere so wretchedly dilapidated.
[119] Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an
important mission by the Church of Strasbourg. Reconciled by a
recent treaty with his rival Francis I., Charles V. had turned his
whole attention in the direction of Germany, and solemnly announced
his intention to accommodate religious differences in that country.
The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German
princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment
of his wishes in meeting together at a solemn public conference
between the Protestants and the Roman Catholic doctors. The day
of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself for the 12th February
1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these
conferences.--Sleidan, _Commentarii_, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339.
Anxious to be represented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most
eminent ministers, the town of Strasbourg chose for its deputies
Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin.
Du Tailly wrote to me concerning Basil,[120] that he had lately
proposed a public disputation to be held at Geneva, but had suffered
a repulse, which, indeed, I hear all the more willingly, that false
notions may not be spread abroad among a people who are otherwise
more than enough eagerly desirous of novelty, and seeing that nobody
takes the trouble to oppose these errors by refuting them.
[120] This was no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had
taken refuge at Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin.
Now I come to the second letter, in which you start with so many
riddles. For who these watchmen of the night, drunkards, thieves,
are, I can by no means ascertain, unless you explain yourself more
clearly. As for that deputation of LeComte[121] and Genan,[122] no
other result was to be expected, but that they should return as they
went. Whether there is enough of the spirit of counsel among the
brethren I know not; as to their courage I have no doubt. If they
have despatched Le Comte without any certain proposed _formula_,
I must entirely disapprove of the proceeding, for you know by
experience what that mere empty affectation of authority is apt
to produce. Let us show we are content that all right methods may
be tried, so that it cannot be said that we have thrown obstacles
in the way of improving the state of the Church. They cannot
lawfully require of you that you shall approve their ministry, who,
everybody sees, have subjected themselves to the censure of the
Church. What you say, however, is very true, that those who are
conscious of what is bad, desire nothing more than that everything
may lie hid, buried in obscurity, lest their own filthiness may be
discovered. In such dark involvements, we must consider what we can
do; the rest we must commit to the Lord. Without doubt, I could
have wished that the remembrance of all our ills should be buried,
which, without offence, cannot be brought up again. But of what
advantage are enmities, contentions, whether they are doctrinal
or spiritual, detractions, and other such evils, when bottled up
within the bowels of the Church, in order that they may break forth
at last into a pestilent ulcer? It is rather to be desired that
they may be removed, even at the risk of suffering, if it cannot
be done otherwise. There is nothing to hinder our following some
middle course, that the honour of the ministry may be restored;
that a remedy may be applied to the wretched, ruined state of the
Church; that the stumbling-blocks among brethren may be taken out
of the way, those evils being concealed and suppressed which there
is no necessity for reviving and discussing anew. There are some
wounds which, being handled, break out afresh: they are better
healed when left to quiet and oblivion. What, I ask themselves,
would those worthy men be at, who entertain the thought that I can
return without you, who was cast out along with you; that I should
lend a hand to those, and co-operate with men from whom I wish to
be entirely estranged until they have satisfied the Church? For
they so manage the affair, that out of four two may remain of our
side; that having been restored as it were by way of favour, I may
enjoy a livelihood without any authority, the Church having given
no deliverance on the subject. What, therefore, shall we do? where
shall we begin, if we attempt to rebuild the ruined edifice? If I
shall speak a word which is unpleasant for them to hear, forthwith
they will enjoin silence. But I am unwilling to discourse these
things and the like further in writing, which you yourself have more
ripely considered than any one can set them before you. Besides,
if that proposal were to be entertained, I could scarcely be able
to hold up my head amid the clashings of the brethren; they will
also think that the main point has been attained by my having alone
returned. I could therefore have wished, that those who have set
this proposal afloat, had rather set some other stone a-rolling; for
they call me to a charge of great annoyance and difficulty, and that
in vain.
[121] Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte,
a minister of Lausanne, who at a later period devoted himself to
medicine, and distinguished himself by his devotedness to the care
of those who were affected with the plague in that town? (See
Ruchat, tom. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture.
[122] Genan, an unknown personage.
As I promised to you, my letter shall be brief. The state of affairs
at Frankfort we found to be as follows: There were present of the
family of Saxony, the Elector,[123] his brother, and nephew by his
brother Henry, whom they call Maurice.[124] These three had along
with them four hundred horsemen; the Landgrave[125] had brought with
him as many lanzknechts; the Duke of Lunebourg[126] came with less
pomp. There were present, also, the younger brother of the Duke of
Brandenbourg, the younger Prince of Brunswick, and three others,
whose names I don't remember. All these were Leaguers:[127] the
remainder who are included in the League had sent deputies; as, for
instance, the King of Denmark,[128] the Duke of Prussia,[129] and
some others. As for these, it was not strange that they stayed at
home, because in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs,
it would not have been safe for them to have remained so far from
home. There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the
Duke of Wurtemberg[130] preferred rather to enjoy his field sports
in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations, than to
be present at the Conference, in which both his native country and
perhaps his life are concerned, when he was only two days' journey
distant. Those who wished to excuse him, said they had no doubt that
he had laid the care of attending to these matters on others, who
he knew had the matter at heart. Men of the first rank were sent by
the free cities. At the first deliberations, war was declared by the
unanimous vote of them all, until two of the Electors arrived--the
Count Palatine and Joachim of Brandenbourg[131]--with the Emperor's
letter, and a Spanish Bishop, his ambassador, whom they call the
Bishop of Lunden.[132] At first they set forth the commission of
the Emperor, authorizing them to treat with our friends either
for peace or for a truce, upon whatsoever grounds and conditions
might seem best to them. Then, in a lengthy oration, and by strong
arguments, they endeavoured to induce them to come to a treaty of
peace: they urged especially this point, that the Turk would not
remain quiet if he saw Germany involved in civil strife. And already
he has the way open to him, since he holds possession of Wallachia,
Upper and Lower, and is entitled, by treaty with the Pole, to the
free right of passage through his territory: thus, therefore, he
already hovers over Germany. They desired that our friends would
propound the conditions of peace. If peace could not be agreed
on, they asked that a truce might be granted. The good faith and
sincerity of both parties have been well sifted by our friends:
for Joachim is entirely favourable, and well disposed to the cause
of the Gospel; the Count Palatine is not hostile. But because the
Spanish Commissions are not to be relied on, they choose rather that
the business should be settled and agreed on by the whole of the
Electors, to whom the principal authority in the Empire of right
belongs. That was hindered, because the Bishop of Mentz[133] has on
many accounts been rejected by the Elector of Saxony. Joachim did
not venture to give his consent in the Diet from which his uncle
was excluded. Therefore our friends presented articles of peace,
in which they set forth, that they unwillingly resorted to the
thought of war, inasmuch as they laid bare the injuries on account
of which they were of necessity driven to that determination. They
proposed, as conditions of the peace, that they might be free to
administer their own churches, and under this administration they
wished the dispensation of ecclesiastical property to be regulated.
Then they reserved entirely to themselves the right of admission
into the League of those who might wish to become members of it.
When the articles had been presented, we then took our departure.
Bucer afterwards intimated that the two Electors granted somewhat
more than the ambassador of the Emperor. The reason is, that the
Emperor, since he stands in need of the assistance of our opponents
against the Turk, as well as of our own, desires to gratify both
parties without offending either. The sum of his demand is this,
that without any change of the present state, learned, tried,
and well approved peaceable men may assemble together, who shall
discuss with one another the controverted heads of religion; the
matter to be afterwards referred to the Diet of the Empire, that
by the declared judgment of all classes of the German Church, the
Reformation may be accomplished. A truce for a year to be agreed to
for the transaction of these affairs. Our friends are not satisfied
with so short a truce, and demand that something more certain may be
granted. Thus all as yet is in suspense, nor are we out of danger
of war, unless the Emperor makes further concessions. The Duke of
Juliers, lately bereaved of his father, sent an embassy empowered
to make a statement to the effect, that he had recovered, by the
blessing of God, the Dukedom of Gueldres, of which he was lawful
lord:[134] at present a controversy had been stirred with him about
it, at one time on the part of the Emperor, at another by the Duke
of Lorraine, without any sufficiently specious pretext. For Lorraine
could put forward no other claim, except that he is the heir of the
last Duke, but that he had possessed himself of the Duchy contrary
to all law and justice, which had been adjudged, by the sentence of
the Empire, to belong to the family of Juliers. That the Emperor
pretended some title by purchase, but which appeared to be either
collusive or altogether fraudulent: assuredly, since the alleged
price was only fifty thousand crowns, at which the town alone may be
valued, that amount is certainly below the annual rent of a single
year. He sought, therefore, that those of our side would intercede
with the Emperor, that he would not tear in pieces and oppress a
prince of the Empire without cause; but that if the Emperor would
not hearken to their entreaties, he implored their assistance in
the defence of the common liberty. He has got no answer as yet,
since they reckon it necessary to take counsel according to the
bent of their own affairs. There was nothing said, however, about
the League, although he is not hostile to our religious views. He
of England[135] petitioned that a new embassy might be sent to him,
to which Philip might be added, that he might have the benefit of
his advice in further reforming the Church.[136] The princes were
all agreed as to the sending of an embassy. They were not disposed
to send Melanchthon, because they suspect the softness of his
disposition. Nor indeed is it very clear what is or what is not his
opinion, or whether he conceals or dissembles it, although he has
sworn to me in the most solemn manner that this fear regarding him
is without foundation; and certainly, in so far as I seem to be able
to read his mind, I would as soon trust him as Bucer, when we have
to do with those who wish to be treated with special indulgence;
for so intense is the desire of Bucer to propagate the Gospel,
that, content to have obtained those things which are chiefly
important, he is sometimes more easy than is right in yielding
those things which he considers trifling, but which, nevertheless,
have their weight. The King himself is only half wise. He prohibits
under severe penalties, besides depriving them of the ministry,
the priests and bishops who enter upon matrimony; he retains the
daily masses; he wishes the seven sacraments to remain as they
are: in this way he has a mutilated and torn Gospel, and a Church
stuffed full as yet with many toys and trifles. Then, because all
do not appear to be of sound mind, he does not suffer the Scripture
to circulate in the language of the common people throughout the
kingdom; and he has lately put forth a new interdict, by which he
warns the people against the reading of the Bible. Moreover, that
you may understand that he is quite in earnest, and not by any means
jestingly insane, he lately burnt a worthy and learned man[137] for
denying the presence of Christ after a carnal manner in the bread,
whose death has been greatly lamented by all pious and educated
persons. Our friends, however, though sorely hurt by atrocities of
this kind, will not cease to have an eye to the condition of his
kingdom. I perceive that nothing has reached you concerning the
conspiracy except obscure and doubtful rumour. Cardinal Pole[138]
had a brother, a man of chief rank among the nobility, and of the
greatest authority among the gentry.[139] The family was indeed
related to the King by blood; he himself was considered a person
of uncommon prudence and gravity. He had conducted himself with
such moderation in his brother's matters, that his credit with
the King had suffered no diminution. Having publicly declared
himself at variance with his brother, in order to avoid the King's
suspicion, he deceived them all by his shrewdness. They agreed in
secret among themselves, that the Cardinal should lead an army
through France, and that as soon as they approached the bounds of
the kingdom his brother should raise a tumult, at a time when the
King, being occupied in quelling intestine disturbances, would not
be able to defend himself against a foreign enemy. It was easy for
the Cardinal to arm his soldiery at the Pope's expense. But before
the expedition could arrive, the whole conspiracy was discovered by
an informer; for in order that the plot might be properly planned
and executed, it was necessary for them to have many informed and
made parties to it. His nephew, a bold man, when he heard that
their schemes had been discovered, would have put himself to death.
But having been prevented, he was unable to endure the torture of
the rack; and the other conspirators, like him, having made a full
confession, the law was executed upon all. Since the King makes
such a poor return for so many and so great benefits from God, I
greatly fear that at length he may suffer severe punishment for
his ingratitude. In the meantime, while the conference was held at
Frankfort, the son of the Elector George,[140] who was kept bound in
confinement on account of insanity, died in a hopeless condition. If
he had survived his father, his guardianship would have given rise
to new disturbances. Now his undoubted successor is that Maurice,
the son of Henry, whom I have mentioned above as a member of the
League. There is therefore good hope that the territory which George
now possesses will immediately form an accession to the heritage
of Christ; for George is beyond the age when he may be expected to
have offspring.[141] In this way you see, that so far as regards the
main business, all hangs in suspense, and has no settled bent either
way: wherefore we ought all the more to supplicate the Almighty
that he would vouchsafe some happy issue out of such a perplexity
of affairs. What success I have had in the cause of the brethren,
also of what kind, and what were the matters I conversed about with
Philip, you shall be informed again by Michael, who has resolved to
depart hence before nine days: therefore I am compelled, on account
of the urgency of the postman, to send my letter by halves; you will
then receive the other portion. Adieu, my dear friendly brother.
Greet Thomas and all the brethren for me. Capito and Sturm send a
thousand salutations. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with
you.--Yours,