And as he goeth abroad he shall certify how the works in every ward are

ordered and occupied, and shall inform master mayor, the committees or

his master thereof.

And he shall resort to the deacons in every ward, and be aiding unto

them to bring such as be new comers into the city to master mayor, the

same presently to be sent away again to the place they came from. And

likewise shall bring all disordered persons to be punished to Bridewell

if such shall dwell in any ward, and shall give his whole attendance

thereupon.

And the said bailiff shall be allowed for himself, his wife, servants

and surveyors, (if he shall be charged with his whole number of

prisoners,) for meat, drink and wages thirty pounds by year, whereof he

shall pay forty shillings a year to a priest to minister service to them

twice a week, or else, if he have less charge, to have after the rate as

by the discretion of the committees and wardens of Bridewell shall be

thought convenient or as they can agree....

* * * * *

Orders for children and others in wards.

Item, that there be also appointed by the committees or commissioners

for every single ward so many select women as shall suffice to receive

of persons within that ward, viz. of women, maidens or children that

shall be appointed unto them by the committees or deacons, to work or

learn letters in their house or houses, of the most poorest children

whose parents are not able to pay for their learning or of women and

maids that live idly or be disordered to the number of six, eight, ten

or twelve at the most in any one of their houses.

The same to be driven to work and learn, by the hours appointed in

Bridewell and with such corrections, till their hands be brought into

such use and their bodies to such pains as labour and learning shall be

easier to them than idleness, and as they shall of themselves be able to

live of their own works with their families as others do.

And every such select woman appointed to take charge of such aforesaid,

shall see that such as to them be committed shall do their works truly

and workmanly and be learned profitably, or else to lay sharp correction

upon them; and every such select woman doing her duty to teach or cause

to be taught or set a-work, to have for her pains in that behalf twenty

shillings by year every one of them so appointed and nominated.

And whosoever select woman so appointed shall refuse the same being

thereunto appointed, shall suffer imprisonment by the space of twenty

days at the least.

4. THE FIRST ACT DIRECTING THE LEVY OF A COMPULSORY POOR RATE [_14 Eliz.

c._ 5. _Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 590-98_], 1572.

... And when the number of the said poor people forced to live upon alms

be by that means truly known, the said justices, mayors, sheriffs,

bailiffs and other officers shall within like convenient time devise and

appoint, within every their said several divisions, meet and convenient

places by their discretions to settle the same poor people for their

habitations and abidings, if the parish within the which they shall be

found shall not or will not provide for them; and shall also within like

convenient time number all the said poor people within their said

several limits, and thereupon (having regard to the number) set down

what portion the weekly charge towards the relief and sustentation of

the said poor people will amount unto within every their said several

divisions and limits; and that done, they ... shall by their good

discretions tax and assess all and every the inhabitants, dwelling in

all and every city, borough, town, village, hamlet and place known

within the said limits and divisions, to such weekly charge as they and

every of them shall weekly contribute towards the relief of the said

poor people, and the names of all such inhabitants taxed shall also

enter into the said register book together with their taxation, and also

shall by their discretion within every their said divisions and limits

appoint or see collectors for one whole year to be appointed of the said

weekly portion, which shall collect and gather the said proportion, and

make delivery of so much thereof, according to the discretion of the

said justices ... and other officers, to the said poor people, as the

said justices ... and other officers shall appoint them: and also shall

appoint the overseers of the said poor people by their discretions, to

continue also for one whole year; and if they do refuse to be overseers,

then every of them so refusing to forfeit ten shillings for every such

default.

5. THE FIRST ACT REQUIRING THE UNEMPLOYED TO BE SET TO WORK [_18 Eliz.

c. 3. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 610-13_], 1575-6.

... Also to the intent youth may be accustomed and brought up in labour

and work, and thus not like to grow to be idle rogues, and to the intent

also that such as be already grown up in idleness and so [be] rogues at

this present, may not have any just excuse in saying that they cannot

get any service or work, and then without any favour or toleration

worthy to be executed, and that other poor and needy persons being

willing to work may be set on work: be it ordered and enacted by the

authority aforesaid, that in every city and town corporate within this

realm, a competent store and stock of wool, hemp, flax, iron or other

stuff, by the appointment and order of the mayor, bailiffs, justices or

other head officers having rule in the said cities or towns corporate

(of themselves and all others the inhabitants within their several

authorities to be taxed, levied and gathered), shall be provided....

Collectors and governors of the poor from time to time (as cause

requireth) shall and may, of the same stock and store, deliver to such

poor and needy person a competent portion to be wrought into yarn or

other matter within such time and in such sort as in discretions shall

be from time to time limited and prefixed, and the same afterwards,

being wrought, to be from time to time delivered to the said collectors

and governors of the poor, for which they shall make payment to them

which work the same according to the desert of the work, and of new

deliver more to be wrought; and so from time to time to deliver stuff

unwrought and receive the same again wrought as often as cause shall

require; which hemp, wool, flax or other stuff wrought from time to

time, shall be sold by the said collectors and governors of the poor

either at some market or other place, and at such time as they shall

think meet, and with the money coming of the sale, to buy more stuff in

such wise as the stocks or store shall not be decayed in value....

6. REPORT OF JUSTICES TO COUNCIL CONCERNING SCARCITY IN NORFOLK[297]

[_S.P.D. Eliz., Vol. 191, No. 12_], 1586.

May it please your honours, after the remembrance of our humble duties

to be advertized; that for a further proceeding in the accomplishment of

your honourable letters concerning the furnishing of the markets with

corn, we have according to our former letters of the ixth of June last,

met here together this day for conference therein. And perusing all our

notes and proceedings together, we find that throughout this shire by

such order as we have taken with owners and farmers and also badgers and

buyers of corn and grain, the markets are by them plentifully served

every market day with corn, and the same sold at reasonable rates, viz.

wheat at xxiis., the quarter, rye at xvis., malt at xiiiis., and barley at

xiis., of which kinds of corn the poorer sort are by persuasion served

at meaner prices. And so we doubt not but it shall likewise continue

according to our direction until it shall please God that new corn may

be used. And hereof thinking it best in performance of our duties to

advertize your honours, we humbly take our leave. From Attlebrigge the

xith of July 1586.

Your ho: humble at commandment ...

[Signature of Justices.]

[Footnote 297: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_,

pp. 316-17.]

7. ORDERS DEVISED BY THE SPECIAL COMMANDMENT OF THE QUEEN'S MAJESTY FOR

THE RELIEF AND EASE OF THE PRESENT DEARTH OF GRAIN WITHIN THE REALM

[_Lansdowne MSS., 48, f. 128, No. 54_[298]], 1586.

That the sheriffs and justices of the peace by speedy warning of the

sheriff shall immediately upon receipt of these orders assemble

themselves together, and shall take amongst them into their charge by

several divisions all the hundreds, rapes, or wapentakes of the said

county.

_Item_, every company so allotted out shall forthwith direct their

precepts unto the said sheriff to warn the high constables,

under-constables, and others the most honest and substantial inhabitants

... to appear before them, ... and upon the appearance of the said

persons they shall divide them into so many juries as they shall think

meet, giving instruction to the said sheriff to return as few of such as

be known great farmers for corn or have store of grain to sell as he

can; ...

_Item_, they shall first declare the cause why they are sent for ... and

then they shall give them the oath following:--

The Juries' Oath.

You shall swear, etc., that you shall enquire and make true and due

search and trial what number of persons every householder that hath corn

in their barns, stacks or otherwhere, as well justices of the peace as

others whatsoever within the parish of ..., have in their houses; what

number of acres they have certainly to be sown this year with any manner

of grain; what bargains they have made with any persons for any kind of

grain to be sold by or to them; to whom and by whom and upon what price

they have made the same, and what quantity of any manner of grain they

or any other have in their barns, garners, lofts, cellars or floors or

otherwise to be delivered unto them upon any bargain.

_Item_, what number of badgers, ladders, broggers or carriers of corn do

inhabit within the said parish, and whither they do use to carry their

corn they buy, and where they do usually buy the same and what their

names be, and how long they have used that trade, and by whose license,

and to see the same licenses of what tenor they are of.

_Item_, what number of maltmakers, bakers, common brewers or tipplers

dwell within the said parish, and who they are by name, and how long

they have used that trade, and how much they bake or brew in the week,

and what other trade they have whereby otherwise to live.

_Item_, who within the same parish be the great buyers of corn, or do

buy, or have bought any corn or grain, to sell again, or have sold it

again since midsummer last.

_Item_, who within the same parish buyeth or have bought or sold any

corn upon the ground, of whom and to whom hath the same been bought or

sold and at what prices, and to certify unto us of the premises and of

every part thereof.

That the said justices of the peace, having received ... the verdicts of

the said juries, ... shall call ... such persons before them of every

parish as upon the presentment so made shall appear to have corn to

spare, and upon due consideration of the number of persons which each

hath in his house according to their qualities, and of the quantity of

grain the party hath toward the finding of the same or otherwise to be

spent in his house and sowing of his grounds, allowing to every

householder for his expenses in his house for every person thereof

according to their quality sufficient corn for bread and drink, between

this and the next harvest, and for their seed after the rate of the

sowing of that country upon an acre; and (_sic_) that they shall bind

all such as shall appear to have more of any kind of grain than shall

serve to uses above mentioned, as well justices of the peace as other,

by recognizance in some good reasonable sums of money to observe the

orders ensuing, viz., ...

You shall bring or cause to be brought weekly so many quarters or

bushels of corn as wheat, rye, barley, malt, peas, beans, or other

grain, or so much thereof as shall not be directly sold to the poor

artificers or day labourers of the parish within which you dwell by

order of the justice of the peace of the division within which you do

dwell or two of them, to the market of ..., there to be by you or at

your assignment sold unto the Queen's subjects in open market by half

quarters, two bushels, one bushel or less as the buyer shall require of

you, and not in greater quantity, except it be a badger or carrier of

corn admitted according to the statute, or to a common known brewer or

baker, ... and you shall not willingly leave any part of your corn

unsold if money be offered to you for the same by any that are permitted

to buy the same after the usual price of the market there that day,

neither shall you from the beginning of the market to the full end

thereof keep or cause to be kept any part of your said corn out of the

open sight of the market....

Ye shall buy no corn to sell it again.

Ye shall neither buy nor sell any manner of corn but in the open market,

unless the same be to poor handicraftsmen or day-labourers within the

parish where you do dwell that cannot conveniently come to the market

towns by reason of distance of place, according to such direction as

shall be given unto you in that behalf by the justices of the peace of

that division within which you do dwell, or two of them, and to none of

these above one bushel at a time.

That the justices of the peace within their several divisions have

special regard that engrossers of corn be carefully seen unto and

severely punished according to the law, and where such are found, to

make certificate thereof and of the proofs to the Queen Majesty's

attorney general for the time being, who is directed speedily to inform

against them for the same, and to see also that none be permitted to buy

any corn to sell again but by special license.

That they take order with the common bakers for the baking of rye,

barley, peas, and beans for the use of the poor, and that they appoint

special and fit persons diligently to see their people well dealt

withall by the common bakers and brewers in all towns and places in

their weight and assize, and effectually to enquire for and search out

the default therein, and thereupon to give order for punishment of the

offenders severely according to the law, and where any notable offence

shall be in the bakers, to cause the bread to be sold to the poorer sort

under the ordinary prices in part of punishment of the baker.

That no badgers of corn, bakers or brewers, do buy any grain, or covin

or bargain for the same, but in the time of open market, and that but by

license under the hand of the justices of the division where they do

dwell, or three of them, and that they weekly bring their license with

them to the market where they do either buy or sell, and that the

license contain how much grain of what kind and for what place they are

licensed to buy and carry, that there be set down upon the license the

day, place, quantity and price the corn is bought at, that they take but

measurably for the carriage, baking and brewing thereof, that they show

their book weekly to such as the justice of the division wherein they

dwell shall appoint, being no bakers or badgers of corn. And that those

persons every 14 days make report to the justice of the division wherein

they dwell how the people are dealt withall by the badgers, bakers and

brewers. And that such as have otherwise sufficient to live on, or that

are known to be of any crime or evil behaviour, be not permitted to be

badgers of corn, nor any badgers to be permitted but such as the statute

doth limit, and that none be permitted to buy or provide corn in the

market in gross as badger or baker and such like, upon pain of

imprisonment, until one hour after the full market be begun, that the

poor may be first served.

That the said justices, or two or one of them, at the least, in every

division, shall be personally present at every market within their

several divisions to see the orders to be taken by the authority hereof

to be well observed, and the poor people provided of necessary corn, and

that with as much favour in the prices as by earnest persuasion of the

justices may be obtained; ...

That all good means and persuasions be used by the justices in their

several divisions that the poor may be served of corn at convenient and

charitable prices.

That there be no buying or bargaining for any kind of corn but in open

market, and that the justices in their several divisions restrain common

maltsters of making barley-malt in those countries and places where

there be oats sufficient to make malt of for the use of the people, and

to restrain as well the brewing of barley-malt by or for ale houses or

common tipplers in those countries and places, as also the excess use of

any kind of malt by all common brewers in all alehouses and common

tippling houses wheresoever, and that sufficient bonds be taken of all

common brewers, maltsters and common tipplers, according to the true

meaning of this article, and that the unnecessary number of alehouses

and common tipplers be forthwith suppressed in all places, and that

direction be given to all tippling houses, taverns and alehouses not to

suffer any persons to repair thither to eat and drink at unseasonable

times.

That the justices use all other good means that are not mentioned in

these orders that the markets be well served and the poor relieved in

their provisions during this time of dearth, and that no expense of any

grain meet for bread to feed men be wasted upon feeding of beasts,

neither that any be spent in making of a stuff called starch, as of late

there hath been discovered great quantity expended in that vain matter

being in no sort to be suffered to continue.

That the justices be straightly commanded to see by all good means that

the able people be set on work, the houses of correction provided and

furnished, and there idle vagabonds to be punished.

That the justices do their best to have convenient stock to be provided

in every division or other place, according to the statute for setting

the poor awork, and the justices to use all other good and politic means

within their several divisions to continue and maintain the poor people

in work within the parish, or at the furthest, within the hundred or

division.

That the maimed or hurt soldiers and all other impotent persons be

carefully seen unto to be relieved within their several parishes,

hundreds or divisions, according to the law therefor provided, and that

where the provisions formerly made be not sufficient it may be now for

this time of dearth increased; and where one parish is not able to give

sufficient relief to such their poor, that parish to have the supply of

such parishes near adjoining as have fewer poor and are better able to

give relief, and that no vagabond or sturdy beggar, or any that may

otherwise get their living by their labours, be not suffered to wander

abroad under colour of begging in any town or highway, and that the

justices do presently give order that there be persons sufficiently

weaponed to assist the constables of every town to attach such vagabonds

both in their town-side and highways, and to commit them to prison

without bail, but as two of the justices of the peace near that division

shall order, and if the township shall not observe this order for the

attaching and punishment of the said vagabonds, then the justices shall

see due punishment by fine upon the whole township, or upon such parties

in the town as shall be found in fault.

That the justices of the peace do once every month certify their doings

and proceedings by force of these instructions unto the sheriff of the

said county, in which certificate they shall also make certificate of

such justices as shall be absent from any of these services, and the

true cause of their absence, and shall also certify the usual prices of

all kinds of grain in their markets for that month past, of all which

the same sheriff to certify the Privy Council once in every forty days

at the farthest, so as that default in any justice that shall be absent

may be duly considered and corrected by authority of his Majesty's

council as reason shall require, and so as such persons as are placed as

justices for their credit may not continue in those rooms, wherein they

shall be found not disposed to attend such a necessary and godly service

as this is, but others of better disposition may supply those rooms, if

there shall be need of any such number, as in most places is thought not

very needful, the number being in common opinion more hurtful than

profitable to justice.

And if any shall offend against the true meaning of these instructions,

or any part thereof, or shall use any sinister means to the defrauding

thereof, that such be severely punished according to the laws, and for

such obstinate persons as shall not conform themselves the justices

shall at their pleasure bind to appear before the Queen Majesty's Privy

Council by a day certain, there to be further dealt with by severe

punishment for the better ensample of all others....

[Footnote 298: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_,

pp. 318-26.]

8. THE POOR LAW ACT OF 1601 [_43 and 44 Eliz. c. 2. Statutes of the

Realm, Vol. IV, Part II, pp. 962-5_], 1601.

Be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the

churchwardens of every parish, and four, three or two substantial

householders there as shall be thought meet, having respect to the

apportion and greatness of the same parish or parishes, to be nominated

yearly in Easter week or within one month after Easter, under the hand

and seal of two or more justices of the peace in the same county,

whereof one to be of the _quorum_, dwelling in or near the same parish

or division where the same parish doth lie, shall be called overseers of

the poor of the same parish: and they or the greater part of them shall

take order from time to time, by and with the consent of two or more

such justices of peace as is aforesaid, for setting to work of the

children of all such whose parents shall not by the said churchwardens

and overseers or the greater part of them be thought able to keep and

maintain their children; and also for setting to work all such persons

married or unmarried having no means to maintain them, [or] use no

ordinary and daily trade of life to get their living by; and also to

raise weekly or otherwise, by taxation of every inhabitant parson, vicar

and other, and of every occupier of lands, houses, tithes impropriate or

propriations of tythes, coal mines or saleable underwoods, in the said

parish, in such competent sum and sums of money as they shall think fit,

a convenient stock of flax, hemp, wool, thread, iron and other necessary

ware and stuff to set the poor on work, and also competent sums of money

for and towards the necessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind

and such other among them being poor and not able to work, and also for

the putting out of such children to be apprentices, to be gathered out

of the same parish according to the ability of the same parish; and to

do and execute all other things as well for the disposing of the said

stock as otherwise concerning the premises as to them shall seem

convenient: which said churchwardens and overseers so to be nominated,

or such of them as shall not be let by sickness or other just excuse to

be allowed by two such justices of peace or more as aforesaid, shall

meet together at the least once every month in the church of the said

parish, upon the Sunday in the afternoon after Divine Service, there to

consider of some good course to be taken and of some meet order to be

set down in the premises, and shall within four days after the end of

their year and after other overseers nominated as aforesaid, make and

yield up to such two justices of peace as is aforesaid a true and

perfect account of all sums of money by them received, or rated and

assessed and not received, and also of such stock as shall be in their

hands or in the hands of any of the poor to work, and of all other

things concerning their said office; and such sum or sums of money as

shall be in their hands shall pay and deliver over to the said

churchwardens and overseers newly nominated and appointed as aforesaid;

...

And be it further enacted that it shall be lawful for the said

churchwardens and overseers, or the greater part of them, by the assent

of any two justices of the peace aforesaid, to bind any such children as

aforesaid to be apprentices, where they shall see convenient, till such

man-child shall come to the age of four and twenty years, and such

woman-child to the age of one and twenty years, or the time of her

marriage; the same to be as effectual to all purposes as if such child

were of full age, and by indenture of covenant bound him or herself.

And the said justices of peace or any of them to send to the house of

correction or common gaol such as shall not employ themselves to work,

being appointed thereunto as aforesaid.

9. A NOTE OF THE GRIEVANCES OF THE PARISH OF ELDERSFIELD [_Hist. MSS.

Com. Vol. I, pp. 298-299_], 1618.

There are divers poor people in the said parish which are a great

charge. Giles Cooke, not of our parish, married a widow's daughter

within our parish, which widow is poor and lives in a small cottage,

which is like to be a charge. Joan Whiple had lived 40 years and upward

in the parish with a brother, as a servant to him; and now that she has

grown old and weak he has put her off to the parish; she was taken

begging within the parish and was sent to Teddington, where she said she

was born, but that parish has sent her back again. Elzander Man, born in

Forthampton, in the county of Gloucester, married a wife within the

parish, who was received by her mother till she had two children; the

said wife is now dead, and he is gone into Gloucestershire and has left

his children to the keeping of the parish. Thomas Jones, born at

Harfield, in the county of Gloucester, married a wife within the parish,

and has two children; the said Jones being now gone, the parishioners

would know if they might send the woman to her husband, or to the place

where she or her husband was born.... Francis Gatfield has gone from the

parish, leaving his child and some goods and money; the child is left in

charge of the parish and the goods with his brother and sister; the

parishioners desire to know whether they may not avoid keeping the child

or seize the said goods towards its maintenance.

10. PETITION TO JUSTICES OF WILTSHIRE FOR PERMISSION TO SETTLE IN A

PARISH [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, p. 298_], 1618.

Petitioner doth give you to understand that he was born in Stockton

within this county, and has been bred up in the same parish, and most of

my time in service; and have taken great pains for my living all my time

since I was able, and of late I fortuned to marry with an honest young

woman, and my parishioners not willing that I should bring her in the

parish, saying we would breed a charge among them. Then I took a house

in Bewdley, and there my wife doth yet dwell and in confines

thereabouts, and I send or bring my wife the best relief I am able, and

now the parish of Bewdley will not suffer her to dwell there for doubt

of further charge. Right worshipful, I most humbly crave your good aid

and help in this my distress, or else my poor wife and child are like to

perish without the doors. And this, right worshipful, I do humbly crave,

that by your good help and order to the parish of Stockton I may have a

house there to bring my wife and child unto, that I may help them the

best I can.

11. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO JUSTICES OF CLOTH-MAKING COUNTIES[299]

[_Privy Council Register, Feb. 9th, 1621-2_], 1621-2.

We do hereby require you to call before you such clothiers as you shall

think fitting, and to deal effectually with them for the employment of

such weavers, spinners and other persons as are now out of work, where

we may not omit to let you know, that as we have employed our best

endeavours in favour of the clothiers both for the vent of their cloth

and for moderation in the price of wool (of which we hope they shall

speedily find the effects), so may we not endure that the clothiers in

that or any other county should at their pleasure, and without giving

knowledge thereof unto this Board, dismiss their workfolks, who, being

many in number and most of them of the poorer sort, are in such cases

likely by their clamours to disturb the quiet and government of those

parts wherein they live. And if there shall be found greater numbers of

poor people than the clothiers can receive and employ, we think it fit

and accordingly require you to take order for putting the statute in

execution, whereby there is provision made in that behalf by raising of

public stocks for the employment of such in that trade as want work.

Wherein if any clothier shall after sufficient warning refuse or neglect

to appear before you, or otherwise shall obstinately deny to yield to

such overtures in this case as shall be reasonable and just, you shall

take good bonds of them for refusing to appear before us, and

immediately certify their names unto this Board ...; this being the rule

by which both the woolgrower, the clothier and merchant must be

governed, that whosoever had a part of the gain in profitable times

since his Majesty's happy reign, must now in the decay of trade ... bear

a part of the public losses as may best conduce to the good of the

public and the maintenance of the general trade.

[Footnote 299: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_,

pp. 147-8.]

12. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO THE DEPUTY LIEUTENANTS AND JUSTICES OF

THE PEACE IN THE COUNTIES OF SUFFOLK AND ESSEX CONCERNING THE EMPLOYMENT

OF THE POOR[300] [_Privy Council Register, Chas. I, Vol. V, f. 263_],

1629.

Whereas we by special directions of his Majesty did lately commend unto

your care the present state of those parts of your county where the poor

clothiers and their workmen at present destitute of work might some

other way be employed or for the time be relieved till some

obstructions to trade were removed, as also to keep in order those that

are loose and ill disposed people; to which end his Majesty, by advice

of his Privy Council and the Judges, hath lately published a

proclamation declaring his pleasure and command in what manner the truly

poor and impotent should be relieved, those of able bodies should be set

on work and employed in honest labour, and the sturdy, idle and

dangerous rogues and vagabonds should be repressed and punished, which

proclamation you shall herewith likewise receive; now, because we

understand that in your county there is more than ordinary occasion to

use all diligence and industry at this time, we have thought fit to put

you more particularly in mind thereof, and in answer of your letters to

let you know that it is the resolution of all the judges, that by the

law you have sufficient power and ought to raise means out of the

several parishes, if they be of ability, or otherwise in their defect,

in their several hundreds, lathes or wapentakes, and for want of their

ability (to set your poor on work and to relieve the aged and impotent

not able to work) in the whole body of the county; wherefore his Majesty

commands that the ways provided by law in these cases be duly followed

with all diligence and possible speed. You are required to understand

the true state of the country from the ministers, churchwardens and

overseers of the several parishes within your several divisions. And

what rests herein to be done by order at the quarter sessions, the

judges advise that for this purpose you may call the quarter sessions

sooner then the ordinary set times, and do that which in this case is so

requisite.

Further we let you to know, that such hath been his Majesty's care and

personal pains taken to remove these impediments that of late have been

to trade, and to open a free vent to the commodities of your country,

that yourselves will shortly see the fruits of it to your comforts;

nevertheless in the meantime these things provided by the law, and the

helps that by your care may be added, are in no sort to be neglected,

but exactly pursued; of which your proceedings we, are to be advertised

that so we may render account thereof to his Majesty.

And so, etc.

[Footnote 300: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief,

pp. 336-7_.]

13. THE LICENSING OF BADGERS IN SOMERSETSHIRE [_Somerset Quarter

Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 120_], 1630.

This Court taking notice of the great prices of corn and butter and

cheese and all other commodities, it was ordered that from henceforth no

badger whatsoever be licensed but in open sessions, and shall first

enter into recognizance and be entered by the clerk of the peace into

his book of records, and also that all maltsters do the like before any

justice do sign and seal his licence.

14. BADGERS LICENSED AT SOMERSETSHIRE QUARTER SESSIONS [_Somerset

Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 119_], 1630.

To Edith Doddington of Hilbishopps, widow, to be a badger of butter and

cheese and to carry the same into the counties of Wilts, Hampshire,

Dorset and Devon, and to return again laden with corn, and to sell it

again in any fair or market within this county during one whole year now

next ensuing; and she is not to travel with above three horses, mares,

or geldings at the most part; for performance whereof Mr. Symes is to

take her recognizance, granted by John Homer, John Symes, John

Harington.

To Thomas Rawlings of Lympsham to buy corn in the counties of Wilts and

Somerset to sell the same again in the city of Bristol, Mr. Harington to

take the recognizance. Ro. Phelipps, Pa. Godwyn.

To Anthony Banbury of Pitney to buy barley and oats, and the same to

convert into malt, and to sell again in any fair, and to travel not with

above two horses, geldings or mares at the most. Ro. Phelipps, He.

Berkley, Pa. Godwyn, John Harington.

15. THE SUPPLYING OF BRISTOL WITH GRAIN [_Somerset Quarter Sessions

Records, Vol. 24, pp. 145-6, No. 33_], 1630-1.

Whereas it is entreated on the behalf of the city of Bristol that their

purveyors, drivers, and higglers may buy and carry away for the

necessary provision of the said city such quantities of corn as may be

conveniently spared within the markets of this county, and that they may

freely carry through the said county such corn and grain as they shall

buy in the counties adjacent: It is therefore thought fit and ordered,

that these purveyors, drivers and higglers may buy, drive, and carry in

and through the said county such proportions thereof as shall by us the

justices of peace in our several divisions be thought convenient to be

bought, driven, and carried and no more, so as the said purveyors,

drivers and higglers be lawfully licensed so to do; and this our order

to stand in force for the space of forty days, that in the mean time a

joint conference may be had according to his Majesty's directions in

that behalf with some of the magistrates of the said city and of the

justices of such adjacent counties as the premises shall concern, and

this Bench doth depute Sir Henry Berkeley, Sir John Horner, Kts., Robte

Hopton, Esqr., and Sir Ralph Hopton, Knight, or any three or two of them

to meet, treat and conclude with them in the said conference.

16. PROCEEDING AGAINST ENGROSSERS AND OTHER OFFENDERS [_Somerset Quarter

Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 152, No. 19_], 1631.

General Sessions of the Peace held at Ivelchester the 19th, 20th, 21st

and 22nd days of April, 7 Charles (1631).

Richard Granger maketh oath against William Hurde of Walton, yeoman,

James Hurde of the same, Richard Pinckard of the same, yeoman, for

buying corn in ground; against Jacob Hill of Halse, using a trade of

clothing not being apprentice, William Rowswell of Wellington for

regrating of cheese, Jacob Androwse of Bridgwater and Thomas Prinne of

Somerton, partners, for buying corn in ground, John Durston of Wilton

for buying and selling within five weeks, George Thome of Stogursey and

John Brewer of Combwitch for the same offence, Edmund Galle of

Bridgwater for taking extortion, Richard. Barker of Godnye in the parish

of Meare for maintaining a cottage that hath not four acres of land.

17. ORDER OF SOMERSETSHIRE JUSTICES GRANTING A SETTLEMENT TO A LABOURER

[_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 139, No. 4_], 1630-1.

General Sessions of the Peace held at Wells the 11th, 12th, 13th and

14th days of January, 6 Charles.

Lyonell Wills having petitioned this Court, showing that whereas he

hath remained in the parish of Tintenhull for the space of five years

now last past, three years whereof he served as a labouring servant, and

the two last years as a married man, although not with the consent of

some of the parish, and during the said two latter years after he became

a married man he endeavoured to take a house within the said parish for

his money without any charge to the said parish; and some of the said

parish hath forbidden him to remain there any longer and threateneth

him, and those that would set or let him any house, to impose great

pains on them that shall receive him or let him any house, whereby he is

inforced to travel from place to place with his wife and children, and

thereby doubteth that he shall in the end be taken as a vagrant; which,

the Court taking into consideration, have thought fit to order that the

said Lionell Wills be settled at Tintenhull, as they conceiveth by law

he ought to be, if his petition be true. And that the said parishioners

upon sight of this order do there receive him, and suffer him to be and

abide, until they shall show good cause to the contrary to this Court.

And that they do suffer him to take a house for his money within the

said parish, which if they shall refuse to do, or impose any fines or

pains upon those that shall set or let any house unto him or shall be

willing thereunto, that then upon complaint thereof made unto Sir Robte

Phelipps, Knight, or Thomas Lyte, Esqr., or either of them, they finding

his petition to be true will be pleased to bind all such parties to the

next Sessions as shall refuse thus to receive him or to trouble any that

shall let set them a house to dwell in.

18. REPORT OF DERBYSHIRE JUSTICES ON THEIR PROCEEDINGS [_S.P.D., Charles

I, Vol. 202, No. 54_], 1631.

Wirksworth Wapentake.

To Francis Bradshawe, Esq., High Sheriff of the County of

Derby.

Sir,

In pursuit of the orders and directions given us in command as well by

the printed book as also by several letters sent unto us from the right

honourable the lords of her Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, we,

whose names are hereunder written, having within our allotment the

wapentake or hundred of Wirksworth, have had monthly meetings within

the said hundred and have summoned both the high constable, petty

constables, churchwardens, and overseers of the poor within that

division and hundred to appear before us.

1. And first we have made diligent inquiry how all the said officers and

others have done their duties in execution of the laws mentioned in the

Commission, and what persons have offended against any of them, and

punished such as we have found faulty.

2. We have taken care that the lords and parishioners of every town

relieve the poor thereof, and they are not suffered to straggle or beg

up and down either in their parishes or elsewhere. But such poor as have

transgressed have been punished according to law, and the impotent poor

there are carefully relieved. We have also taken especial care that both

the stewards of leets and ourselves in particular have taken care for

the reformation of abuses in bakers, alehousekeepers, breaking of

assize, forestallers and regrators, against tradesmen of all sorts for

selling with underweight, and have made search in market towns and other

places and taken away and burned very many false weights and measures,

and taken order for the punishing of the said offenders.

3. We have made special inquiry of such poor children as are fit to be

bound apprentices to husbandry and otherwise, and of such as are fit to

take apprentices, and therein we have taken such course as by law is

required. And we find none refuse to take apprentices, being thereunto

required.

4. We do not find upon our inquiry that the statute for labourers and

ordering of wages is deluded, and the common fashion of none essoyning

of course is restrained.

5. The weekly taxations for relief of the poor in these times of

scarcity is raised to higher rates, and we have further observed the

course appointed in the fifth article.

6. We have taken order the petty constables within our said division are

chosen of the ablest parishioners.

7. Watches in the night and warding by day are appointed in every town

for apprehension of rogues and for good order, and we have taken order

to punish such as we have found faulty.

8. We have taken care that the high constable doth his duty in

presenting to us the defaults of the petty constables for not punishing

the rogues and in presenting to us the defaulters.

9. We find none presented to us that live out of service and refuse to

work for reasonable wages.

10. We have one House of Correction at Ashborn within our wapentake,

which is near the town prison, where such as are committed are kept to

work.

11. We have punished several persons for harbouring rogues in their

barns and outhouses, and have observed the further directions of the

11th article.

12. We have had care to see that all defects and defaults in the

amending of highways be redressed, and the defaulters have been

presented to the next quarter sessions and punished.

And as touching their lordships' letters and orders directed concerning

corn and enclosures, we do at our monthly meetings take a strict account

that the former orders therein taken by us in pursuit thereof be duly

observed and put in execution, and particularly none sell such corn (as

they are appointed to sell out of the market) but to the poor of the

said parish. And neither the petty constable nor any other officer can

(as they inform us) present any engrossers of corn, etc., or

forestallers of markets.

The prices of corn (considering the times) are not on our markets in our

opinion unreasonable, but are as follow, viz., wheat for the strike 5s.,

four peck making a strike, rye 4s., barley 3s. 4d., malt 5s., peas 4s.,

oats 2s. 6d.

We have made especial inquiry touching enclosures made within these two

years, but find very few within our division, for the most of our

wapentake hath been long since enclosed. Howsoever some few hath been

presented, which we have commanded to throw down, and have stayed the

proceedings of such enclosures as have been lately begun and are not

finished.

We have no maltmakers in this wapentake but for their own use.

We have put down a full third part of all the alehouses within this

wapentake; yet there are so great a multitude of poor miners within this

wapentake that we are enforced to leave more alehousekeepers than

otherwise we would.

We have taken order for the binding all cooks, alehousekeepers,

victuallers and butchers within this hundred that they neither dress nor

suffer to be dressed or eaten any flesh during the time of Lent or

other days prohibited, and our recognizances to that purpose do remain

with the Clerk of the Peace, to be by him certified according to the

statute.

John Fitzherbert.

Chr. Fulwood.

19. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO JUSTICES OF RUTLANDSHIRE[301] [_Privy

Council Register, Vol. VI, f. 345_], 1631.

Whereas we have been made acquainted with a letter written by John

Wildbore, a Minister in and about Tinwell within that county, to a

friend of his here, wherein after some mention by him made of the

present want and misery sustained by the poorer sort in those parts

through the dearth of corn and the want of work, he doth advertize in

particular some speeches uttered by a shoemaker of Uppingham (whose name

we find not) tending to the stirring up of the poor thereabout to a

mutiny and insurrection; which information was as followeth, _in hæc

verba_: "Hearest thou?" saith a shoemaker of Uppingham to a poor man of

Liddington, "If thou wilt be secret I will make a motion to thee." "What

is your motion?" saith the other. Then said the shoemaker, "The poor men

of Okeham have sent to us poor men of Uppingham, and if you poor men of

Liddington will join with us, we will rise, and the poor of Okeham say

they can have all the armour of the country in their power within half

an hour, and in faith (saith he) we will rifle the churls." Upon

consideration had thereof, however this Board is not easily credulous of

light reports nor apt to take impression from the vain speeches or

ejaculations of some mean and contemptible persons; yet because it sorts

well with the care and providence of a state to prevent all occasions

which ill-affected persons may otherwise lay hold of under pretence and

colour of the necessity of the time, we have thought good hereby to will

and require you, the Deputy Lieuts. and Justices of peace next

adjoining, forthwith to apprehend and take a more particular examination

as well of the said shoemaker as of such others as you shall think fit

concerning the advertizement aforesaid; and that you take especial care

that the arms of that county in and about those parts be safely disposed

of; and likewise (which is indeed most considerable and the best means

to prevent all disorders in this kind) that you deal effectually in

causing the market to be well supplied with corn and the poor to be

served at reasonable prices and set on work by those of the richer sort,

and by raising of stock to relieve and set them on work according to the

laws. All which we recommend to your especial care, and require an

account from you of your doings and proceedings herein with all

convenient expedition.

And so, etc.

[Footnote 301: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_,

pp. 338-9.]

20. JUDGMENT IN THE STAR CHAMBER AGAINST AN ENGROSSER OF CORN [_Camden

Society. Cases in the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, edited

by S.R. Gardiner_], 1631.

_In Camera Stellata, Michaelmas, 7o Caroli._

One Archer of Southchurch in Essex was brought _ore tenus_, being then

charged by Mr. Attorney-General for keeping in his corn, and

consequently for enhancing the price of corn the last year, which

offence Mr. Attorney affirmed to be of high nature and evil consequence,

to the undoing of the poor and _malum in se_, and then desired his

examination taken before the Lord Keeper might be read. His examination

purported that he had seen at the time of his examining a presentment

that was made against him by the Grand Jury at the last Assizes in Essex

before Justice Vernon for the said offence of keeping in his corn and

enhancing; and for that he had made a bargain to sell the poor of the

town where he dwelled rye for 7s. a bushell, and afterwards refused to

perform his bargain unless he might have nine shillings a bushell: he

denied his bargain, but for his excuse said, he sold to the towns about

him for the poor, wheat at 7s. and 8s. a bushell, and at the latter end

of the year for 5s., and rye for 7s., and 6s., etc., and some for 3s. and

6d. the bushell. He confessed he kept in his corn till June, and that he

had 8 quarters of wheat, 60 quarters of rye, and 100 quarters of oats,

and that his family were himself and his wife and daughters, two maids,

and a man; he confessed that he sold none or very little of his corn in

Rochford hundred where he dwelt, though he were commanded so to do by

the Earl of Warwick; yet for his defence he further alleged that his

barn was not visited by any justices or officers according to his

Majesty's late proclamation and orders for that purpose, and that he had

no notice of the said proclamation and orders; lastly, he confessed he

sold most of his corn at London and Chelmsford, and that he bought his

seed corn out of market, etc. His examination aforesaid was shewed to

him and he confessed it to be true, and acknowledged his hand thereunto

subscribed before it was read in court; and it being read, the Lord

Keeper demanded of Archer what he could there say for himself, and what

answer he would make to this accusation. The said Archer saith that he

could make no other answer than he had made in his examination, and

submitted himself to the mercy of the Court.

Mr. Attorney desired that their Lordships would proceed to sentence the

said Archer according to his desert, and withall prayed that a precedent

of a sentence given in the Star Chamber in the 29 and 30 of Queen

Elizabeth against one Framingham of Norfolk in the like case might be

read before their Lordships gave their sentence in this cause; and it

was read. The said Framingham was accused upon his own confession in

this Court _ore tenus_ for destroying of husbandry in making cottages of

his tenants' houses, taking away the land and letting it lie to pasture

in his own hands, and letting the cottages at dear rates, and

forstalling the markets, and enhancing the prices of corn, whereupon he

was fined 500l. to the Queen, and ordered to pay 40l. to the poor, and

to stand upon a stool in Cheapside with a paper on his head declaring

his offence, and to lay his land again to the cottages, and to let them

at reasonable rates.

Justice Harvey delivered his opinion, that whereas it hath pleased God

to send a plentiful year, and yet the price of corn continued very high,

himself and the rest of the Justices of the Peace that were in the last

Quarter Sessions in Hertfordshire assembled, did advise among themselves

how they might deal with the country to bring down the price, but they

were afraid to meddle with any thing upon experience of their ill-taking

what was so well intended by his Majesty, that by the late orders,

thereupon taking occasion to go on and raise the prices of corn higher;

he was of opinion that this man's punishment or example will do a great

deal more good than all their orders which they might have made at the

Sessions; and therefore he declared his offence to be very great, and

fit to be punished in this Court; and adjudged him to pay 100 marks fine

to the King, and 10l. to the poor, and to stand upon the pillory in

Newgate Market an hour with a paper, wherein the cause of his standing

there was to be written, put upon his hat, "For enhancing the price of

corn"; and then to be led through Cheapside to Leadenhall Market, and

there likewise to stand upon the pillory one hour more with the same

paper upon his hat, and after this to be sent to Chelmsford, and there

likewise in the market to stand upon the pillory.

Sir Thomas Richardson affirmed this offence to be an offence at the

common law long before the King's proclamation and orders, and also

against some statutes, that his keeping in his corn and not bringing it

into the next markets by little and little as he ought to have done, and

selling it at other markets when the price was as high as he would have

it, was an enhancing the price of corn, and that the Justices in Essex

did at the common law inquire of such enhancing the price of any

victuals, and corn was certainly victual, bread the staff of man's life,

and that keeping in of his corn in this manner was enhancing the prices

of corn, which is punishable by the statute as well as forestallings,

and approved of his Majesty's pious and honourable care for his people.

Also he observed in the defendant's confession that he was guilty of

forestalling the market, in buying seed corn out of market and not

bringing so much of his own to supply the same in the next market. He

therefore condemned the said Archer to be guilty of the said offences,

and agreed in his said fine to the King, and would have him pay as much

to the poor as the 100 marks wanted of 100l.

The Bishop of London[302] observed with Mr. Attorney that this was

_malum in se_, and that this Archer was guilty of a most foul offence,

which the Prophet hath in a very energetical phrase, "grinding the faces

of the poor." He commended highly that speech of Justice Harvey, that

this last year's famine was made by man and not by God, solicited by the

hard-heartedness of men, and commended this observation as being made by

his Majesty. And thereupon undertook to clear the wisdom of the Church,

in ordaining to pray to God that he would be pleased to turn his

scarcity and dearth, which cruel men (but He never) made, through His

goodness and mercy into cheapness and plenty. He said that God taketh

away the hardness and cruelty of men's hearts, which was the cause of

the famine or scarcity, and He only; and therefore the Church hath very

wisely ordained as aforesaid. He is glad to hear it declared to be an

offence against the common law of this realm; and, therefore, seeing it

had pleased God to load the earth so richly, and also to send so dry a

time for the inning the same in the harvest, for, if that had wanted,

all that abundance had been but an uncomfortable load, as we by our sins

had deserved and was threatened, and yet for all this plenty corn was at

an extreme rate, and they boast among themselves now they can keep their

corn as long as they list and no fear of moulding, he thinks fit this

man be made an example that others may fear to offend in the like kind.

And assenteth to his fine to be 100 marks, and thinks fit, seeing he

hath ground the faces of the poor, he should therefore help to seal them

again, and pay 10l. to the poor; and the rest of the former sentence he

assented unto. The Earl of Danby consented to the sentence in all,

adding that he should pay but 10l. to the poor, and to stand likewise

upon the pillory at the Palace, because some of all countries might take

notice thereof.

The Earl of Dorset concurred in his sentence with the Earl of Danby, and

commended my Lord Keeper and Mr. Attorney for their care and pains in

bringing him to justice, and wished that inquiry should be made if the

Justices of the Peace had made default in not visiting the said Archer's

barns. But as for the Earl of Warwick, Sir Thomas Richardson had well

declared that Lords and Peers of the Parliament were exempted from the

services of the said orders, and yet that the Lord of Warwick out of his

care had admonished him, etc.

Lord Privy Seal gave his sentence in few words, that Archer was guilty

by his own confession of a very great offence, and well worthy the

sentence aforesaid, and in full consented to it.

The Lord Keeper did affirm that it was indeed a good work to bring this

man forth to be here sentenced, but that it was brought about by means

of Justice Vernon, who informed him of the said Archer as being the only

man presented in all his circuit for offending in this kind, and that to

him this was to be attributed. He was of opinion, that the said Archer

was guilty of enhancing the price of corn by keeping in his corn, as is

confessed, in this time of scarcity, which was not a scarcity made by

God (for there was enough to be had at dear prices and high rates). He

affirmed the same to be an offence as well against the common law as

against some statutes, and also he would not leave out against his

Majesty's proclamation and orders, for his Lordship held there was an

aggravation to his offence. And his Lordship declared further (and

wished it might be taken notice of, as well as of what had already been

spoken, for that much had been said that day of singular use and benefit

for the commonwealth), that these were no new opinions. And to that

purpose showed that in the old charge to the quest of inquiry in the

King's Bench, this enhancing the prices, not only of corn but of any

other commodities, was inquirable and to be there punished; also [he]

cited a statute whereby those that agree to keep up the price of any

commodities, agreeing to sell all at one price, and those that raise

false news to bring down the price of any commodities from what they are

justly worth, are punishable; as those that raised news that there were

great wars beyond sea, and there would be no vent for cloth, and told

the same in the country at Coxsall, for that the prices of wools fell

there, and they were punished for it. And his Lordship vouched a

precedent of one for procuring the raising the price of a certain

commodity, for which he was informed against in the King's Bench, and

though his Counsel alleged that he had done nothing, he had but spoken,

and his offence was in words only, yet he was adjudged an enhancer for

but advising the same. And [he] vouched a statute or proclamation in the

time of H. 8 for setting the prices on corn, and the like orders and

proclamations in the times of E. 6, Queen Eliz. and King James, and

agreed it to be well spoken by the Earl of Dorset, that if any shall do

any thing tending to depopulation, over and besides his punishment, he

shall be enjoined to populate as much, as the said Framingham was: and

vouched a book case, where one complaining against another for letting

down a sea wall, so that not only his, but diverse other men's grounds

were surrounded, the judgment was given in the common pleas that the

plaintiff should recover his damages, and the defendant should also make

up the said wall at his costs and charges. And thereupon his said

Lordship consented to the highest censure against the said Archer for

his forestalling the market and keeping in his corn to the enhancing of

the price, to the great hurt of the common people, especially the poor

labourer: and committed Archer to the Fleet from whence he came.

[Footnote 302: _i.e._ Laud.]

SECTION V

THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE

1. Letters Patent granted to the Cabots by Henry VII, 1496--2. The

Merchant Adventurers' Case for Allowing the Export of Undressed

Cloth, 1514-36--3. The Rise in Prices, the Encouragement of Corn

growing, and the Protection of Manufactures, c. 1549--4. Sir Thomas

Gresham on the Fall of the Exchanges, 1558--5. The Reasons why

Bullion is Exported [_temp. Eliz._]--6. The Italian Merchants Explain

the Foreign Exchanges, 1576--7. An Act Avoiding divers Foreign Wares

made by Handicraftsmen Beyond the Seas, 1562--8. An Act Touching

Cloth Workers and Cloth Ready Wrought to be Shipped over the Sea,

1566--9. Incorporation of a Joint Stock Mining Company, 1568.--10. An

Act for the Increase of Tillage, 1571--11. Instructions for an

English Factor in Turkey, 1582--12. The Advantages of Colonies,

1583--13. Lord Burghley to Sir Christopher Hatton on the State of

Trade, 1587--14. A List of Patents and Monopolies, 1603--15.

Instructions Touching the Bill for Free Trade, 1604--16. The

Establishment of a Company to Export Dyed and Dressed Cloth in Place

of the Merchant Adventurers, 1616--17. Sir Julius Cæsar's proposals

for Reviving the Trade in Cloths, 1616--18. The Grant of a Monopoly

for the Manufacture of Soap, 1623--19. The Statute of Monopolies,

1623-4--20. An Act for the Free Trade of Welsh Cloths, 1623-4--21.

The Economic Policy of Strafford in Ireland, 1636--22. Revocation of

Commissions, Patents, and Monopolies Granted by the Crown, 1639--23.

Ordinance Establishing an Excise, 1643.

The attempts made between 1405 and 1660 to develop industry and commerce

are usually known as "the Mercantile System." But the name is an

unfortunate one. The mercantile system was not specially mercantile;

for, as preceding sections have shown, government interference was not

confined to matters of commerce; nor was it a system, but a collection

of opportunist expedients, nearly all of which had been tried in

preceding centuries. It is true, however, that after the accession of

Elizabeth, the efforts already made under Henry VII and Henry VIII to

foster commerce (_see_ Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des

Mittelalters_) were carried on with greater persistency and

deliberation. It is from this period, therefore, that the documents in

this section are principally drawn.

The most pressing economic problem in the middle of the sixteenth

century was the fall in the value of money, caused, principally, by the

influx of silver from America, but to a less extent by the debasement of

the currency, which led to a rise in prices (No. 3), and a disturbance

of the foreign exchanges (Nos. 4 and 5), and which could be met to some

small extent by calling in the base coin (Nos. 4 and 5). This the

government did in 1560. In 1570, in its anxiety to prevent the efflux of

bullion, it took steps to impose a special tax on all exchange

transactions, but such a tax was really a tax on banking, and its

consequences, according to the business houses concerned, were

disastrous (No. 6). The most certain way, however, of securing adequate

supplies of bullion was thought to consist in checking imports and

encouraging exports (Nos. 3 and 5); and the policy was strengthened by

other considerations (No. 3). The general policy under Elizabeth was to

discourage imports in order to prevent unemployment at home (Nos. 3 and

7), to encourage corn-growing by allowing the export of wheat, except in

times of scarcity, on payment of a small duty (Nos. 3 and 10), and to

encourage the export of manufactured articles rather than of raw

materials, especially the export of dyed and finished cloth (Nos. 3, 8,

11 and 12), any interruption of which caused distress (No. 13). The

policy which had been pursued under Henry VIII threatened the vested

interests of the Merchants Adventurers, who complained that they could

not find markets for finished cloth (No. 2). In the reign of James I a

more ambitious attempt was made in the same direction, and in 1614, when

the abrupt dissolution of Parliament had left the government in

financial difficulties, a plan was initiated for preventing the

exportation of cloths not dyed and dressed in England. As the Merchant

Adventurers refused to be a party to it, a new company was established

to carry on the desired trade, and was granted a charter in 1616 (No.

16). The result of this policy was a tariff war with the Netherlands and

acute distress at home, and, after various suggestions for reviving

trade had been made (No. 17), the abandonment of the undertaking. The

political motives of mercantilism, as well as its economic aims, are

illustrated by Strafford's account of his policy in Ireland (No. 21). Of

more enduring importance, perhaps, than mercantilist schemes were the

development of Joint-Stock Companies (No. 9), the expansion of

commercial enterprize (No. 11), and the attempts to establish colonies

(No. 12).

Among the methods for fostering industry, and incidentally for raising

an unparliamentary revenue, the granting of patents and monopolies holds

an important place. These patents ranged from grants of the sole conduct

of important industries (Nos. 14 and 18) to grants of trifling offices

of profit and pensions (Nos. 14 and 22). The reaction against the

interference of the Crown with trade is excellently expressed in the

report of the Committee on "the Bill for Free Trade" (No. 15), a

document which, in spite of the fact that the Bill was dropped, is of

the highest economic and constitutional importance (_see_ Gardiner, Vol.

I, pp. 188-190). It is concerned primarily with monopolies enjoyed by

trading companies, such as the Company of Merchant Adventurers, the

Eastland Company, and the Russia Company. But its arguments apply _a

fortiori_ to patents granted to individuals, and throw much light on the

nature of the economic opposition to the Stuarts. The effect of the

attitude of Parliament was seen later in the Act abolishing internal and

local restrictions on the trade in woollen cloths (No. 20), in the

Statute of Monopolies (No. 19), and in the revocation by Charles in 1639

of patents granted during the period of personal government (No. 22).

The place occupied by monopolies in the Stuarts' fiscal system was

later, when the Civil War began, partially filled by the Excise (No.

23).

AUTHORITIES

There is no book covering the commercial history of the whole period.

The most useful works are:--Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen

Ende des Mittelalters_; Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce,

Modern Times_, Part I; Scott, _Constitution and Finance of English

Joint Stock Companies_; Busch, _England Under the Tudors_; Gardiner,

_History of England 1603-1642_; Unwin, _Industrial Organization in

the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_; Rogers, _English Industrial

and Commercial Supremacy_, and _The Economic Interpretation of

History_; Ehrenberg, _Das Zeitalter der Fugger_; Price, _The English

Patents of Monopoly_; Hewins, _English Trade and Finance in the

Seventeenth Century_; Kennedy, _English Taxation, 1640-1799_;

Schmoller, _Mercantilism_ (translated by Ashley); Keith, _Commercial

Relations Between England and Scotland_; Murray, _Commercial

Relations Between England and Ireland_; Beer, _The Old Colonial

System_; Durham, _Relations of the Crown to Trade under James I_

(Trans. R.H.S., New Series, Vol. XIII).

The student may also consult the following:--

(1) _Documentary Sources_:--Gairdner, Letters and Papers of Henry

VIII; S.P. Dom. from 1558 to 1660; The Acts of the Privy Council; The

Commons Journals; and the Statutes of the Realm, which are

particularly instructive on the subject of commercial policy. An

invaluable collection of documents is given by Schanz, _op. cit._,

Vol. II; and useful, though smaller ones, by Scott, Price,

Cunningham, and Unwin.

(2) _Literary Sources_:--Starkey, Dialogue Between Cardinal Pole and

Thomas Lupset; The Italian Narration of England (Camden E.E.T.S.

Society, 1847); Dudley, The Tree of Commonwealth (1509); Drei

Volkswirtschaftliche Denkschriften aus der Zeit Heinrich VIII von

England, edited by Pauli; The Commonwealth of this Realm of England;

Wilson, Discourse upon Usury (1572); Malynes, A Treatise of the

Canker of England's Commonwealth (1601); Wheeler, Treatise of

Commerce (1601); Malynes, Consuetudo vel Lex Mercatoria (1622);

Misselden, Free Trade (1622); Bacon, History of King Henry VII

(1622); Knowler, Letters and Despatches of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of

Strafford; Robinson, England's Safety in Trade's Increase (1641).

1. LETTERS PATENT GRANTED TO THE CABOTS BY HENRY VII [_R.O. Pat. 4 Ed.

VI, p. 6_], 1496.

The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. It is manifest to us by

inspection of the rolls of our Chancery that the lord Henry the Seventh,

late King of England, our dearest grand father, caused his letters

patent to be made in these words:

Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of

Ireland, to all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting. Be it

known and manifest that we have given and granted, and by these presents

we do give and grant for us and our heirs to our beloved John Cabot,

citizen of Venice, and Lewis, Sebastian and Sanctus, sons of the said

John, and the heirs and deputies of them and every of them, full and

free authority, faculty and power to sail to all parts, regions and

gulfs of the sea, east, west and north, under our banners, standards,

and ensigns, with five ships or boats of whatsoever portage or kind they

be, and with as many sailors and men as they wish to take with them in

the said ships at their own and the others' costs and expenses, to find,

discover and search out any isles, countries, regions or provinces of

heathens and infidels whomsoever set in any part of the world soever,

which have been before these times unknown to all Christians. We have

granted also to the same and to every of them and to the heirs and

deputies of them and every of them, and given licence for them to affix

our aforesaid banners and ensigns in any town, castle, isle or solid

land soever newly found by them; and that the aforenamed John and his

sons or heirs and the deputies of the same may subjugate, occupy and

possess any such towns, castles and islands found by them which can be

subjugated, occupied and possessed, as our vassals and governors,

lieutenants and deputies of the same, acquiring for us the lordship,

title and jurisdiction of the same towns, castles, islands and solid

land so found; so, nevertheless, that of all fruits, profits,

emoluments, commodities, gains and obventions arising from such voyages,

the aforesaid John and his sons and heirs and their deputies be held and

bound to pay to us for every voyage, as often as they touch at our port

of Bristol, at which alone they are held and bound to touch, after

deducting the necessary costs and expenses made by them, a fifth part of

their capital gain made whether in wares or in money; giving and

granting to them and their heirs and deputies that they be free and

immune from all payment of customs on all and singular goods and wares

which they bring back with them from those places so newly found. And

further we have given and granted to the same and to their heirs and

deputies that all lands, farms, isles, towns, castles and places

whatsoever found by them, as many as shall be found by them, may not be

frequented or visited by any other our subjects soever without licence

of the aforesaid John and his sons and their deputies, under pain of

loss as well of the ships or boats as of all goods whatsoever presuming

to sail to those places so found; willing and most straitly commanding

all and singular our subjects set as well on land as on sea that they

give good assistance to the aforesaid John and his sons and deputies and

show all their favour and aid as well in manning the ships or boats as

in provision of equipment and victuals to be bought for their money and

all other things to be provided for them to be taken for the said

voyage. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be

made. Witness myself at Westminster, 5 April in the 11th year of our

reign.

And we, because the letters aforesaid have been lost by mischance, as

the aforesaid Sebastian, appearing in person before us in our Chancery,

has taken a corporal oath, and that he will restore those letters to us

into the same our Chancery to be cancelled there, if he shall find them

hereafter, have deemed fit to exemplify by these presents the tenour of

the enrolment of the letters aforesaid, at the request of the same

Sebastian. In witness whereof these our letters, etc. Witness the King

at Westminster, 4 June.

2. THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS' CASE FOR ALLOWING THE EXPORT OF UNDRESSED

CLOTH [_Br. M. Cotton MS. Tib. D. VIII, f. 40_[303]], 1514-1536.

Considerations alleged by the governor and fellowship of merchant

adventurers to prove how it were more for the universal wealth of the

realm of England to convey and send over the sea to the markets

accustomed cloths of all prices, not dressed nor shorn, than cloths

dressed and shorn.

First it is to be noted, marked and considered, that in few years after

the act of Parliament made, that no sort of cloths draped and made

within the realm of England being above the price of five marks sterling

the piece should be conveyed over the sea undressed and unshorn, the

same sort of cloths, which at that day were bought for five marks, be

now at this present day by the industry of the said merchants uttering

the said cloths sold within the realm for four pounds sterling, which is

a great enriching of the whole realm, so that the said merchants think

it to stand with reason and conscience, that those sort of cloths, of

four pounds the piece, ought to be reputed and taken, in regard of the

act, after cloths of five marks the piece.

_Item_ the merchants of those parts buying English cloths will in no

wise meddle with any cloths, that be dressed, unless they may have them

at a price far under the foot; for it is in experience daily, that the

merchants of England conveying over the sea a sort of cloths every of

them being of like length and goodness, whereof the one half of them

have dressed and shorn and the other half undressed and unshorn, the

said merchants shall sell those cloths being undressed five shillings

dearer in every cloth, than those that be dressed; also those cloths

undressed be meet and ready for every man and the other dressed but only

for one man, so that against one cloth dressed the merchants of England

shall sell five hundred undressed, whereby it appeareth, that it were

for the common weal and great enriching to the realm of England to send

over into those parts all sorts of cloths undressed and but a singular

and private wealth to dress any such cloths; for there be many more in

number, that live by making of cloths and selling of the same, than

there be that live by dressing of cloths.

_Item_ the common people of those parts, by whom the most part of those

cloths be consumed, do use in their garments sundry colours not

accustomed to be worn here in England, which colours cannot be made,

unless they buy their cloths undressed; for the dressing of cloths here

and there vary and alter so much, that the dressing will take in manner

none of their colours. And in case the merchants of England should bring

over such cloths dressed, they should not only be undone in the sale of

them, but also it were to be doubted, that in brief time after they

would wholly relinquish the buying and wearing of any English cloths in

those parts, which God defend.

_Item_ there be certain coarse cloths named long Glemsters, and

notwithstanding their coarseness the King's Grace is paid for a cloth

and a third part in his custom; and if the buyer will cut off 6 or 8

yards of the said cloth, he may lawfully convey it over notwithstanding

the act, which should be a great loss in the sale and an occasion that

the strangers should not buy them, wherefore the said governor and

merchants say, that the said cloths ought of right to pass for cloths

under five marks the piece.

_Item_ at this present day, our Lord be thanked, there is shipped and

conveyed out of England into those parts more number of cloths of all

sorts and there uttered sold and consumed, than ever hath been in memory

of man; and considering, cloth is now there in such high estimation and

hath so good vent, the said merchants think, under correction, that it

were not necessary, but an utter peril and danger, to attempt them to

any other purpose to alter them out of this good trade, which our Lord

continue.

_Item_ the inhabitants of those parts by the make of English cloths in

frieze consume, waste and spend a great quantity and number of them,

which frieze undoubtedly after their using and wearing cannot be made of

English cloths dressed here, so that by the only means thereof it should

be a great diminution and decay to the common weal of this realm, if the

said act for dressing of cloths should take place or effect.

_Item_ the inhabitants of the realm of England have the buying and

selling of the wool, one with another, they have also the carding,

spinning, weaving, fulling and the first sale of such cloths, and the

inhabitants of those parts have only the dressing and shearing of

certain of the said cloths, whereby the inhabitants there been a little

relieved and a few number of them for a time set to work; yet by means

thereof the rulers and honest burgesses of the towns be desirous to have

the nation of England to haunt their said towns, and entertain them with

much familiarity and friendship. And it is much to be feared and

doubted, that if the realm of England should all covet and they to have

no relief nor comfort by the same, that they of Antwerp and other

places, studying their common weal, would not only find means ways and

occasions to expel the nation from them, but also that no English cloths

should be there consumed nor sold, which our Lord defend.

[Footnote 303: Quoted Schanz, Vol. II, pp. 571-3.]

3. THE RISE IN PRICES, THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF CORN-GROWING, AND THE

PROTECTION OF MANUFACTURES [_The Commonweal of this Realm of England_],

_c._ 1549.

_f. 17b-f. 20._

_Knight._ How can that be? What maketh it the matter what sort of coin

we have amongst ourselves, so it be current from one hand to another,

yea, if it were made of leather?

_Doctor._ Ye see, men commonly say so; but the truth is contrary; as not

only I could prove by common reason, but also that proof and experience

hath already declared the same. But now we do not reason of the causes

of these griefs, but what state of men be grieved indeed by this dearth

of things; and albeit I find every man grieved by it in one thing or

other, yet considering that, as many of them as have wares to sell, do

enhance as much in the price of all things that they sell as was

enhanced before in the price of things that they must buy; as the

merchant, if he buy dear, he will sell dear again. So the artificers, as

cappers, clothiers, shoemakers and farriers, have respect large enough,

in selling their wares, to the price of victual, wool and iron, which

they buy. I have seen a cap for 14d., as good as I can get now for 2s.

5d.; of cloth ye have heard how the price is risen. Then a pair of shoes

costeth me 12d. now, that I have in my days bought a better for 6d. Then

I can get never a horse shod under 10d. or 12d. [now], where I have seen

the common price was 6d. for shoeing of a horse round, yea, and 8d. (at

the most) till now of late. I cannot, therefore, understand that these

men have greatest grief by this common and universal dearth, but rather

such as have their livings and stipends rated at a certainty, as common

labourers at 6d. the day, journeymen of all occupations, serving men

[at] 40s. the year, and gentlemen whose lands are let out by them or

their ancestors either for lives or for term of years, so as they can

not enhance the rent thereof though they would, and yet have the price

enhanced by them of every thing that they buy. Yea the King's Highness,

whereof we spake nothing all this while, as he hath most of yearly

revenues and that certain, so hath he most lost by this dearth, and by

the alteration especially of the coin. For like as a man, that hath a

great number of servants under him, if he would grant that they should

pay him [pins] weekly where [before] they paid him [pence], I think he

should be most loser himself. So we be all but gatherers for the King's

Majesty, that be his subjects; we have but every man a poor living; the

clear gains cometh for the most [part] to the King's grace. Now if his

Grace do take of us the overplus of our getting in this new coin, where

he was wont to be paid in other good coin, I report me to you whether

that will go as far as the other, in proportion of his necessaries and

of the Realm. I think plainly no; for though his Highness might, within

his own realm, have things at his own price, as his Grace can not indeed

without great grudge of his magistrates and subjects; yea, since his

Majesty must have from beyond the seas many things necessary not only

for his Grace's household and ornaments, as well for his grace's person

and family, as of his horses, which [percase] might be by his Grace

somewhat moderated, but also for the furniture of his wars, which by no

means can be spared; as armour, and all kinds of artillery, anchors,

cables, pitch, tar, iron, steel, handguns, gunpowder, and many other

things more than I can reckon, which his Grace must needs buy from

beyond the seas, at the price the stranger will set him them at. I pass

over the enhancement of the charges of his Grace's household, which is

common to his grace with all other noble men. [Therefore], I say, his

Majesty hath most loss, by this common dearth, of all other; and not

only loss, but danger to the Realm and all his subjects, if his Grace

should want treasure to purchase the said habiliments and necessaries

for war, or to find soldiers in time of need, which passeth all other

private losses that we spake of.

_Capper._ We hear say, that the King's Majesty maketh up his losses that

way by the gains which he hath by the mint another way. If that be too

short, he supplieth that lack by subsidies and impositions of his

subjects, so as his Grace can not lack, so long as his subjects have it.

_Doctor._ You say well there. So long as the subjects have it, so it is

meet the King should have it; but what and they have it not? for they

cannot have it, when there is no treasure left within the realm. And as

touching the mint I account the profit much like as if a man would take

his wood up by the roots, to make [the more profit thereof at one time,

and ever after to lose] the profit that might grow thereof yearly, or to

pull the wool of his sheep by the root. And as for the subsidies; how

can they be large when the subjects have little to depart with? and yet

that way of gathering treasure is not always most safe for the prince's

surety; for we see many times the profits of such subsidies spent in

appeasing of the people that are moved to sedition partly by occasion

of the same....

* * * * *

_f. 31b-f. 34._

_Doctor._ Mary, the first way [_sc._ to equalize the profits of tillage

and pasture-farming] is to make that wool be of as base a price [to] the

breeder thereof as the corn is; and that shall be, if you make alike

restraint of wools, for passing over the sea unwrought, as ye make of

corn. Ye have a law made that no corn shall pass over and it be above a

noble a quarter; if it be under ye give free liberty for it to pass

over; let wool be restrained likewise, for passing over, so long as it

is above 12s. 4d. the tod; and when it is under let it have free

passage; that is one way. Another is, to increase the custom of wool

that passeth over unwrought; and by that the price of it shall be based

to the breeders, and yet the price over the sea shall be never the less.

But that is increased in the price thereof [on] strangers shall come

unto the King's Highness; which is as profitable to the Realm as though

it came to the breeders, and might relieve them of their subsidies. Thus

far as touching the bringing down the price of wools; now to the

enhancing of the same price in corn, to be as equivalent to the

husbandman as wool should be. And that might be brought to pass if ye

will let it have as free passage over sea at all times, as ye have now

for wool.

_Merchant._ By the first two ways men would send less wool over sea than

they do now; and, by that way, the King's customs and profits of his

staple should be minished; by your latter way, the price of corn should

be much enhanced, wherewith men should be much grieved.

_Doctor._ I wot well it would be dear at the first; but if I can

persuade you that it were reasonable it were so, and that the same could

be no hindrance to the Realm universally, but great profit to the same,

then I think we would be content it should be so; and as touching the

King's custom, I will speak afterward.

_Merchant._ I will grant, if you can show me that.

_Doctor._ I will essay it, albeit the matter be somewhat intricate, and

as I showed you before, at the first face will displease many; for they

will say, Would you make corn dearer than it is? Have you dearth enough

else without that? Nay I pray you find means to have it better cheap, if

it may be, it is dear enough already; and such other like reasons would

be said. But now let the husbandman answer such men again. Have not the

grazers raised the price of your wools and pelts? and you merchant men,

clothiers and cappers, raised the price of your merchandize and wares

over it was wont to be in manner double? Is it not as good reason then I

should raise the price of my corn? What reason is it that you should be

at large, and I to be restrained? Either let us all be restrained

together, or else let us all be at like liberty. Ye may sell [your wool]

over the sea, your fells, your tallow, your cheese, your butter, your

leather, which riseth all by grazings, at your pleasure, and that for

the dearest penny ye can get for them. And I shall not send out my corn,

except it be at 10d. the bushel or under. That is as much to say, as we

that be husbandmen should not sell our wares, except it be for nothing,

or for so little we shall not be able to live thereof. Think you that if

the husbandman here did speak these words, that he did not speak them

reasonable?

_Husbandman._ I thank you with all my heart; for you have spoken in the

matter more than I could do myself, and yet nothing but that is true. We

felt the harm, but we wist not what was the cause thereof; many of us

saw, 12 years ago, that our profits was but small by the ploughs; and

therefore divers of my neighbours that had, in times past, some two,

some three, some four ploughs of their own, have laid down, some of them

[part, and some of them all] their teams, and turned either part or all

their arable ground into pasture, and thereby have waxed very rich men.

And every day some of us encloseth a [plot] of his ground to pasture;

and were it not that our ground lieth in the common fields, intermingled

one with another, I think also our fields had been enclosed, of a common

agreement of all the township, long ere this time. And to say the truth,

I, that have enclosed little or nothing of my ground, could [never be

able] to make up my lord's rent were it not for a little breed of neat,

sheep, swine, geese, and hens that I do rear upon my ground; whereof,

because the price is somewhat round, I make more clear profit than I do

of all my corn; and yet I have but a bare living, by reason that many

things do belong to husbandry which now be exceeding chargeable over

they were in times past.

_Capper._ Though this reason of master doctor's here doth please you

well that be husbandmen, yet it pleaseth us that be artificers nothing

at all, which must buy both bread, corn and malt for our penny. And

whereas you, master doctor, say it were as good reason that the

husbandman would raise the price of his corn, and have as free vent of

the same over sea as we [do and have of our wares], I cannot greatly

deny that; but yet I say, that every man hath need of corn, and so they

have not of other wares so much.

_Doctor._ Therefore the more necessary that corn is, the more be the men

to be cherished that reared it; for if they see there be not so much

profit in using the plough as they see in other feats, think you not

that they will leave that trade, and fall to the other that they see

more profitable? as ye may perceive by the doings of this honest man's

neighbours, which have turned their arable land to pasture, because they

see more profit by pasture than by tillage. Is it not an old saying in

[Latin], _honos alit artes_, that is to say, profit or advancement

nourisheth every faculty; which saying is so true, that it is allowed by

the common judgement of all men. We must understand also that all things

that should be done in a common wealth be not to be forced, or to be

constrained by the straight penalties of the law; but some so, and some

other by allurement and rewards rather. For what law can compel men to

be industrious in travail, and labour of their bodies, or studious to

learn any science or knowledge of the mind? to these things they may be

well provoked, encouraged, and allured, if they that be industrious and

painful be well rewarded for their pains, and be suffered to take gains

and wealth as reward of their labours. And so likewise [they] that be

learned, if they be advanced and honoured according to their forwardness

in learning, every man will then study either to be industrious in

bodily labour, or studious in things that pertain to knowledge. Take

this reward from them, and go about to compel them by laws thereto, what

man will plough or dig the ground, or exercise any manual occupation

wherein is any pain? Or who will adventure over seas for any

merchandise? or use any faculty wherein any peril or danger should be,

seeing his reward shall be no more than his that sitteth still? But ye

will percase answer me, that all their rewards shall not be taken away,

but part of it. Yet then you must grant me, that as if all their rewards

were taken from them, all these faculties must needs decay; so if part

of that reward be minished, the use of those faculties shall minish

withall, after the rate; and so they shall be the less occupied, the

less they be rewarded and esteemed. But now to our purpose; I think it

more necessary to devise a mean how husbandry might be more occupied,

rather than less, which I cannot perceive how it may be brought to pass,

but as men do see the more gains therein, the gladder they will occupy

the feat. And this to be true [that] some things in a common wealth must

be forced with pains and some by rewards allured [may appear] by that

that the wise and politic senator Tully writeth, saying, that it was the

words of Solon, which was one of the seven men of Greece, and of those

seven the only man that made laws, that a common wealth was holden up by

things chiefly, that is, by reward and pain; of which words I gather

that men should be provoked to good deeds by rewards and price, and [to]

abstain from evil doings by pains. Trow you, if husbandmen be not better

cherished and provoked than they be to exercise to plough, but in

process of time so many ploughs will be laid down (as I fear me there be

already) that if an unfruitful year should happen amongst, us, as

commonly doth once in seven years, we should then not have only dearth,

but also such scarceness of corn, that we should be driven to seek it

from outward parts, and pay dear for it....

* * * * *

_f. 34b-f. 38._

_Doctor._ You have heard that by the free vent and sale of corn, the

husbandman's profit is advanced. Then it is showed how every man

naturally will follow that wherein he seeth most profit. Therefore men

will the gladder occupy husbandry. And the more do occupy husbandry, the

more plenty of corn must needs be; and the more plenty of corn there is,

thereof better cheap; and also the more will be spared over that that

shall suffice the realm; and then, that may be spared in a good year

shall bring us again other corn, or else the commodities of other

countries necessary for us. Then the more husbandry is occupied, the

more universal breed should be of all victuals, as of neat, sheep,

swine, geese, eggs, butter, and cheese, for all these are reared much of

corn.

_Knight._ If men should sell, when a good reasonable year is, all that

is overplus when the realm is served, what should we do if a barren year

should happen, when no store of corn is left of the good year before?

_Doctor._ First, you must consider that men be sure they will keep

enough to serve themselves within the realm, or they sell any forth of

the same; and having liberty to sell at their pleasure, doubt ye not,

but they had liefer sell their corn 2d. or 4d. better cheap within the

realm, than to be at charges with carrying, and peril of adventure, in

sending it over the sea, and sell it dearer (except it be for much more

gains). And thus men, being provoked with lucre, will keep the more

corn, looking for a dear year in the country, whereby must need be the

greater store. And though they did not so, but should sell over the sea

all that they might spare over that serveth the realm when the year is

plentiful, yet by reason that, through the means aforesaid, more ploughs

are set to work than would suffice the realm in a plentiful year, if a

scarce year should fall after, the corn of so many ploughs, as in a good

year would be more than enough, in [an unfruitful] year at the least

should be sufficient to serve the realm. And so should the realm be

served with enough of corn in a scarce year, and in a plenteous year no

more than enough, which might be sold over the sea for great treasure or

other commodities; where now, in a plentiful year, we seek to have as

much as may suffice the realm. Then if a scarce year should happen, we

must needs lack of our own to serve, and be driven to buy from beyond

the sea. And then, if they were as envious as we are, might they not

say, when we required any corn of them, that seeing they could get none

from us, when we had plenty, why should they let us have any corn when

we have scarcity? Surely common reason would that one region should help

another when it lacketh. And therefore God hath ordained that no country

should have all commodities; but that, that one lacketh, another

bringeth forth, and that, that one country lacketh this year, another

hath plenty thereof the same year, to the intent that one may know they

have need of another's help, and thereby love and society to grow

amongst all the more. But here we will do as though we had need of no

other country in the earth, but to live all of ourselves; and [as]

though we might make the market of all things as we list ourselves; for

though God is bountiful unto us and sendeth us many great commodities,

yet we could not live without the commodities of others. And, for an

ensample, of iron [and] salt, though we have competently thereof, yet we

have not the third part to suffice the realm; and that [can] in no wise

be spared if we will occupy husbandry. Then tar, resin, pitch, oil,

steel, we have none at all; as for wines, spices, linen cloth, silks,

and collars, though we might live so without them, yet far from any

civility should it be. As I deny not [but many things we might have here

sufficiently that we buy now beyond the seas, and] many things we might

spare wholly; whereof, if time shall serve, I will talk more hereafter.

But now to return to the first point that I spake of before, to be one

of the means to bring husbandry up, that is by abasing the estimation of

wool and fells; though I take not that way to be as good as the other,

for I do not allow that mean that may base any of our commodities except

it be for the enhancement of a better commodity, but if both commodities

may be enhanced together, as by the last device I think they might be, I

allow that way better; nevertheless whereas you, brother merchant,

showed before that either by restraining of wools or other commodities,

till they were equivalent within the realm after the rate of the corn,

or by enhancing the custom of wool and other the said commodities, were

brought like to the corn in proportion, the King's Highness' custom

should be minished, I think not so. For the one way, as much as he

should have for the more wool vented over, so much should he have for

the less wool at a greater custom vented over. And the other way is, as

much as his Grace should lose by his custom of wool, so much or more

should his Grace win by the custom of clothes made within the realm. But

one thing I do note by this latter device, that if they should take

place, we must do; that is, if we keep within us much of our

commodities, we must spare many other things that we have now from

beyond the seas; for we must always take heed that we buy no more of

strangers than we sell them [for so we should empoverish ourselves and

enrich them]. For he were no good husband that hath no other yearly

revenues but of husbandry to live on, that will buy more in the market

than he selleth again. And that is a point we might save much by of our

treasure, in this realm, if we would. And I marvel no man taketh heed

unto it, what number first of trifles cometh hither from beyond the

seas, that we might either clean spare, or else make them within our own

realm, for the which we pay inestimable treasure every year, or else

exchange substantial wares and necessary for them, for the which we

might receive great treasure. Of the which sort I mean glasses, as well

looking as drinking, as to glass windows, dials, tables, cards, balls,

puppets, penhorns, inkhorns, toothpicks, gloves, knives, daggers,

pouches, brooches, agletes, buttons of silk and silver, earthen pots,

pins, points, hawk's bells, paper both white and brown, and a thousand

like things, that might either be clean spared, or else made within the

realm sufficient for us. And as for some things, they make it of our own

commodities and send it us again; whereby they set their people on work,

and do exhaust much treasure out of this realm. As of our wool they make

cloth, caps, and carses; of our fells they make Spanish skins, gloves,

girdles; of our tin, salts, spoons and dishes; of our broken linen cloth

and rags, paper both white and brown. What treasure, think you, goeth

out of this realm for every of these things? And then for all together

it exceedeth my estimation. There is no man that can be contented with

any other gloves than is made in France or in Spain; or carse, but it

must be of Flanders dye; nor cloth, but it must be of French dye or

fresadow; nor brooch nor aglet, but of Venice making or Milanese; nor

dagger, sword, nor girdle, or knife, but of Spanish making; no, not so

much as a spur, but it must be fetched at the milliner's hand. I have

seen within these twenty years, when there were not of these

haberdashers that sell French or Milan caps, glasses, as well looking as

drinking, yea, all manner vessels of the same stuff; painted cruses, gay

daggers, knives, swords, and girdles that is able to make any temperate

man to gaze on them, and to buy somewhat, though it serve to no purpose

necessary. What need they beyond the sea to travel to Peru or such far

country, or to try out the sands of the river Tagus in Spain [Pactolus]

in Asia and Ganges in India, to get amongst them small sparks of gold,

or to dig the bowels of the earth, for the mine of silver and gold, when

they can of unclean clay, not far sought for, and of [pebble] stones

and fern roots make [good] gold and silver more than a great many of

gold mines would make. I think not so little as a hundred thousand pound

a year is fetched of our treasure for things of no value of themselves,

but only for the labours of the workers of the same, which are set on

work all of our charges. What grossness be we of, that see it and suffer

such a continual spoil to be made of our goods and treasure, by such

means and specially, that will suffer our own commodities to go, and set

strangers on work, and then to buy them again at their hands; as of our

wool they make and dye carses, fresadows, broadcloths, and caps beyond

the seas, and bring them hither to be sold again; wherein note, I pray

you, what they do make us pay at the end for our stuff again, for the

stranger custom, for the workmanship, and colours, and lastly for the

second custom in the return of the wares into the realm again; whereas,

with working the same within our realm, our own men should be set on

work at the charges of strangers; the custom should be borne all by

strangers to the king, and the clear gains to remain within the

realm....

* * * * *

_f. 53b-f. 55._

And now, because we are entered into communication of artificers, I will

make this division of them. Some of them do but bring money out of the

country; some other, that which they do get, they spend again in the

country; and the third sort of artificers be they that do bring treasure

into the country. Of the first, I reckon all mercers, grocers, vintners,

haberdashers, milliners, and such as do sell wares growing beyond the

seas, and do fetch out our treasure of the same. Which kind of

artificers, as I reckon them tolerable, and yet are not so necessary in

a commonwealth but they might be best spared of all other; yet if we had

not other artificers, to bring in as much treasure as they bring forth,

we should be great losers by them. Of the second sort be these:

shoemakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, tilers, butchers, brewers,

bakers, victuallers of all sorts, which like as they get their living in

the country, so they spend it; but they bring in no treasure unto us.

Therefore we must [cherish] well the third sort; and these be clothiers,

tanners, cappers, and worsted makers only that I know, [which] by their

misteries and faculties, do bring in any treasure. As for our wool,

fells, tin, lead, butter and cheese, these be the commodities that the

ground bears, requiring the industry of a few persons; and if we should

only trust to such, and devise nothing else to occupy ourselves, a few

persons would serve us for the rearing of such things, and few also [it

would] find; and so should the realm be like a [grange], better

furnished with beasts than with men; whereby it might be subject to the

spoil of other nations about. Which is the more to be feared and

eschewed, because the country of his own kind is apt to bring forth such

things, as is said before, for the breed of cattle, than for such things

as [be] for the nourishment of men, if Pomponius Mela be to be believed,

which describing the island, saith thus: _plana, ingens, fecunda, verum

iis que pecora quam homines benignius alunt_. That is to say, it is

plain, large and plentiful, but of those things that nourisheth beasts

more kindly than men. So many forests, chases, parks, marshes and waste

grounds, that be more here than most commonly elsewhere, declare the

same not to be all in vain that he affirms; that hath not so much arable

ground, vines, olives, fruits, and such as be most necessary for the

food of men. And as they require many hands in the culture, so they find

most persons food; as France, Spain and divers other countries have.

Therefore as much ground, as here is apt for those things, would be

[turned] (as much as may be) to such uses as may find most persons. And

over that, towns and cities would be replenished with all kinds of

artificers; not only clothiers which as yet were our natural occupation,

but with cappers, glovers, paper makers, glasiers, pointers, goldsmiths,

blacksmiths of all sorts, coverlet makers, needle makers, pinners and

such other; so as we should not only have enough of such things to serve

our realm, and save an infinite treasure that goeth now over for so many

of the same, but also might spare of such things ready wrought to be

sold over, whereby we should fetch again other necessary commodities and

treasures. And thus should be both replenished the realm of people able

to defend it, and also win much treasure to the same. Such occupations

alone do enrich divers countries, that be else barren of themselves; and

what riches they bring to the country where they be well used, the

country of Flanders and Germany do well declare; where, through such

occupations, it hath so many and wealthy cities, that were incredible

in so little ground to be. Wherefore in my mind they are far wide of

right consideration, that would have none or less clothing within the

realm, because it is sometimes occasion of business or tumults, for lack

of vent. There is nothing every way so commodious or necessary for men's

use, but it is sometime by ill handling occasion of displeasure; no, not

fire and water, that be so necessary as nothing can be more.

4. SIR THOMAS GRESHAM ON THE FALL OF THE EXCHANGES [_Burgon's Life and

Times of Sir Thomas Gresham, Vol. I, Appendix No. XXI, pages 483-486_].

1558.

To the Queen's most excellent Majesty.

It may please your Majesty to understand, that the first occasion of the

fall of the exchange did grow by the King's Majesty, your late father,

in abasing his coin from vi ounces fine to iii ounces fine. Whereupon

the exchange fell from xxvis. viiid. to xiiis. ivd. which was the

occasion that all your fine gold was conveyed out of this your realm.

Secondly, by the reason of his wars, the King's Majesty fell into great

debt in Flanders. And for the payment thereof they had no other device

but pay it by exchange, and to carry over his fine gold for the payment

of the same.

Thirdly, the great freedom of the Steelyard and granting of licence for

the carrying of your wool and other commodities out of your realm, which

is now one of the chief points that your Majesty hath to foresee in this

your common weal; that you never restore the steads called the Steelyard

again to their privilege, which hath been the chief point of the undoing

of this your realm, and the merchants of the same.

Now, for redress of these things, in an. xvcli [1551] the King's

Majesty, your late brother, called me to be his agent, and reposed a

more trust in me, as well for the payment of his debts beyond the seas,

as for the raising of the exchange, being then at xvs. and xvis. the

pound; and your money current, as it is at this present, being not in

value xs. First, I practised with the King and my lord of Northumberland

to overthrow the Steelyard, or else it could not be brought to pass, for

that they would keep down the exchange by this consideration; whereas

your own merchants payeth outwards xivd. upon a cloth custom, they pay

but ixd.; and likewise, for all such wares as was brought into your

realm, your own mere merchants payeth xiid. upon the pound, the

Steelyard paid but iiid. upon the pound, which is vs. difference upon

the hundredth: and as they were men that ran all upon the exchange for

the buying of their commodities, what did they pass to give a lower

price than your own merchants, when they got vl. in the hundred by your

custom? Which in process of time would have undone your whole realm, and

your merchants of the same.

Secondly, I practised with the King's Majesty, your brother, to come in

credit with his own mere merchants: and when time served, I practised

with them at a set shipping, the exchange being still at xvis., that

every man should pay the King xvs. upon a cloth in Antwerp, to pay at

double usage xxs. in London; which the King's Majesty paid them royally,

which did amount to the sum of lxml. And so, vi months after, I

practised the like upon their commodities for the sum of lxxml.

[£70,000] to pay for every pound sterling xxiis.: so by this means, I

made plenty of money, and scarcity, and brought into the King's hands,

which raised, the exchange to xxiiis. ivd. And by this means I did not

only bring the King's Majesty, your brother, out of debt, whereby I

saved him vi or viis. upon the pound, but saved his treasure within the

realm, as therein Mr. Secretary Cecil was most privy unto.

Thirdly, I did likewise cause all foreign coins to be unvalued, whereby

it might be brought into the mint to his Majesty's most fordle[304]; at

which time the King your brother died, and for my reward of service, the

Bishop of Winchester sought to undo me, and whatsoever I said in these

matters I should not be credited: and against all wisdom, the said

Bishop went and valued the French crown at vis. ivd., and the pistole at

vis. iid., and the silver royal at vid. _ob._ Whereupon, immediately,

the exchange fell to xxs. vid. and xxis., and there hath kept ever

since. And so consequently after this rate and manner, I brought the

Queen's Majesty, your sister, out of debt of the sum of ccccxxxvml.

[£435,000].

Fourthly, by this it may plainly appear to your Highness, as the

exchange is the thing that eats out all princes, to the whole

destruction of their common weal, if it be not substantially looked

unto, so likewise the exchange is the chief and richest thing only

above all other, to restore your Majesty and your realm to fine gold and

silver, and is the mean that makes all foreign commodities and your own

commodities with all kind of victuals good cheap, and likewise keeps

your fine gold and silver within your realm. As, for example to your

Highness, the exchange being at this present at xxiis., all merchants

seek to bring into your realm fine gold and silver; for if he should

deliver it by exchange, he disburses xxiis. Flemish to have xxs.

sterling: and to bring it in gold and silver he shall make thereof xxis.

ivd.--whereby he saves viiid. in the pound: which profit, if the

exchange should keep but after this rate of xxiis. in few years you

should have a wealthy realm, for here the treasure should continue for

ever; for that all men should find more profit by vl. in the hundred to

deliver it per exchange, than to carry it over in money. So consequently

the higher the exchange riseth, the more shall your Majesty and your

realm and common weal flourish, which thing is only kept up by art and

God's providence; for the coin of this your realm doth not correspond in

fineness not xs. the pound.

Finally, and it please your majesty to restore this your realm into such

state, as heretofore it hath been; first, your Highness hath no other

ways, but when time and opportunity serveth, to bring your base money

into fine of xi ounces fine, and so gold after the rate.

Secondly, not to restore the Steelyard to their usurped privileges.

Thirdly, to grant as few licences as you can.

Fourthly, to come in as small debt as you can beyond seas.

Fifthly, to keep up your credit, and specially with your own merchants,

for it is they must stand by you at all events in your necessity. And

thus I shall most humbly beseech your Majesty to accept this my [poor

writing in good] part; wherein I shall from time to time, as opportunity

doth serve, put your Highness in remembrance, according to the trust

your Majesty hath reposed in me; beseeching the Lord to give me the

grace and fortune that my service may always be acceptable to your

Highness; as knoweth our Lord, whom preserve your noble Majesty in

health, and long to reign over us with increase of honour.

By your Majesty's most humble and faithful obedient subject,

THOMAS GRESHAM, _Mercer_.

[Footnote 304: _i.e._ Fordeal, or advantage.]

5. THE REASONS WHY BULLION IS EXPORTED [_Br. M. Cotton Ms. Otho. E. x.,

f. 145_[305]], _temp._ ELIZABETH.

Where the Queen's Majesty is moved, that for the staying of the

transportation of gold she will be pleased either to call in all gold by

proclamation and then to coin it anew again with more alloy, or else

that her Majesty should call in no gold, but coin new and utter them at

higher rate than now, it seemeth the matters intend, that it is

transported for the richness only, and, being either based by alloy or

dearly priced, no more would be transported.

But if all the true causes of this late transportation be considered,

that will not be sufficient to stay gold within.

The true causes, that it is transported, be these with others:

1. Some is carried into the Low Countries, because the exchange hath

been high and the gold of greater prices there than here.

2. These dear years much hath been carried out to buy corn with, wherein

somewhat endeavour hath been, because the return paid no custom.

3. Very much hath been transported to provide foreign commodities,

because this realm spendeth more of them, than the same commodities

transported amount unto, as it is supposed and as may be perceived by

the wines, silks, lawns, gold-lace, silver-lace and such like here

spent.

4. Much is conveyed by strangers, that bring in their country

commodities and will not employ the price in English commodities,

because their customs be great.

5. The like is sometimes done by English merchants for the paying of

debts or providing of foreign commodities, for the saving of custom

outward being also great.

6. Much bullion hath been transported, because the merchants and

goldsmiths could not of long time have it coined and delivered in due

time out of the mint.

7. Some by captains, soldiers and others, that might not be searched.

8. Some by the help of the mintmen in thirty-shilling-pieces upon

pretence to make great gain thereof to her Majesty.

The second cause will now cease of itself; the fourth, fifth, sixth and

eighth may be removed by good orders to be taken; the seventh by peace

amongst princes; the first will never be taken away further than shall

please the bankers and rich merchants of the Low Countries, who joining

with the rich Flemings dwelling will be able with their money and

cunning to make the exchange to rise and fall, as they shall think good

for their gain or our loss. And the governors there, finding by their

mint-masters and merchants the alteration of the English standards and

values of gold, being more vigilant, provident and skilful in such

matters than the English, will at their pleasures cry up and down the

currency of English coin, be it never so base, at such times and in such

manner as [the]y will, draw it from home to their ... lnes and melt it

or return it back at their pleasures for their own gain and our loss,

unless they will agree and take order, that it shall be always current

there at the same value that it is here, without alteration.

But the third _causa causarum_ being taken away, which is to be wished

for, although not to be hoped for in haste, all the rest and all other

like causes of transportation must need cease withall or at the least do

little hurt; for if England would spend less of foreign commodities than

the home commodities will pay for, then the remain must of necessity be

returned of silver or gold; but if otherwise, then it will fare in

England in short time as it doth with a man of great yearly living, that

spendeth more yearly than his own revenue, and spendeth of the stock

besides.

And so it is concluded, that for these reasons neither the baseing of

the standards nor the raising of the values of the coin of gold is like

to stay it from transportation.

[Footnote 305: Quoted Schanz. _op. cit._, Vol. II, pp. 648-9.]

6. THE ITALIAN MERCHANTS EXPLAIN THE FOREIGN EXCHANGES TO SIR THOMAS

GRESHAM AND OTHER ROYAL COMMISSIONERS [_Ms. of Lord Calthorpe, Vol. XX,

f. 68_[306]], 1576.

Forasmuch as your worships have required, that we, the merchants

Italians, should show present your worships with more brevity, than we

have done afore, in what points doth grieve us the new imposition and

order, that hath been set upon the exchange, although it is not easily

utter it in few words, nevertheless we have set it forth as briefly as

we can.

Therefore it may please your worships to understand, that the chiefest

living and maintenance that we have is upon the commissions that are

sent unto us of our friends from beyond the seas to sell foreign wares

here in London and buy English wares for to send over.

The trade of the foreign wares for England will much decay because of

the imposition and difficulty upon the exchange; for such our friends,

that did send such commodities as alum, woad, canvas, silks, wines and

other necessary things for the intent to reiterate shortly after the

sending hither such commodities, so soon as they knew they were here

arrived, did use to take up money by exchange for London; and if the

said wares were not sold or money not due, they gave here commission to

their factors to take it up by rechange again; and so in time of an

usage or double usage of Antwerp, an usage or a fair at Lyons, this

matter might be well compassed without any great loss, and by this mean

they might help themselves with their money of their wares a great while

before that it were money in deed; but now that they shall know, that

the exchange will give them such loss by the payment of this fee besides

the ordinary interest that is used to come upon the exchange, they shall

not be able to continue this trade nor to reiterate so often the same.

Therefore there shall ensue a great diminishing of the Queen's custom

inwards, and that the English people shall pay the dearer for the

necessary foreign commodities, and we particularly shall remain

destitute of these commissions and factories.

We say likewise of the trade of others our commissioners, that did use

to send for English commodities as cloths and others being not forbidden

and inward, they send nothing or very little; for those, that ought here

to buy for themselves, might in two manners furnish the money, the one

causing money to be remitted unto them from beyond the seas, and the

other in taking money here in London by exchange. Touching the first

manner they shall lack much of that help; for money shall not be

remitted unto them, for because in foreign places there shall be found

no man that will take up money by exchange for London, knowing that it

shall be more damageable unto them than other places as much as this fee

doth import, which will always fall upon the debtor, and he shall

scarcely find money here in London to take up by exchange; so little

will be exchange that hereafter will be made, therefore our commission

outward will fail unto us, as we have said above of these inward, and

the Queen's customs outwards also will much decay, and the English

people, that did utter at good prices the commodities and handicrafts,

shall not be able to do it as afore they were, they shall suffer much

damage and discommodity. Besides this the free exchange hath been an

instrument whereby the merchants might pay honourably their debts at

their day; for if one ought, for a manner of an example, this day a sum

of money, it should be a dishonour unto him to desire his creditors to

tarry a seven night, a fortnight or 20 days, until he should retain

money for debts due unto him. But to pay his said debt, he might

presently take up money by exchange to Lyons, Antwerp and then, after he

had received his money, he might remit there for the same time that he

took it up, and so with little loss compass his business. But now in

such case considering that he shall be forced to pay two times this

imposition one in the taking and the other in the delivering so shortly

after, the interest of few days will cost him too much; therefore he

shall be fain to restrain his trade and shall not be able to accept his

friends' debts and changes he did before.

Likewise those of us shall find too much charges, that made double

exchanges for service of the English merchants, as for example they took

money of your vintners for Bordeaux, and to the intent that the said

money might be ready there, they did exchange it for Lyons or other

places being content of any small profit; now that they must pay two

times this imposition and that the ordinary brokerage, that often times

they did save, they now shall not save, they shall need to make their

reckoning and ask greater price of the vintners, the which peradventure

will find it so heavy beside his part of the fee which he must pay, that

he might take an evil occasion to send over the money.

We made also oftentimes amongst us double exchanges without any broker,

which was, for a manner of example, that one of us had money in Venice

and would bring into this realm French wares, and another hath money in

Lyons and would bring wares out of Italy, and so they did agree together

to give one to another mutual letters of exchange the one for Lyons and

the other for Venice; and whereas such double exchange of the value of

100_li._ had no charge at all, now it shall have charge 35s., for the

fee shall be paid for every one of the 2 bills of exchange, which is

25s. and 10s. brokerage, that now is not to be escaped, maketh up the

35s., so that we shall be fain utterly to leave of these double

exchanges, that we made as well for the commodity of the merchants of

your nation as of ourselves to the intent still to serve to the ease and

trade of merchandise.

But[307] the order yet is of more trouble and impediment, than the very

imposition; for though the fee were in a manner but a penny in every

hundredth pound, it were needful to find a means that the Queen's

Majesty should not be defrauded of the same, the which we cannot invent

or imagine, without that register shall be kept of all our doings and

that our books shall be seen and our letters opened, the which thing

will be an extreme prejudice unto our occupations, and we would have

taken pain more at large to express the same, if that your worships had

not the experience and knowledge better than us of this matter.

Touching the standard of the English money, that you complain of is kept

low by reason of the free exchange, we can say nothing but that our

exchanges are made with a mutual consent between merchant and merchant,

and that the abundance of the deliverers or of the takers make the

exchange rise or fall; and this occasion doth counterpoise this place of

London with the others; for if you will compel a needful person to take

up for exchange for Antwerp at 26s. Flemish for every pound sterling,

when the exchange is there at 24s., he shall leave off to take it, but

will cause money to be remitted to him from thence according to the

course of the exchange there.

But some do complain of some strangers, that bring into England

merchandises for more value than that they send out. We say, that the

cause of this is the inequalities of the customs outwards; for a

stranger cannot send into Flanders or into France a piece of cloth or

kersey, except it should stand him dearer than he might have them there

in those places at an Englishman's hands. Besides that it is to be

considered, that the most part of commodities of this realm, that in

times before might be transported out, now they be utterly forbidden as

well corn, leather, tallow, or else charged with great licence as

undressed cloths and others, so that it is not possible for strangers to

meddle there withall; nevertheless we do deny, that the overplus of the

amounting of the strange wares should be sent over by us in ready money,

but we deliver it by exchange unto your English merchants, that may

better traffic outwardly, and if we do at lower price than the value of

the standard, we are very sorry and we would very gladly it were

otherwise.

That be the damages difficulties and inconveniences, that by this order

shall happen, that is to say, for our part the whole destitution of all

our friends' commission, whereupon was grounded our living and

maintenance; damage unto Queen's Majesty for the diminishing of her

customs for greater sum than the importance of the rent of this fee,

though that exchanges should be in such frequency and number as they

have been heretofore; the which thing cannot be, for very few exchange

will be made; damage also to the common weal, for they shall pay dear

for foreign wares for the scarcity that shall be here of the same, and

they shall not so well sell the commodities of the realm, as they have

done afore; and finally a dangerous occasion may be presented to some to

carry away the money out of the realm, the which thing the free exchange

doth avoid, and for this intent it is to be thought that it was

instituted.

Therefore we, considering that among all restraints, troubles or

impediments, that ever was set against the trade of merchants in any

place, this is the troublesomest, we beseech your worships to examine it

and to report to her Majesty and to her honourable council upon this

matter even as God Almighty shall inspire you for the common profit and

wealth of this realm.

[Footnote 306: Quoted Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 642-6. It will be observed

that the Italian merchants' knowledge of English is apparently somewhat

defective.]

[Footnote 307: "Bothe" in MS.]

7. AN ACT AVOIDING DIVERS FOREIGN WARES MADE BY HANDICRAFTSMEN BEYOND

THE SEAS [_5 Eliz. c. 7, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp.

428-429_], 1562.

Whereas heretofore the artificers of this realm of England (as well

within the city of London as within other cities, towns and boroughs of

the same realm) that is to wit, girdlers, cutlers, saddlers, glovers,

point-makers, and such like handicraftsmen, have been in the said

faculties greatly wrought, and greatly set on work, as well for the

sustentation of themselves, their wives and families, as for a good

education of a great part of the youth of this realm in good art and

laudable exercise, besides the manifold benefits, that by means or by

reason of their knowledges, inventions, and continual travel, daily and

universally came to the whole estate of the commonwealth of this said

realm:

II. Yet notwithstanding so now it is, that by reason of the abundance of

foreign wares brought into this realm from the parts of beyond the seas,

the said artificers are not only less occupied, and thereby utterly

impoverished, the youth not trained in the said sciences and exercises,

and thereby the said faculties, and the exquisite knowledges thereof,

like in short time within this realm to decay; but also divers cities

and towns within this realm of England much thereby impaired, the whole

realm greatly endamaged, and other countries notably enriched, and the

people thereof well set on work, to their commodities and livings, in

the arts and sciences aforesaid, and to the great discouragement of

skilful workmen of this realm, being in very deed nothing inferior to

any stranger in the faculties aforesaid.

III. For reformation whereof, be it enacted by our sovereign lady the

Queen's Highness, and by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the

Commons of this present parliament assembled and by the authority of the

same, that no person or persons whatsoever, from or after the feast of

the Nativity of St. John Baptist now next ensuing, shall bring or cause

to be brought into this realm of England from the parts of beyond the

seas, any girdles, harness for girdles, rapiers, daggers, knives, hilts,

pummels, lockets, chapes, dagger-blades, handles, scabbards, and sheaths

for knives, saddles, horse-harness, stirrups, bits, gloves, points,

leather-laces or pins, being ready made or wrought in any parts of

beyond the seas, to be sold, bartered or exchanged within this realm of

England or Wales; upon pain to forfeit all such wares so to be brought

contrary to the true meaning of this act, in whose hands soever they or

any of them shall be found, or the very value thereof. This act to

continue and endure to the end of the next parliament.

8. AN ACT TOUCHING CLOTH-WORKERS AND CLOTHS READY WROUGHT TO BE SHIPPED

OVER THE SEA [_8 Eliz. c. 6, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, p.

489_], 1566.

For the better employment and relief of great multitudes of the Queen's

Majesty subjects, using the art and labour of cloth-working, it may

please the Queen's most excellent Majesty, at the most humble suit of

her said subjects, that it be enacted, and be it enacted by the

authority of this present parliament:--That from henceforth for every

nine clothes unwrought, hereafter to be shipped or carried into any the

parts beyond the seas, contrary to the form of any statute heretofore

made and now remaining in strength, by force of any licence hereafter to

be granted, the party that shall ship and carry over the same, shall

ship and carry over also one like woollen cloth of like sort, length,

breadth and goodness, ready wrought and dressed; that is to say, rowed,

barbed, first coursed and shorn from the one end to the other, so that

every tenth cloth passing over the seas in form aforesaid may and shall

be dressed within this realm, before the same shall be shipped or

transported over, upon pain to forfeit for every such nine clothes so to

be shipped or transported contrary to the meaning of this act, ten

pounds. Provided always, that every such tenth cloth so to be

transported ready wrought, shall not be accounted any of the clothes

permitted to be transported by force of such licence, but that such

person as shall have such licence may transport according to such

licence the full number of clothes unwrought mentioned in the same

licence, over and above the number of such tenth clothes which they

shall be compelled to ship and carry over by force of this statute. And

be it further enacted by authority aforesaid, that from the last day of

February now next coming, no person shall ship or carry into the parts

beyond the seas, contrary to the form of any statute heretofore made now

remaining in force, any cloth commonly called Kentish cloth or Suffolk

cloth, made or to be made in the counties of Kent or Suffolk, unwrought

and undressed within this realm; that is to say, not rowed, barbed,

first coursed and shorn; upon pain to forfeit for every such cloth,

commonly called Kentish or Suffolk cloth, made or to be made in either

of the said counties, so to be shipped or transported contrary to the

form of this statute, forty shillings; and that no licence for

transporting of any cloth or clothes shall be construed or expounded to

extend to any such Kentish or Suffolk cloth, made or to be made in

either of the said counties to be from henceforth transported....