The Army of the Sutlej broken up--Set out on
a Tour--Dhool--Ferozepore--Grandeur of the
Himalayas--Misri-Wala--Ferozeshah--Moodkee--Bhaga
Poorana--Bussean--Phurewallee--Kotla
Mullair--Munsorepore--Samana--Goelah--The River
Cuggur--Pehoah--Khol--Kurnaul--Military Stations--Transport of
Artillery--Ali Merdan's Canal--English Church--Malaria--Sir
David Ochterlony--Gurounda--Minarets--Somalka--Paniput--Battles
of Paniput--Baber--Ibrahim Lodi--Ahmed Shah--Defeat of the
Maharattas--Nadir Shah--Capture of Delhi--Mahomed Shah--Troops
engaged--Native Armies--Sunput--Change in the Weather.
THE army of the Sutlej being broken up, the different corps took their
departure for the various stations assigned to them, my own regiment,
the 9th Lancers, being ordered to Meerut. I set out on the 14th of
March, 1846, and commenced a march of 704 miles, intending to ride
quietly to Allahabad, and thence proceed by steam to Calcutta. I had
obtained leave of absence to England for a period of two years, from
the day of embarkation, and four months to Calcutta, from the date of
leaving my regiment.
On the 14th, therefore, as I said, I bade "adieu" to my regiment, and
commenced my journey attended by my own servants fourteen in number,
two camels, and two three-bullock hackeries, my Khidmutgar having
engaged to supply me with my meals. On the first day I rode to Kankuch,
a distance of ten miles. On the 15th there was a violent storm of
wind, rain, thunder and lightning, from four to six o'clock in the
morning, which made it unadvisable for me to proceed, as my only tent,
a hill-tent, was completely saturated.
On the 16th, I rode to Dhool, about sixteen miles; through Lulleanee,
and left Kussoor on my right hand. The next day I made a longer
journey, and rode twenty miles to Ferozepore. On my way thither, I met
a train of 500 hackeries and 4,000 camels, laden with provisions for
the force which was to garrison Lahore. Ferozepore was distant about
ten miles from the bridge of boats, by which I crossed the Sutlej.
There were formerly two of these pontoons, each nearly 300 yards long,
the boats themselves being of the ordinary flat-bottomed sort, with
very broad ends, called "dandy boats," which are used in the navigation
both of the Indus and Ganges, as well as of the Sutlej. The two bridges
consisted respectively of fifty-nine and forty-seven such boats, but
Sir J. Littler sank the smaller of them. They are, or rather were, so
strong, that the heaviest weight might pass over them with the greatest
ease and security. It was interesting to watch the elephants; they put
down their proboscis, and then successively each of their fore-feet
with extreme caution, to try the strength of the bridge, and when they
had satisfied themselves that it would bear their weight, they crossed
without the least hesitation.
Ferozepore is one of our large military stations; it derives its
present improved state from our occupation; for it was formerly a
desolate and ruinous place, the houses deserted and dilapidated, and
the country round waste and uncultivated. Now all is animation and
progress. The dismal-looking town stands on a rising ground in an
immense plain, a couple of miles from the river. Like nearly all the
Indian towns, it is surrounded with walls, which were erected chiefly
as a protection to their cattle, against the predatory hordes that
infested the vicinity, the animals being driven out in the morning,
and brought home at night. It contains a very handsome tank, close to
an elegant pagoda surrounded with trees. The great detriment here, is
the want of water; there are plenty of ditches and a dry arm of the
Sutlej, and if the inhabitants would only dig twenty-five or thirty
feet for water, the whole face of things would be changed at once.
The cantonments are about three miles to the south of the town. They
are divided into streets, which cross at right angles. The officers'
bungalows are picturesquely situated in the midst of pretty gardens
which combine the flora of the eastern and the western hemispheres;
the barracks, both for the European and native regiments, are not
particularly good; the magazines and stores are built of stone and have
a very durable appearance.
But to the lover of nature, the great attraction is the distant range
of the snow-capped Himalaya mountains. Neither pen nor pencil can
describe their splendour amid the gorgeousness of an eastern sunset.
Earth and sky are covered with a veil of liquid gold; the clouds, as
they traverse the deep blue vault, gradually assume the most varied
and brilliant tints, and the majestic Himalayas, girdled round their
base with a robe of gold and crimson, rear their silvered crests in
line relief against the bright effulgence that surrounds them. How
different are the feelings inspired by gazing upon such a scene, and
those aroused by the din of battle, the sight of slaughter and death
which I had so recently witnessed!
"Aye, there they stand, as in creation's prime,
Above the mouldering wrecks of sin and time!
Man's fatal fall, which all beneath them cursed,
Hath left them standing as they stood at first:
Unchallenged, still they keep their place in heaven,
And wear the diadem their God hath given;
And change and death sweep on o'er sea and land,
And find, and leave them changeless: there they stand!"
On the 19th I journeyed to Misri-Wala, ten miles. On my arrival there,
I rode over to Ferozeshah, which is only about a mile and a half off,
as I was anxious to see the battle-field. It was a horrid sight. After
an interval of three months it was still covered with the unburied
bodies of the Sikhs, on whom hundreds of Pariah dogs and birds of prey
were feasting; dead camels, horses, and bullocks also seemed to invite
them to a plentiful repast. The odour was dreadful, even more so than
on my former visit.
20th. Proceeded to Moodkee, ten miles and a half, and pitched my tent
on the edge of the battle-field, close by the fort, which was then
occupied by a company of the 51st regiment of Native Infantry. Three
months had just elapsed since the battle, which was fought here on the
18th of December, the first of the four engagements between the army
of the Sutlej and the Sikhs. Within that short period no less than
1,449 of our troops had fallen, and 4,926 had been wounded, many of
whom have since died; while the destruction of the Sikhs is fearful to
contemplate. In round numbers they are said to have lost about 20,000
men.
On the 21st I went to Bhaga Poorana, a distance of fifteen miles. On
my route, I again met a train of 400 hackeries laden with stores for
the troops at Lahore. Next day I marched to Wudnee. On my arrival, I
examined the square brick-built fort; the battlements command a fine
view of the surrounding country. The eye wandered over a vast extent,
without hill or mountain to intercept its wide spread range. All nature
seemed to be at peace, and the Sutlej, which had so lately been stained
with the blood of the slain, now flowed down in a pure and silvery
current, bearing along with it health and refreshment from its rise in
the table land of Thibet, to its junction with the Indus at Mithunkote.
On the morning of the 23rd I made an early start, and was on the move
at a quarter to three for Bussean, fifteen miles and a half distant:
it lies midway between Lahore and Umritsur, and is about twenty miles
from each place. On the 24th I rode to Phurewallee, fourteen miles. On
the 25th to Kotla Mullair, ten miles. Here the Dewan, or steward, of
the Rajah of Nabah called upon me for a certificate that I had been
well treated on my way through his master's territories, a request with
which I willingly complied.
On reaching Munsorepore, a distance of sixteen miles, on the next day,
I found my tent pitched close to a mosque; yesterday it had been placed
near a Hindoo temple--and I was sadly disturbed at sunset by some
barbarous sounds on a horn, made by a Brahmin. On the 27th I started,
at two o'clock A.M., for Samana, a distance of nineteen miles, which I
was desirous to make that day. I was, however, no gainer by my early
start, for my guide lost his track in the dark, and I was delayed
more than half-an-hour before we found our way. The road, moreover,
was exceedingly heavy, neither more nor less than a bed of sand, in
consequence of which, part of my establishment did not come up till
two o'clock P.M. The Thanadar[42] of Samana furnished me, at his own
particular request, with four chokedars, or watchmen, for I had only
asked for one.
On the 28th, I rode to Goelah, a distance of twelve miles, and forded
the Guggur or Cuggur River, about half way on my journey. After passing
the towns of Bunnoor, Seyfabad, Pattiala, Jowhana, and Jomalpore,
the Guggur enters the country of the Bhatties at the town of Arwah,
formerly the capital of the district.[43]
About sixty miles south of the Sutlej, the Cuggur flows parallel with
it, till opposite to Loodianna, where it runs in a straight direction,
and is lost in the sands of the desert. It might easily be restored.
Mr. Thomas, whilst residing at Bhatneer, could perceive but little
vestige of what was called the ancient bed of the river. The natives
declared that it formerly extended as far as the Sutlej, which it
joined in the vicinity of Ferozepore; now the Sutlej runs south-west of
Loodianna.
There is another river which formerly ran from the Jumna to the Sutlej;
I understand that the Government intends to open its channel, which
would indeed prove an immense benefit.
29th March. Rode to Pehoah, sixteen miles. Travelling alone as I now
did, I found the appearance of the country very different to that which
it presented when I marched along this same route with the troops. Then
all was life and animation--the measured tread of the soldiery--the
tramp and neighing of the horses--the heavy step and snort of the
elephants and camels--the confused jargon of the immense rabble of
camp-followers--the motley sight--the picturesque dresses--the clouds
of dust; and, in the midst of all this apparent confusion, the loud,
peremptory orders putting all in motion, and keeping all in order,
presented an almost inconceivable contrast, to the calm repose of a
solitary traveller passing noiselessly along, with his small retinue of
twelve or fourteen attendants.
On the 30th, I rode to Khol, fourteen miles, and on the 31st to
Suggah, fourteen and a half miles. I have already spoken of these
several places, and shall therefore pass them without further mention.
April 1st. Rode to Kurnaul, ten miles. This town is about seventy-eight
miles north-west of Delhi. It appears that it was first made a military
station in 1806, when a corps of native infantry was quartered here. In
1807, it became the head-quarters of the third or north-west frontier
division; Saharunpore and Loodianna being dependent commands. A depôt
was also formed here; and in July, 1809, four large platform boats of
700 maunds (25 tons) were established at Khoonda Ghât, for the ferry
across the river Jumna. Meerut is seventy miles distant by the road;
the Cawnpore road being on the other side of the river. In 1831, H.M.
31st Foot, was sent to Kurnaul, where they encamped till the barracks
were built, they being the first European corps stationed there. In
1840, Kurnaul contained a troop of Horse Artillery, a light or horse
field-battery, having six guns each, one European regiment of Foot, two
regiments of Light Cavalry, and three regiments of Native Infantry,
being an establishment of about 5,000 men. It was for many years the
head-quarters of the Sirhind division.
A troop of Horse Artillery, on the Bengal system, musters 169 horses,
but on detachment the number has been as high as 230. A 6-pounder gun
and carriage, with ammunition and stores, loaded and packed ready for
service, weighs 23 cwt., not including the wheels, which weigh 238 lbs.
each. Each horse carries seven stone of harness, besides the man. The
horses are told off as follows, by regulation:
Horses. Total Horses.
6 Pieces of Ordnance 14 each. 84
6 Ammunition Carriages 8 " 48
4 Spare ditto 7 " 28
Staff of the troop . 9
----
169
Their actual distribution, however, is about as under; the four spare
waggons being drawn by bullocks.
Horses.
1 Staff-Sergeant. 1
6 Sergeants. 6
2 Trumpeters, 2 Rough-Riders, 2 Farriers,
1 Saddler, and 1 Native Doctor 8
6 Guns, at 13 each. 78
6 Waggons, at 12 each 72
Spare 4
----
169
Six horses to a gun, and four to a waggon, was the order laid down some
years ago as the draught power; but of late the weight of the carriages
has been so much increased as to equal that of the guns. On the line
of march, both guns and waggons have latterly been worked with teams
of eight horses, which, although not giving the horses daily relief,
answers extremely well, as I am assured by my informant, Major E.J.
Pratt, 9th Lancers, Assistant-Adjutant-General of the Cavalry in the
Sikh campaign of 1848-49. A 6-pounder takes into action, on its own
limber and waggon, 128 rounds in horse draught, besides 96 rounds on
its spare waggon, in bullock draught; making 224 rounds present in
troop-park.
The remaining stations were: Hansi, 84 miles distant from Kurnaul,
where, on the 1st of January, 1849, was the Hurrianah Light Infantry;
Loodianna, 120 miles from Kurnaul, containing a Company of Foot
Artillery, head-quarters and right wing of 34th Regiment of Native
Infantry, and the Sirmoor Rifle Battalion. Ferozepore, 70 miles
from Loodianna, to the West, where were stationed, a troop of Horse
Artillery, and the 32nd Native Infantry; and lastly, Subathoo in the
hills, where there was also, in the same year, a Detachment of the
Nusseeree Rifle Battalion.
All these stations had just supplied troops for the Punjaub, and were
consequently, at the period of which I am writing, very ill-garrisoned.
In the month of January 1840, there were above 13,000 men in the
Sirhind division.
At Kurnaul there is a canal, called Ali Merdan Khan's canal, running
from the Jumna, which is within three miles of Delhi, and, passing
close to the right flank of the old cantonments, near the house built
by the late Major-General Sir David Ochterlony; this officer likewise
erected a house at Loodianna, and another at Neemuch.
The barracks for the European Infantry are at right angles with the
old cantonments. A Church was also built here in 1836; a neat little
structure, with a singular tower, close to the parade ground. In 1828,
this station was considered very unhealthy, in consequence, it was
said, of malaria, generated by the grass growing on the banks of the
canal, yet from 1829 to 1836, it was as salubrious as Meerut. In proof
of this, it may be stated that H.M. 31st Foot, lost fewer men at
Kurnaul, than at Meerut, their next quarters. Now Meerut is reckoned
one of the healthiest military stations in the Bengal Presidency.
Whether the malaria which appeared at Kurnaul, in the autumn of 1842,
was owing to the clearing out of the great canal, which runs through
the city, or whether it was merely a passing evil, confined to a
particular quarter, is still an open question; so much is certain,
that it broke out among the European troops, and was confined to one
locality, precisely where their barracks were situated. Kurnaul has
now, unfortunately, ceased to be a military station.
The extensive cantonments, as well as numerous elegant bungalows and
villas, in the midst of parks and gardens, stretch in a semi-circle
of three miles around the town, and present a unique and extremely
picturesque _tout ensemble_. The cantonments are traversed in every
direction by good roads, shaded by avenues of trees.
At the time of my visit, in April 1846, the barracks were deserted; the
roofs, in many instances, had fallen in, the frame-work with the doors
and windows had been removed, and the compounds were overgrown with
weeds and jungle. The only exceptions are the houses built by Sir David
Ochterlony, both of which are the property of Brigadier-General Thomas
Palmer, commanding the Cawnpore division of the army. These two houses
are in fine preservation; one, called the banqueting-house, is a noble
building, situated in the midst of English park-like grounds, with
coach-houses, etc., in good taste and perfect keeping. The other, the
dwelling-house, is built somewhat after the Eastern style; the garden
surrounding it is most delightful, being filled with a luxuriance of
the richest shrubs and flowers I ever saw, its gallant owner being one
of the best botanists in India.
The town of Kurnaul is dirty and closely built. The houses are chiefly
of brick; and, like most of the old Indian towns, it has a dingy look,
and is surrounded by a high wall.
During the time of the Earl of Ellenborough's government, the station
was so sickly, that his lordship, ever alive to the well-being and
comfort of the army, peremptorily ordered it to be abandoned.
Being situated so near to the frontier, only fifty-three miles from
Umballa, it was the practice, during the Sikh campaign of 1845-46, for
reinforcements, marching up from Meerut, Delhi, and other stations, to
assemble at Kurnaul for the purpose of forming depôts, etc., and then
to march forward in a body.
Officers were frequently sent up by Dâk, at the expense of government
(at a cost, it is said, of about £20,000), to join their corps, from
every part of the Bengal presidency, particularly from Calcutta. They
were often detained here twelve or fourteen days, waiting for a convoy
for protection.
A re-mount depôt was established at Kurnaul, about nine years ago,
by Viscount Gough, which imparted some signs of re-animation to this
station, which, in my estimation, is one of the most pleasant quarters
in India. The head-quarters of the Sirhind division have been removed
to Umballa.
On the 3rd of April I struck my tent and rode to Gurounda, a distance
of twelve miles, in a dense jungle, through which a road had been
cut. After leaving Kurnaul, the distance was marked at every two
miles by the celebrated ancient minarets, which were erected by
Akbar the Great, from Delhi to Cashmere. These elegant mile-stones,
tapering from their circular pediments to a height of twenty feet, are,
notwithstanding their age, kept in a tolerable state of preservation
by the inhabitants, from a religious feeling. After a ride of six
miles, I came to a handsome bridge, which was built over the canal
by the emperor Humayoon. It is lofty, and arched; and looks all the
more picturesque from a remarkably large cotton-tree which grows close
beside it, and seems to have had its origin about the same time as the
bridge. Gurounda itself is an insignificant place, presenting nothing
of interest, except the ancient caravansary. It is large, and has lofty
turreted gates, which are in fair preservation.
On the 4th I rode to Somalka, twenty-two miles, having passed through
Paniput, the scene of two of the fiercest encounters which this country
ever witnessed. Paniput is about ten miles from Gurounda, and, like
the majority of the cities and towns in this part, a mass of ruins.
The road again lay through a tract of jungle, and the greater part
was ankle deep in sand. I pitched my tent in the area of a large and
once elegant serai; but now, alas! in a state of dilapidation. These
serais are public buildings, erected for the convenience of Eastern
travellers, where they may eat, drink, and repose, and then go on their
way with a thankful heart.
Paniput is a spot of too much celebrity to be silently passed over; for
both in a military and political point of view, it fills an important
place in the annals of India. It is about forty-eight miles from Delhi,
the capital of the emperor of Hindoostan. It was formerly surrounded
by a brick-wall, and at its greatest extent is little more than four
miles in circumference. Paniput is famous as the scene of two great
battles, which were attended with most decided effects upon the fate
of Hindoostan. The first took place in the year 1525, between the
Sultan--more usually called the Emperor Baber--and the Delhi Pathan
emperor, Ibrahim Lodi; the latter was slain, and his army totally
routed, which put an end to the Pathan dynasty of Lodi, and introduced
the Mogul empire of Timoor, of whom Baber was the great grandson.
The life of the Emperor Baber was written by himself, a beautiful
translation of which has been made by Mr. Erskine, formerly of Bombay.
This illustrious conqueror was king of Cabool, and equally famous as
a warrior, poet, and historian. At the battle of Paniput Baber's army
consisted of only 12,000 men, including followers; whereas Ibrahim
had 100,000. The former, however, had guns, the latter had none; and
we must conclude that the artillery greatly contributed to secure the
victory for Baber.
I must not omit the mention of Nadir Shah's invasion of India, in 1739,
which preceded the second great battle to which I have alluded. Nadir
Shah, having plundered Delhi of several millions sterling of property,
retired through the Khyber Pass, where he paid a lakh of rupees as a
security against plunder. Being assassinated by one of his attendants,
Ahmed Shah Abdallah seized a convoy of treasure on its way to Candahar,
and, raising the standard of rebellion, proclaimed himself king of
Affghanistan.
It appears, that about A.D. 1720, the Affghans conquered Persia, but
were expelled by Nadir Shah, who in turn subjugated their dominions;
and in 1739, after the capture of Delhi, annexed Affghanistan to the
Persian empire. Ahmed Shah Abdallah, in 1748, occupied the Punjaub
and invaded India, but being repulsed, renewed his attempt in the year
1751. In the declining state of their empire, the Moguls called in the
Maharattas, a sure sign of weakness in a Mahomedan government, when it
craves the aid of the Hindoos to assist in settling its disputes.
Ahmed Shah again invaded India, in 1756, when he took Delhi. He
invaded India for the fourth time in 1759, which brings us to the
second great battle of Paniput; which was fought on the 6th of
January, 1761, between the Maharattas and the army of Ahmed Shah. The
Maharatta cavalry, commanded by the Bhow, consisted of 55,000 troops,
in regular pay, with at least 15,000 predatory Maharatta cavalry,--the
Pindarries,--and 15,000 infantry, of whom 9,000 were disciplined
Sepoys, under the command of Ibrahim Khan Gardee, a Mussulman deserter
from the French service. He had besides 200 guns, numerous wall pieces,
or "zumbooruks," fired from the backs of camels, and a great supply of
rockets, the rocket being a favourite weapon with the Maharattas. This
army of 85,000 men, with its innumerable followers, made the number
within his lines amount to 300,000 men.[44]
Ahmed Shah, on the other hand, had about 40,000 Affghans and Persians,
13,000 Indian Horse, and a force of Indian Infantry, estimated at
38,000, of which the division, consisting of Rohilla Affghans,[45]
would be very efficient; but the great majority consisted of the usual
rabble of Indian foot soldiers. He had also thirty guns, of different
calibre, chiefly belonging to his Indian allies, and a number of wall
pieces.
Now, if we reckon the Maharatta force at 70,000 regular troops and 200
guns, and the Dooranees[46] at 44,000 regulars and thirty guns, there
will appear great odds against the Dooranees. The Dooranees estimated
the number of the army that crossed the Indus at 63,000 men; but
Mr. Elphinstone thinks this force is exaggerated, considering that
there were only 40,000 Affghans, and 2,000 horse and 2,000 infantry,
furnished by the Indian allies.
The camp followers were in overwhelming numbers.
The Shah pitched his camp eight miles from the enemy, and his small red
tent was placed at the head of the army, in order that he might see
every movement in the enemy's front. At night he surrounded his camp
with an abattis of felled trees. At one time flour sold in the Shah's
camp for two rupees, or 4_s._ a seer (2 lbs.), owing to the Maharattas
having intercepted the supplies.
The Maharattas, as usual, took the field after the Dusserah,[47] the
17th of October, in 1760; and three actions, of partial success, were
fought before the great battle. The two armies daily turned out in
battle array; but at length the Hindoostanee allies of Ahmed became
impatient and urged him to engage. Then it was that Ahmed Shah gave
them the memorable rebuke, "This is a matter of war with which you
are unacquainted. Military operations must not be precipitated. At a
proper time I will bring the affair to a successful termination."[48]
He was resolved to have no councils of war, and used to say to his
Hindoostanee allies, "Do you sleep; I will take care that no harm
befalls you."
Ahmed Shah was a cautious and vigilant general. Taking with him forty
or fifty horsemen, he used, in company with his son, Timoor Shah, to
visit daily every part of his army, and reconnoitre the enemy's camp.
At night, a body of 500 horse advanced as near as possible to the
enemy's position; remaining under arms till daybreak; whilst other
bodies went the rounds of the whole encampment. On the day of the great
battle, the Dooranees marched from their camp to the attack, when
objects were only just visible. The Maharatta army was drawn up facing
the east, a great mistake on their part, as they thus had the sun in
their eyes; whilst the Dooranees fronted the west.
The Maharattas entered the field with determined courage, each having
taken a betel-leaf in the presence of all his comrades, and sworn to
fight to the last extremity.
The Shah ordered his trumpets to sound to battle. Breast works of
sand had been thrown up, under cover of which the Nawab Vizier's
troops advanced; upon which the bildars, or pioneers, proceeded half
musket-shot in advance of the cover and threw up another; and in
this manner the troops progressed about two miles, until they were
within long musket-shot of the enemy. The Rohillas fired volleys of
rockets,[49] as many as 2,000 at a time, which not only terrified the
horses by their dreadful noise, but did so much execution, that the
Maharattas could not advance to charge them. The Mussulmans did not
make much use of their guns.
The Dooranees were men of great bodily strength, and their horses,
which were of the Toorkee breed,[50] were rendered hardy by constant
exercise.
Casi Rai Pundit, who was an eye-witness and attached to Ahmed Shah's
allies, says: "About noon, the Shah received advice that the Rohillas
and the Grand Vizier's division had the worst of the engagement,
upon which he sent for the Nesuckchees--a corps of horse, wearing a
peculiar dress and arms, and who were always employed in executing
the Shah's immediate commands--2,000 being assembled, he sent 500 of
them to his own camp to drive out all the armed people and fugitives
whom they should find there, that they might take part in the action;
the remaining 1,500 he ordered to meet the fugitives from the battle,
and to kill every man who should refuse to return to the charge. This
command they executed so effectually that, after killing a few, they
compelled 7,000 or 8,000 men to return to the field."
Meanwhile the Shah sent for the reserve corps, of these he despatched
4,000 to cover the right flank, and 10,000 to support the Grand Vizier,
with orders to charge the enemy sword in hand, in close order, and
at full gallop; at the same time he gave directions to Shah Pussund
Khan and Nujeeb-ud-Dowlah that as often as the Grand Vizier should
charge the enemy, those two chiefs should at the same time attack him
in flank. The advantage still inclined to the side of the Maharattas,
when Ahmed, after successfully rallying the fugitives, gave orders for
an advance of his own line, at the same time ordering the division on
his left, to take the enemy in flank. The manoeuvre was decisive, and
a terrible conflict ensued, especially in the centre, commanded by the
Bhow and Biswas Row. The latter was wounded and unhorsed, which being
reported to the Bhow he ordered him to be taken up, and placed upon his
elephant,[51] when the Bhow himself continued the action at the head
of his men. They fought fiercely on both sides with spears, swords,
battle-axes, and even daggers; when Biswas Row expired from his wounds.
Suddenly, as if by enchantment, the whole Maharatta army turned and
fled at full speed, leaving the battle-field covered with heaps of the
dead and dying.
The victors pursued the flying Maharattas with the utmost fury; and,
as they gave no quarter, the slaughter was terrific, the pursuit being
continued in every direction for fifteen or twenty miles. According
to Grant Duff, the whole number of the slain is said to have amounted
to 200,000 men, which must have included the losses in both armies,
as well as the followers; for the highest numbers given were 176,000
fighting men, which we find reduced to 114,000, including both sides.
Never was a defeat more complete. Grief, despondency, and despair
spread over the whole Maharatta people. The wreck of the army retired
beyond the river Nerbudda, evacuating all their acquisitions in
Hindoostan.[52]
The battle lasted about nine hours. Besides the loss in slain and
wounded, 40,000 were taken prisoners, and the plunder was enormous. In
front of the door of each tent, except that of the Shah and those of
his principal officers, an immense pile of heads was placed as a trophy.
Ibrahim Khan Gardee, the Mussulman General of the Maharattas, having,
on one occasion during the action, ordered his men and musketry to
cease firing, advanced with seven battalions of disciplined Sepoys,
to attack Doondy Khan and Hafiz Rahmut Khan's divisions with fixed
bayonets. The Rohillas received the charge with great resolution, and
fought hand to hand. About 8,000 Rohillas were killed or wounded; and
the attack told so severely upon them that a few only remained with
their chiefs. Their force originally consisted of 15,000 foot and 4,000
horse. In this action, however, six of the seven battalions of Ibrahim
Khan were entirely cut to pieces. This gallant general was covered with
wounds, and being taken prisoner, afterwards fell a sacrifice to Ahmed
Shah's vengeance, for fighting against his own faith.
Nearly all the great chiefs were either killed or wounded. Malhar Rao
Holcar, who was accused of too early a retreat, was wounded. Sindiah,
afterwards the founder of a great state, was lamed for life; and Nana
Furnavese, who long averted the downfall of the Peishwah's government,
narrowly escaped by flight.
The confederacy of the Mahomedan powers dissolved on the cessation of
these common dangers. Ahmed Shah returned to Cabool without attempting
to profit by his victory; nor did he ever afterwards take any share in
the affairs of India. This victory, however, put an end to the Mogul
empire.
"Most of the Maharatta conquests," says Mr. Elphinstone, "were
recovered at a subsequent period; but it was by independent chiefs,
with the aid of European officers and disciplined Sepoys."
The Mogul empire, which had now received its death-blow, had been in a
tottering state for more than half a century; for its decline commenced
with the death of Aurungzebe, in 1707. Having been viceroy in the
Deccan, which he left to proceed to Agra, for the purpose of dethroning
his father, Shah Jehan, he assumed the royal authority in 1661, with
the arrogant title of "Alumgeer," or "Conqueror of the World." From the
death of this crafty and cruel man, in 1707, till 1760, no less than
six emperors of Delhi had been dethroned, assassinated, or poisoned,
besides two children, who reigned only a few months. This proves the
state of the Delhi empire at that period; and it was this internal
weakness which allured Nadir Shah, in 1739, to advance to the capital
and plunder Delhi. Elphinstone[53] says, "The divided government would
have fallen an easy prey to the Maharattas, had not circumstances
procured it a respite from the encroachments of these invaders."
The Maharattas, whose early history is involved in much obscurity,
were a warlike race, inhabiting the mountain provinces as far as
Guzerat and the Nerbudda, a large tract of country on the west coast,
between Surat and Canara. In 1720, they were invited by the governor of
the Deccan, who aimed at the establishment of an independent monarchy
in India, to ravage the territories of the Mogul, and attack the city
of Delhi. This predatory race gladly undertook a task which offered
such a prospect of booty. They committed great ravages throughout
the country, and finally attacked the city of Delhi. Although they
sustained a defeat, they so far succeeded in spreading the terror
of their name, that the generals of the Mogul army, concluded
a dishonourable treaty with them. The Governor of the Deccan,
disappointed in his expectations, readily found cause for a quarrel
with the Court of Delhi, and induced the disaffected nobles, who were
disgusted at the treaty concluded with the Maharattas, to call in the
aid of Nadir Shah, the usurper of the throne of Persia.
Nadir Shah, one of the most distinguished, but at the same time most
atrocious, men recorded in history, was born in 1687. While General
of the Persian forces, he quitted the military service, and became
leader of a formidable band of robbers. His military talents, however,
were so distinguished, that the king of Persia, not only pardoned this
audacious step, but took him again into his service, and gradually
raised him to the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Persian forces,
with the title of Khan, being the highest dignity he could bestow.
By his intrigues, Nadir Shah soon succeeded in gaining the whole army,
and when the Shah of Persia concluded a peace with the Turks without
his advice, Nadir basely dethroned his sovereign, seized the regency
in the name of the infant prince, who was still in his cradle, and,
after a sanguinary victory over the Turks, he was, on the death of
his Ward, chosen king of Persia, in 1735. From that day he adopted
the name of Nadir Shah. His arms were everywhere victorious; but he
shed torrents of blood, and inflicted even upon his own subjects, the
most unheard-of cruelties. His soldiers, whom he had enriched with the
splendid spoils of many a victory, were so devoted to him, that none
of his disaffected subjects, durst place himself at their head. Even
the priests, who were incensed at his oppression and cruelty to their
own body, and at his attempt to establish the Soonie creed instead of
the Shiah form of Mahomedanism, which was the national religion, were
utterly powerless, and every conspiracy that was formed to hurl the
usurper from the throne, was crushed in its birth. His greatest, but
at the same time his most cruel, campaign, was that against the Great
Mogul, in 1739, of which we have already spoken.
Being invited by the Grand Vizier, and by those nobles who were
indignant at the ignominious treaty concluded by their sovereign with
the Maharattas, whom he had induced by a large bribe to retire from the
capital, and the promise of an annual tribute in money and treasure,
on condition of their not renewing their assault, or plundering the
territories of the Great Mogul, Nadir Shah, who was bent upon revenge
for the protection afforded to some of his Affghan enemies, lost no
time in obeying the summons. He placed himself at the head of his army,
and crossed the Indus before Mahomed Shah, the emperor of Delhi, had
even heard of his impending approach. Mahomed immediately collected
his army, and fortified his camp, near Paniput, but hearing of Nadir's
approach, he went out to meet him, and offered him battle in open
field. It was a bloody contest. Both sides fought with desperate
valour, but Mahomed Shah was beaten; 20,000 of his valiant men were
wounded or slain, and Mahomed, to stop the sanguinary strife, went with
his chief men, and offered himself and his treasures to appease the
conqueror.
Nadir received his fallen foe, with more compassion than might have
been expected. He promised to reinstate him in his dominions, on
condition that he should give up his treasures and jewels, and that his
nobles and people should pay an enormous sum, as some indemnity for
the expenses incurred in this inglorious war. The dejected sovereign,
glad to be reinstated in his kingly power, had neither the heart nor
the means to resist the dictates of the conqueror, and returned with
him to his capital. Little did he anticipate the horrible scenes about
to be enacted there, in levying the cruel exactions of Nadir, whereby
he lost thousands of his subjects, and his already shattered power
received a blow which prevented it from ever rallying again. Victor
by the power of arms, and by the treachery of Mahomed's nobles, Nadir
Shah, sacked and devastated the conquered empire, fired and destroyed
the city of Delhi, and slew 200,000 inhabitants. This fearful slaughter
was occasioned by a false report of the death of Nadir, which caused
the inhabitants to rise _en masse_, and fall upon the soldiery. Nadir
immediately gave orders for a general massacre, which were instantly
obeyed. The carnage commenced at sunrise, and lasted till noon, when
it was at length put a stop to at the earnest entreaty of the Emperor
of Delhi. Nadir Shah carried off the imperial treasures which had been
accumulated by the Mogul rulers for upwards of two centuries.
Thus the arrival of Nadir Shah, preserved for a short time longer the
existence of the Mogul Empire, by the restoration of Mahomed Shah
to the imperial dignity; otherwise it must have succumbed to the
Maharattas. When Ahmed Shah first invaded India in 1748, the Vizier of
the Emperor of Delhi had recourse, as I have already remarked, to the
humiliating expedient of calling in the Maharattas. The state of the
Mogul Empire in 1756, was much the same as that of Calcutta when it was
attacked by Suraj-ud-Dowlah, the Subahdar of Bengal, in June of the
same year. No mandate of the Emperor was obeyed: the Nawab of Oude, the
actual Vizier of the Empire, had raised the standard of independence:
the power of the Maharattas was at its zenith, and that of the Mogul
Empire at its lowest ebb.
Now the proper country of the Maharattas is the south of India. When
Aurungzebe left the Deccan about 1658, he appointed a deputy, who,
however, was unable to control the Maharattas. Even Aurungzebe himself
when he went in pursuit of Sevajee, the founder of the Maharatta
Empire, was often baffled by the wily chief who would suddenly retire
into his hills and mountain fastnesses.
On the decline of the Delhi power at the death of Aurungzebe, the
Maharattas began to extend their operations to the north of the
Nerbudda; they gradually threatened all parts of Hindoostan, and
even visited Calcutta. At that time, what is called the Maharatta
ditch was thrown up to protect the city against these invaders, an
ingenious device of the Calcutta factory, and well enough for a body
of merchants. The origin of the term "ditchers," as applied to them, is
derived from this Maharatta ditch; though it would be as difficult to
determine its locality, except on paper, as that of the Black Hole.
The number of elephants and camels with the two armies, is not stated.
Elphinstone says, "that the force ascribed to the Indian kings is
probably exaggerated. Porus, one of the princes who occupied the
Punjaub, is said to have had 200 elephants, 300 chariots, 4,000 horse,
and 30,000 efficient infantry, which, as observed by Sir Alexander
Burnes, is, substituting guns for chariots--exactly the establishment
of Runjeet Singh, who is master of the whole Punjaub, and several other
territories." Burnes must have referred to the year 1831, when he was
in the Punjaub; in 1848 Runjeet Singh's force was supposed to be 50,000
men, besides irregulars for garrisons. Neither Polybius nor Arrian's
history of Alexander's expedition, mentions the number of elephants or
cattle with any of the armies. Humboldt in his "Cosmos"[54] writes:
"According to the testimony of Polybius, when African and Indian
elephants were opposed to each other in fields of battle, the sight,
smell, and cries of the larger and stronger Indian elephants drove the
African ones to flight. The latter were probably never employed as
war elephants in such large numbers as in Asiatic expeditions, when
Chundragupta had assembled 9,000, the powerful King of the Prasii
6,000, and Akbar an equally large number. These armies must have been
much larger than those engaged at the battle of Paniput in 1761."
We read that the elephants were placed in the front of the army, and
that they often turned back and killed more friends than foes. Now
9,000 elephants in a single line, allowing each to take up 12 feet
would reach 20 miles, and 6,000 elephants would extend 13 miles and
1,120 yards. It is said there were 50,000 camels with the army of the
Indus[55] in 1838 and 1839.
It may be interesting to the reader, to see the following statement of
the native armies in the time of Akbar, in 1582, as given in the Ayeen
Akbaree, by Abul Fazel, Prime Minister:--
Province of Cavalry. Infantry. Elephants. Boats.
Agra 50,600 477,570 221 -
Allahabad 11,375 237,870 323 -
Bahar 11,415 149,350 - 100
Delhi 18,275 125,400 - -
Oude 1,340 31,900 - 23
Ajmere 8,000 38,000 - -
Bengal 1,100 142,920 1,100 -
-------- ---------- ------ ----
Total 102,105 1,203,010 1,644 123
Thus we find that the cavalry and infantry in the seven Soobahs of
Agra, Ajmere, Allahabad, Bahar, Bengal, Delhi, and Oude amounted to
1,305,115; and if to these we add two others, viz., Lahore and Mooltan,
the number of men will be increased to 1,965,116, or of cavalry alone,
to 170,370, for
Province of Cavalry. Infantry.
Lahore 54,480 426,086
Mooltan 13,785 165,650
------ --------
Total 68,265 591,736
Making about 2,000,000 of fighting men from Lahore to Bengal: and if we
estimate the population at that time (1582) at 35,000,000, there would
have been one soldier out of every seventeen inhabitants.[56]
At present the population of the
North Western Provinces is 23,199,668
Punjaub 1,750,000
Bahar and Bengal 24,000,000
----------
Total 48,949,668
According to Diodorus, Alexander heard that he was to be opposed on
the banks of the Ganges by 20,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, 2,000
chariots and 4,000 elephants. Megasthenes mentions Alexander's visit
to Sandrocottus, monarch of the Prasii, when encamped with an army of
400,000 men. When Aurungzebe died, in 1707, two of his sons took the
field with 300,000 men each, which appear to have been the largest
armies assembled within the last 150 years in India.
Sultan Baber, as I have before observed, in 1525, with 12,000 men and
guns, defeated Ibrahim Lodi, the emperor of Delhi, who had 100,000 men
and no guns. In the battle of Paniput, in 1761, when the Maharattas
strove for the ascendancy over the Mahomedans, there were not above
150,000 men on either side. The infantry in Akbar's time were very
indifferent soldiers. Elphinstone says:[57] "that it is mentioned in
the Akbarnama that the chiefs of Scinde employed Portuguese soldiers
in this war; and had also 200 natives dressed as Europeans." These
were, therefore, the first Sepoys in India. The same learned author
states,[58] under the year 1692, only about fifteen years prior to
the death of Aurungzebe, that: "In spite of all Aurungzebe's boasted
vigilance, the grossest abuses had crept into the military department.
Many officers only kept up half the number of their men, and others
filled their ranks with their menials and slaves."
Whatever credit, therefore, may be due to the statement of the number
of troops in each Province in 1582, it is evident that in the year
1692, we should, by the like reasoning, have to reduce the royal
standing army from 2,000,000 to 1,000,000 men. The cavalry was the
most efficient force. The infantry, though ten times more numerous,
yet we may reckon that not one-fourth were of much use in action. The
cavalry in Akbar's time amounted to 170,000 men, and the infantry to
about 1,800,000: but if 500,000 could take the field, it was probably
the maximum; wherefore, if we were even to allow 700,000 men for all
Hindoostan, from Cabool (for it had been made a Province) to Cape
Comorin, the force would not greatly exceed many of the Continental
armies. The East India Company's armies at one period numbered 302,797
men, including the royal regiments.[59]
Folard, and many other judicious writers observe, that in proportion
as infantry is bad, and the military art declines, the number of horse
increases in our modern armies; because, say they, "An able general at
the head of a good infantry, can do anything, and wants but a small
cavalry." It is certain that when the infantry is good, much may be
done with it; and if it is bad you must increase your cavalry to keep
the enemy at a distance, as you must have a great quantity of heavy
artillery for the same purpose.
I must now take leave of Paniput with the remark, that formerly a
treasury was established there, Kurnaul furnishing the necessary
guards.
About this time there was a considerable change in the weather. The
days for the most part were hot and oppressive, and towards noon even
sultry. On the 5th of April I rode to Sunput, about seventeen miles. On
the 6th I started, at half past two in the morning, in the midst of a
complete hurricane, and proceeded to Barah Duree, a Chokey, or Police
Station, near Alepore. The road was excessively sandy and fatiguing,
the distance being sixteen miles and a half. On the 7th I rode to
Delhi, eleven miles and a half, and encamped outside the walls of this
famous royal city of the Moguls, close to the Cashmere gate.
I had now travelled 313 miles and a half, since I quitted Lahore, a
distance which I accomplished in twenty-two marches.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 42: Thanadar, keeper of a public station. The word likewise
means commandant of a military post.]
[Footnote 43: Francklin's Life of George Thomas, p. 66.]
[Footnote 44: Grant Duff, in his History of the Maharattas, agrees with
Casi Rai in making the paid horse and infantry as in the text, and
estimates the predatory horse and followers at 200,000. Casi Rai makes
the whole number to have been 500,000. _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii.
p. 123.]
[Footnote 45: Roh means a hill; the Rohillas are the Affghans, who
settled in Rohilkund on the return of Ahmed Shah to Cabool.]
[Footnote 46: The Dooranees were so called from Ahmed Shah Abdallah,
who assumed the name of Dooree Dooraun, "Pearl of the age," when
after seizing the sovereignty of Affghanistan, he was crowned king at
Candahar, in the year 1747.]
[Footnote 47: A day kept as a holiday by Hindoo Princes, when, if war
be intended, the campaign is opened.]
[Footnote 48:
Ἁμφἱ δἁρ ωμοισιν βἁλετο ξἱφος ἁργυρὁηλον,
----αὑτἁρ ἑπειτα σἁκος μἑγα τε στιβαρὁν τε.
_Homer's Iliad_, ii. 204, 205.]
[Footnote 49: The British used rockets on a small scale in 1817,
against the Fort of Hattrass; but they have never tried them against
troops.]
[Footnote 50: See Appendix XIX.]
[Footnote 51: Chiefs often ride on war elephants to be better seen by
their troops. An Indian queen has thus led her van in the battle field.
Should the elephant be struck down, or the chief fall wounded from his
elephant, the fortune of the day is generally decided.]
[Footnote 52: Hindoostan commences north of the Nerbudda; south of
that river the country is called the "South of India," and "The
Deccan."--See _Malcolm's Malwa_. vol. i. pp. 120, 121.]
[Footnote 53: Vol. ii. p. 598.]
[Footnote 54: Vol. ii. p. 540, note.]
[Footnote 55: The return of those lost was 30,000: one commanding
officer said 50,000. Lieutenant-Colonel Burlton discredits the amount,
but one of his own departmental officers gave in that number. The
Government bought fresh camels in the room of those which died or were
lost.]
[Footnote 56: The population of Great Britain and Ireland during the
late war, was about 18,000,000; out of which number 1,000,000 were
employed in the army, navy, marines, militia, volunteers and yeomanry.]
[Footnote 57: Vol. ii. p. 261.]
[Footnote 58: Vol. ii. p. 494.]
[Footnote 59: Captain Walter Badernach, p. 4, table 1, 1826.]