CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE

Transcriber’s Note: As a result of editorial shortcomings in the original,

some reference letters in the text don’t have matching entries in the

reference-lists, and vice versa.

THE HISTORIANS’ HISTORY OF THE WORLD

[Illustration: HERODOTUS]

THE HISTORIANS’

HISTORY

OF THE WORLD

A comprehensive narrative of the rise and development of nations

as recorded by over two thousand of the great writers of all ages:

edited, with the assistance of a distinguished board of advisers

and contributors, by

HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, LL.D.

[Illustration]

IN TWENTY-FIVE VOLUMES

VOLUME III--GREECE TO THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR

The Outlook Company

New York

The History Association

London

1904

COPYRIGHT, 1904,

BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS.

_All rights reserved._

Press of J. J. Little & Co.

New York, U. S. A.

Contributors, and Editorial Revisers.

Prof. Adolf Erman, University of Berlin.

Prof. Joseph Halévy, College of France.

Prof. Thomas K. Cheyne, Oxford University.

Prof. Andrew C. McLaughlin, University of Michigan.

Prof. David H. Müller, University of Vienna.

Prof. Alfred Rambaud, University of Paris.

Capt. F. Brinkley, Tokio.

Prof. Eduard Meyer, University of Berlin.

Dr. James T. Shotwell, Columbia University.

Prof. Theodor Nöldeke, University of Strasburg.

Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University.

Dr. Paul Brönnle, Royal Asiatic Society.

Dr. James Gairdner, C.B., London.

Prof. Ulrich von Wilamowitz Möllendorff, University of Berlin.

Prof. H. Marczali, University of Budapest.

Dr. G. W. Botsford, Columbia University.

Prof. Julius Wellhausen, University of Göttingen.

Prof. Franz R. von Krones, University of Graz.

Prof. Wilhelm Soltau, Zabern University.

Prof. R. W. Rogers, Drew Theological Seminary.

Prof. A. Vambéry, University of Budapest.

Prof. Otto Hirschfeld, University of Berlin.

Dr. Frederick Robertson Jones, Bryn Mawr College.

Baron Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London.

Dr. John P. Peters, New York.

Dr. S. Rappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris.

Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin.

Prof. C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University.

Prof. I. Goldziher, University of Vienna.

Prof. W. L. Fleming, University of West Virginia.

Prof. R. Koser, University of Berlin.

CONTENTS

VOLUME III

GREECE

PAGE

INTRODUCTORY ESSAY. THE SCOPE AND DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK HISTORY.

By Dr. Eduard Meyer 1

GREEK HISTORY IN OUTLINE 13

CHAPTER I

LAND AND PEOPLE 26

The land, 26. The name, 32. The origin of the Greeks, 33. Early

conditions and movements, 36.

CHAPTER II

THE MYCENÆAN AGE (_ca._ 1600-1000 B.C.) 40

Mycenæan civilisation, 40. The problem of Mycenæan chronology, 52.

The testimony of art, 54. The problem of the Mycenæan race, 56.

CHAPTER III

THE HEROIC AGE (1400-1200 B.C.) 66

The value of the myths, 67. The exploits of Perseus, 68. The

labours of Hercules, 69. The feats of Theseus, 71. The Seven

against Thebes, 72. The Argonauts, 73. The Trojan War, 76. The

town of Troy, 78. Paris and Helen, 79. The siege of Troy, 80.

Agamemnon’s sad home-coming, 81. Character and spirit of the

Heroic Age, 82. Geographical knowledge, 86. Navigation and

astronomy, 88. Commerce and the arts, 89. The graphic arts, 91.

The art of war, 92. Treatment of orphans, criminals, and slaves,

94. Manners and customs, 97.

CHAPTER IV

THE TRANSITION TO SECURE HISTORY (_ca._ 1200-800 B.C.) 99

Beloch’s view of the conventional primitive history, 99.

CHAPTER V

THE DORIANS (_ca._ 1100-1000 B.C.) 109

The migration in the view of Curtius, 115. Messenia, 117. Argos,

118. Arcadia, 121. Dorians in Crete, 124.

CHAPTER VI

SPARTA AND LYCURGUS (_ca._ 885 B.C.) 128

Plutarch’s account of Lycurgus, 129. The institutions of

Lycurgus, 131. Regulations regarding marriage and the conduct

of women, 133. The rearing of children, 135. The famed Laconic

discourse; Spartan discipline, 136. The senate; burial customs;

home-staying; the ambuscade, 138. Lycurgus’ subterfuge to

perpetuate his laws, 140. Effects of Lycurgus’ system, 141.

CHAPTER VII

THE MESSENIAN WARS OF SPARTA (_ca._ 764-580 B.C.) 143

First Messenian War, 144. The futile sacrifice of the daughter of

Aristodemus, 146. The hero Aristomenes and the Second Messenian

War, 147. The poet Tyrtæus, 149.

CHAPTER VIII

THE IONIANS (_ca._ 650-630 B.C.) 152

Origin and early history of Athens, 154. King Ægeus, 155.

Theseus, 158. Rise of popular liberty, 162. Draco, the lawgiver,

164.

CHAPTER IX

SOME CHARACTERISTIC INSTITUTIONS (884-590 B.C.) 167

The oracle at Delphi, 170. National festivals, 170. The Olympian

games, 172. Character of the games, 173. Monarchies and

oligarchies, 175. Tyrannies, 177. Democracies, 179.

CHAPTER X

THE SMALLER CITIES AND STATES 181

Arcadia, Ellis, and Achaia, 181. Argos, Ægina, and Epidaurus,

182. Sicyon and Megara, 184. Bœotia, Locris, Phocis, and Eubœa,

187. Thessaly, 189. Corinth under Periander, 191.

CHAPTER XI

CRETE AND THE COLONIES 194

Beloch’s account of Greek colonisation, 198.

CHAPTER XII

SOLON THE LAWGIVER (_ca._ 638-558 B.C.) 207

The life and laws of Solon according to Plutarch, 209. The law

concerning debts, 213. Class legislation, 215. Miscellaneous

laws; the rights of women, 216. Results of Solon’s legislation,

217. Solon’s journey and return; Pisistratus, 219. A modern view

of Solonian laws and constitution, 220.

CHAPTER XIII

PISISTRATUS THE TYRANT (550-527 B.C.) 222

The virtues of Pisistratus’ rule, 226.

CHAPTER XIV

DEMOCRACY ESTABLISHED AT ATHENS (514-490 B.C.) 231

Clisthenes, the reformer, 236. Ostracism, 245. The democracy

established, 251. Trouble with Thebes, 252.

CHAPTER XV

THE FIRST FOREIGN INVASION (506-490 B.C.) 261

The origin of animosity, 262. The Ionic revolt, 264. War with

Ægina, 267. The first invasion, 268. Battle of Marathon, 272.

On the courage of the Greeks, 277. If Darius had invaded Greece

earlier, 279.

CHAPTER XVI

MILTIADES AND THE ALLEGED FICKLENESS OF REPUBLICS (489 B.C.) 280

CHAPTER XVII

THE PLANS OF XERXES (485-480 B.C.) 285

Xerxes bridges the Hellespont, 295. How the host marched, 297.

The size of Xerxes’ army, 301.

CHAPTER XVIII

PROCEEDINGS IN GREECE FROM MARATHON TO THERMOPYLÆ (489-480 B.C.) 305

Themistocles and Aristides, 306. Congress at Corinth, 308. The

vale of Tempe, 313. Xerxes reviews his host, 314.

CHAPTER XIX

THERMOPYLÆ (480 B.C.) 320

The famous story as told by Herodotus, 320. Leonidas and his

allies, 321. Xerxes assails the pass, 323. The treachery of

Ephialtes, 323. The final assault, 325. Discrepant accounts of

the death of Leonidas, 327. After Thermopylæ, 327.

CHAPTER XX

THE BATTLES OF ARTEMISIUM AND SALAMIS (480 B.C.) 330

Battle of Artemisium, 331. Athens abandoned, 334. The fleet at

Salamis, 337. Xerxes at Delphi, 338. Athens taken, 339. Xerxes

inspects his fleet, 340. Schemes of Themistocles, 342. Battle of

Salamis, 345. The retreat of Xerxes, 348. The spoils of victory,

351. Syracusan victory over Carthage, 352.

CHAPTER XXI

FROM SALAMIS TO MYCALE (479 B.C.) 353

Mardonius makes overtures to Athens, 354. Mardonius moves on

Athens, 356. Athens appeals to Sparta, 357. Mardonius destroys

Athens and withdraws, 358. A preliminary skirmish, 360.

Preparations for the battle of Platæa, 362. Battle of Platæa,

366. Mardonius falls and the day is won, 370. After the battle,

371. The Greeks attack Thebes, 373. The flight of the Persian

remnant, 374. Contemporary affairs in Ionia, 374. Battle of

Mycale, 376. After Mycale, 377. A review of results, 379. A

glance forward, 379.

CHAPTER XXII

THE AFTERMATH OF THE WAR (478-468 B.C.) 382

Athens rebuilds her walls, 382. The new Athens, 384. The

misconduct of Pausanias, 386. Athens takes the leadership, 388.

The confederacy of Delos, 389. The treason of Pausanias, 391.

Political changes at Athens, 394. The downfall of Themistocles,

396.

CHAPTER XXIII

THE GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE (479-462 B.C.) 402

The victories of Cimon, 408. Mitford’s view of the period, 409.

CHAPTER XXIV

THE RISE OF PERICLES (462-440 B.C.) 416

The Areopagus, 420. Cimon exiled, 423. The war with Corinth, 424.

The Long Walls, 425. Cimon recalled, 427. The Five-Years’ Truce,

430. The confederacy becomes an empire, 431. Commencement of

decline, 432. The greatness of Pericles, 435. A Greek federation

planned, 436.

CHAPTER XXV

ATHENS AT WAR (440-432 B.C.) 438

The Samian War, 438. The war with Corcyra, 439. The war with

Potidæa and Macedonia, 444.

CHAPTER XXVI

IMPERIAL ATHENS UNDER PERICLES (460-430 B.C.) 448

Judicial reforms of Pericles, 454. Rhetors and sophists, 459.

Phidias accused, 461. Aspasia at the bar, 462. Anaxagoras also

assailed, 463.

CHAPTER XXVII

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE AGE OF PERICLES (460-410 B.C.) 465

Cost of living and wages, 465. Schools, teachers, and books, 472.

The position of a wife in Athens, 473.

CHAPTER XXVIII

ART OF THE PERICLEAN AGE (460-410 B.C.) 477

Architecture, 477. Sculpture, 483. Painting, music, etc., 487.

The artists of the other cities of Hellas, 490.

CHAPTER XXIX

GREEK LITERATURE 492

Oratory and lyric poetry, 492. Tragedy, 497. Comedy, 504. The

glory of Athens, 505.

CHAPTER XXX

THE OUTBREAK OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (432-431 B.C.) 508

Our sources, 508. The origin of the war, 510. Preparations

for the conflict, 517. The surprise of Platæa, 522. Pericles’

reconcentration policy, 526. The first year’s ravage, 527.

CHAPTER XXXI

THE PLAGUE; AND THE DEATH OF PERICLES (431-429 B.C.) 535

The oration of Pericles, 535. Thucydides’ account of the plague,

539. Last public speech of Pericles, 545. The end and glory of

Pericles, 548. Wilhelm Oncken’s estimate of Pericles, 551.

CHAPTER XXXII

THE SECOND AND THIRD YEARS OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (429-428 B.C.) 554

The Spartans and Thebans attack Platæa, 556. Part of the Platæans

escape; the rest capitulate, 557. Naval and other combats, 560.

CHAPTER XXXIII

THE FOURTH TO THE TENTH YEARS--AND PEACE (428-421 B.C.) 566

The revolt of Mytilene, 566. Thucydides’ account of the revolt of

Corcyra, 570. Demosthenes and Sphacteria, 575. Further Athenian

successes, 579. A check to Athens; Brasidas becomes aggressive,

580. The banishment of Thucydides, 581. A truce declared; two

treaties of peace, 582.

CHAPTER XXXIV

THE RISE OF ALCIBIADES (450-416 B.C.) 584

CHAPTER XXXV

THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION (481-413 B.C.) 591

Sicilian history, 591. The mutilation of the Hermæ, 596. The

fleet sails, 599. Alcibiades takes flight, 601. Nicias tries

strategy, 602. Spartan aid, 604. Alcibiades against Athens, 605.

Athenian reinforcements, 606. Athenian disaster, 608. Thucydides’

famous account of the final disasters, 610. Demosthenes

surrenders his detachment, 613. Nicias parleys, fights, and

surrenders, 614. The fate of the captives, 615.

CHAPTER XXXVI

CLOSE OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (425-404 B.C.) 617

Athens after the Sicilian débâcle, 617. Alcibiades again to the

fore, 620. The overthrow of the democracy; the Four Hundred,

624. The revolt from the Four Hundred, 627. The triumphs of

Alcibiades, 630. Alcibiades in disfavour again, 633. Conon wins

at Arginusæ, 634. The trial of the generals, 636. Battle of

Ægospotami, 638. The fall of Athens, 640. A review of the war,

642. Grote’s estimate of the Athenian Empire, 644.

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 647

PART IX

THE HISTORY OF GREECE

BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES

ARRIAN, JULIUS BELOCH, A. BŒCKH, JOHN B. BURY, GEORG BUSOLT,

H. F. CLINTON, GEORGE W. COX, ERNST CURTIUS, HERMANN

DIELS, DIODORUS SICULUS, JOHANN G. DROYSEN,

GEORGE GROTE, HERODOTUS, GUSTAV F.

HERTZBERG, ADOLF HOLM,

JUSTIN, JOHN P. MAHAFFY, EDUARD MEYER, WILLIAM MITFORD, ULRICH VON

WILAMOWITZ-MÖLLENDORFF, KARL O. MÜLLER, CORNELIUS NEPOS,

PAUSANIAS, PLATO, PLUTARCH, QUINTUS CURTIUS,

HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN, STRABO, CONNOP

THIRLWALL, THUCYDIDES, XENOPHON

TOGETHER WITH AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY ON

THE SCOPE AND DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK HISTORY

BY

EDUARD MEYER

A STUDY OF

THE EVOLUTION OF GREEK PHILOSOPHY

BY

HERMANN DIELS

AND A CHARACTERISATION OF

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HELLENIC SPIRIT

BY

ULRICH VON WILAMOWITZ-MÖLLENDORFF

WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM

CLAUDIUS ÆLIANUS, ANAXIMENES, APPIANUS ALEXANDRINUS, ARISTOBULUS,

ARISTOPHANES, ARISTOTLE, W. ASSMANN, W. BELOE, E. G. E. L.

BULWER-LYTTON, CALLISTHENES, CICERO, E. S. CREASY, CONSTANTINE

VII (PORYPHYROGENITUS), DEMOSTHENES, W. DRUMANN, VICTOR DURUY,

ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA, EUGAMON, EURIPIDES, EUTROPIUS, G. H.

A. EWALD, J. L. F. F. FLATHE, E. A. FREEMAN, A. FURTWÄNGLER AND

LÖSCHKE, P. GARDNER, J. GILLIES, W. E. GLADSTONE, O. GOLDSMITH,

H. GOLL, J. DE LA GRAVIÈRE, G. B. GRUNDY, H. R. HALL, G. W. F.

HEGEL, W. HELBIG, D. G. HOGARTH, ISOCRATES, R. C. JEBB, JOSEPHUS,

F. C. R. KRUSE, P. H. LARCHER, W. M. LEAKE, E. LERMINIER, LIVY,

LYSIAS, J. C. F. MANSO, L. MÉNARD, H. H. MILMAN, J. A. R.

MUNRO, B. G. NIEBUHR, W. ONCKEN, L. A. PRÉVOST-PARADOL, GEORGE

PERROT AND CHARLES CHIPIEZ, PHILOSTEPHANUS, PIGORINI, PHOTIUS,

R. POHLMAN, POLYBIUS, J. POTTER, PTOLEMY LAGI, JAMES RENNEL,

W. RIDGEWAY, K. RITTER, C. ROLLIN, J. RUSKIN, F. C. SCHLOSSER,

W. SCHORN, C. SCHUCHARDT, S. SHARPE, G. SMITH, W. SMYTH, E.

VON STERN, THEOGNIS, THEOPOMPUS, L. A. THIERS, C. TSOUNTAS AND

J. IRVING MANATT, TYRTÆUS, W. H. WADDINGTON, G. WEBER, B. I.

WHEELER, F. A. WOLF, XANTHUS

COPYRIGHT, 1904,

BY HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS

_All rights reserved_

[Illustration]

THE SCOPE AND DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK HISTORY

WRITTEN SPECIALLY FOR THE PRESENT WORK

BY DR. EDUARD MEYER

Professor of Ancient History in the University of Berlin

The history of Greek civilisation forms the centre of the history of

antiquity. In the East, advanced civilisations with settled states had

existed for thousands of years; and as the populations of Western Asia

and of Egypt gradually came into closer political relations, these

civilisations, in spite of all local differences in customs, religion,

and habits of thought, gradually grew together into a uniform sphere of

culture. This development reached its culmination in the rise of the

great Persian universal monarchy, the “kingdom of the lands,” _i.e._ “of

the world.” But from the very beginning these oriental civilisations

are so completely dominated by the effort to maintain what has been won

that all progress beyond this point is prevented. And although we can

distinguish an individual, active, and progressive intellectual movement

among many nations,--as in Egypt, among the Iranians and Indians, while

among the Babylonians and Phœnicians nothing of the sort is thus far

known,--nevertheless the forces that represent tradition are in the end

everywhere victorious over it and force it to bow to their yoke. Hence,

all oriental civilisations culminate in the creation of a theological

system which governs all the relations and the whole field of thought of

man, and is everywhere recognised as having existed from all eternity and

as being inviolable to all future time.

With the cessation of political life and the establishment of the

universal monarchy, the nationality and the distinctive civilisation

of the separate districts are restricted to religion, which has become

theology. The development of oriental civilisation then subsides in the

competition of these religions and the unavoidable coalescence consequent

thereupon. This is true even of that nation which experienced the richest

intellectual development, and did the most important work of all oriental

peoples--the Israelites. When the great political storms from which the

universal monarchy arose have spent their rage, Israel, the nation, has

developed into Judaism; and under the Persian rule and with the help of

the kingdom it organises itself as a church which seeks to put an end to

all free individual movement, upon which the greatness of ancient Israel

rests.

It was just the same with the ruling nation, the Persians, however

vigorous their entrance into history under Cyrus. The Persian kingdom

is, indeed, a civilised state, but the civilisations that it includes

lack the highest that a civilisation can offer: an energetic, independent

life, a combination of the firm institutions and permanent attainments

of the past with the free, progressive, and creative movement of

individuality. So the East, after the Persian period, was unable of its

own force to create anything new. It stagnated, and, had it not received

new elements from without, had it been left permanently to itself, would

perhaps in the course of centuries have altered its external form again

and again, but would hardly have produced anything new or have progressed

a step beyond what had already been attained.

But when Cyrus and Darius founded the Persian kingdom, the East no longer

stood alone. The nations and kingdoms of the East came into communication

with the coast of the Mediterranean very early--not later than the

beginning of the second millennium B.C.; and under their influence, about

1500 B.C., a civilisation arose among the Greeks bordering the Ægean. We

call it the Mycenæan, and in spite of its formal dependence upon the East

it could, in the field of art (where alone we have an exact knowledge of

it), take an independent and equal place beside the great civilisations

of the East.

How Greek civilisation continued to advance from step to step for many

centuries in the field of politics and society as well as in that of

the intellect; how it spread simultaneously over all the islands and

coasts of the Mediterranean, from Massalia on the coast of the Ligurians

and Cumæ in the land of the Oscans to the Crimea and the eastern coast

of the Black Sea, and in the south as far as Cyprus and Cilicia; how

Greek culture at the same time took root in much more remote districts,

especially in Asia Minor; and how under its influence an energetic

civilisation arose among the tribes of Italy, cannot be depicted here.

When the Persian kingdom was founded the Hellenes had developed from

a group of linguistically related tribes into a nation possessing a

completely independent culture whose equal the world had never yet seen,

a culture whose mainspring was that very political and intellectual

freedom of the individual which was completely lacking in the East.

Hence its character was purely human, its aim the complete and harmonious

development of man; and if for that very reason it always strove to

be moderate and to adapt itself to the moral and cosmical forces that

govern human life, nevertheless it could accomplish this only in free

subordination, by absorbing the moral commandment into its own will.

Therefore it did not permit the opposing theological tendencies to gain

control, strong as was their development in considerable districts of

Greece in the sixth century. At that very period, on the other hand, it

was stretching out to grasp the apples on the tree of knowledge; in the

most advanced regions of Hellas science and philosophy were opposing

theology. National as it was, this culture lacked but one thing: the

political unity of the nation, the co-ordination of all its powers in the

vigorous organism of a great state.

The instinct of freedom itself, upon which the greatness of this

civilisation rested, favoured by the geographical conformation of the

Greek soil, had caused a constantly increasing political disunion, which

saw in the complete and unlimited autonomy of every individual community,

even of the tiniest of the hundreds of city states into which Hellas

was divided, the highest ideal of liberty, the only fit existence for

a Hellene. And, internally, every one of these dwarf states was eaten

by the canker of political and social contrasts which could not be

permanently suppressed by any attempt to introduce a just political order

founded upon a codified law and a written constitution--whether the ideal

were the rule of the “best,” the rule of the whole, _i.e._ of the actual

masses, or that of a mixed constitution. The smaller the city and its

territory, the more apt were these attempts to become bloody revolutions.

Lively as was the public spirit, clearly as the justice of the demand for

subordination to law was recognised, every individual and every party

interpreted it according to its own conception and its own judgment, and

at all times there were not a few who were ready to seize for themselves

all that the moment offered.

To be sure, manifold and successful attempts to found a greater political

power were brought about by the advancing growth of industry and culture,

as well as by the development of the citizen army of hoplites, which had

a firm tactical structure and was well schooled in the art of war. In

the Peloponnesus Sparta brought the whole south under the rule of its

citizens and not only effected the union of almost the whole peninsula

into a league, but established its right, as the first military power of

Hellas, to leadership in all common affairs.

In middle Greece, Thebes succeeded in uniting Bœotia into a federal

state, while its neighbour Athens, which had maintained the unity of

the Attic district since the beginning of history, began to annex the

neighbouring districts of Megara, Bœotia, and Eubœa, and laid the

foundation of a colonial power, as Corinth had formerly done. In the

north the Thessalians acquired leadership over all surrounding tribes.

In the west, in Sicily, usurpers had founded larger monarchical unified

states, especially in Syracuse and Agrigentum.

But all these combinations were after all only of very limited extent and

by no means firmly united; on the contrary, the weaker communities felt

even the loosest kind of federation, to say nothing of dependence, as

an oppressive fetter which impaired the ideal of the individual destiny

of the autonomous state, and which at least one party,--generally the

one that happened to be out of power,--felt justified in bursting at the

first opportunity.

However, as things lay, the nation found itself forced, with this sort

of constitution, to take up the struggle for its political independence.

The Greeks of Asia Minor, formerly subjects of the kings of Sardis, had

become subjects of the Persian kingdom under Cyrus; the free Hellenes had

the most varied relations with the latter, and more than once gave him

occasion to intervene in their affairs. The Persian kingdom, which under

Darius no longer attempted conquests that were not necessary for the

maintenance of its own existence, took no advantage of these provocations

until the revolt of the Greeks of Asia Minor, supported by Athens, made

war inevitable.

After the first attempt had failed Xerxes repeated it on the greatest

scale. Against the Hellenic nation, whose alien character was everywhere

a hindrance in its path, the Orient arose in the east and the west for a

decisive struggle; the Phœnician city of Carthage, the great sea power of

the west, was in alliance with the Persian kingdom. Only the minority of

the Hellenes joined in the defence; in the west the princes of Syracuse

and Agrigentum, in the east Sparta and the Peloponnesian league, Athens,

the cities of Eubœa and a few smaller powers. But in both fields of

operation the Hellenes won a complete victory; the Carthaginians were

defeated on the Himera, in the east Themistocles broke the base of the

Persian position by destroying their sea power with the Athenian fleet

that he had created, and on the battle-field of Platæa the Persian land

forces were defeated by the superiority of the Greek armies of hoplites.

Thus the Hellenes had won the leading position in the world. For the

moment there was no other power that could oppose them by land or

sea; the Asiatic king never again ventured an attack on Greece. Her

absolute military superiority was founded upon the national character,

the energetic public spirit, the voluntary subordination to law and

discipline and the capacity for conceiving and realising great political

ideas. The Hellenes could gain and assert permanently the ascendency over

the entire Mediterranean world, and impress upon it for all time the

stamp of their nationality, provided only that they were united and saw

the way to gather together all their resources into a single firmly knit

great power.

But the Greeks were not able to meet this first and most urgent demand;

though the days of particularism were irrevocably past, the idea which

was so inseparably bound up with the very nature of Hellenism still

exerted a powerful influence. As the individual communities were no

longer able to maintain an independent existence, they gathered about the

two powers that had gained the leadership, and each of which was striving

for supremacy: the patriarchal military state of Sparta and the new

progressive great power of Athens.

With the victory over the East it had been decided that the individuality

of Hellenic culture, the intellectual liberty which gives free play to

all vigorous powers in both material and intellectual life, had asserted

itself; the future lay only along this way. Mighty was the advance that

in all fields carried Greece along with gigantic strides; after only a

few decades the time before the Persian wars seemed like a remote and

long past antiquity.

But mighty as were the advancing strides of the nation in trade

and industry, in wealth and all the luxury of civilisation, in

art and science, all these attainments finally became factors of

political disintegration. They furthered the unlimited development of

individualism, which in custom and law and political life recognises no

other rule than its own ego and its claims. The ideal world of the time

of the sophists and the politics of an Alcibiades and a Lysander are the

results of this development.

Athens perceived the political tasks that were set for the Hellenic

people and ventured an attempt to perform them. They could be

accomplished only by admitting the new ideas into the programme of

democracy, by the foundation and extension of sea power, by an aggressive

policy which aimed more and more at the subjection of the Greek world

under the hegemony of one city. In consequence all opposing elements

were forced under the banner of Sparta, which adopted the programme of

conservatism and particularism, in order to strengthen its resistance,

and restrict and, if possible, overcome its rival.

The conflict was inevitable, though both sides were reluctant to

enter upon it; twenty years after the battle of Salamis it broke out.

The fact that Athens was trying at the same time to continue the war

against Persia and wrest Cyprus and Egypt from it gave her opponents the

advantage; she had far overestimated her strength. After a struggle of

eleven years (460-449 B.C.) Athens found herself compelled to make peace

with Persia and free the Greek mainland, only retaining absolute control

over the sea.

Under the rule of Pericles she consolidated her power, and the ideals

that lived in her were embodied in splendid creations. She proved

herself equal, in spite of all internal instability and crises, to a

second attack of her Greek opponents (431-421 B.C.). But it again became

evident that the radical democracy, which was now at the helm, had no

grasp of the realities of the political situation; for the second time

it stretched out its hand for the hegemony over all Hellas, in unnatural

alliance with Alcibiades, the conscienceless, ambitious man who was

aiming at the crown of Athens and Hellas.

Mighty indeed was the plan to subdue the Western world, Sicily first of

all; then with doubled power first to crush the opponents at home and

then gain the supremacy over the whole Mediterranean world. But what a

united Hellas might have accomplished was far beyond the resources of

Athens, even if the democrats had not overthrown their dangerous ally at

the first opportunity, and thus lamed the undertaking at the outset.

The catastrophe of the Athenians before Syracuse (413 B.C.) is the

turning-point of Greek history. All the opponents of Athens united, and

the Persian king, who saw that the hour had come to regain his former

power without a struggle, made an alliance with them. Only through

his subsidies was it possible for Sparta and her allies to reduce

Athens--until she lay prostrate. And the gain fell to Persia alone,

however feeble the kingdom had meanwhile become internally. Sparta,

after overthrowing the despotism of Lysander, made an honest attempt

to reorganise the Greek world after the conservative programme, and to

fulfil the task laid upon the nation in the contest with Persia. But

she only furnished her opponents at home, and particularism, which now

immediately turned against its former ally, an occasion for a fresh

uprising, which Sparta could master only by forming a new alliance with

Persia. After the peace of 386 the king of Asia utters the decisive word

even in the affairs of the Greek mother-country.

Here dissolution is going rapidly forward. Every power that has once more

for a short time possessed some importance in Greece succumbs to it in

turn; first Sparta, then Thebes and Athens. The attempts to establish

permanent and assured conditions by local unions in small districts, as

in Chalcidice under Olynthus, in Bœotia and Arcadia, were never able to

hold out more than a short time. It was useless to look longer for the

fulfilment of the national destiny. Feeble as the Persian kingdom was

internally, every revolt against it, to say nothing of an attempt to make

conquests and acquire a new field of colonisation in Asia,--the programme

that Isocrates repeatedly urged upon the nation,--was made impossible

by internal strife. Prosperity was ruined, the energy of the nation was

exhausted in the wild feuds of brigands, the most desolate conditions

prevailed in all communities. Greek history ends in chaos, in a hopeless

struggle of all against all.

In this same period, to be sure, the positive, constructive criticism of

Socrates and his school rose in opposition to the negative tendencies of

sophistry; and made the attempt to put an end to the political misery,

to create by a proper education the true citizen who looks only to the

common welfare in place of the ignorant citizen of the existing states,

who was governed only by self-interest. These efforts resulted in the

development of science and the preservation for all future time of the

highest achievements of the intellectual life of Hellas, but they could

not produce an internal transformation of men and states, whose earthly

life does not lie within the sphere of the problems of theoretical

perception, but in that of the problems of will and power. So at the same

time that Greek culture has reached the highest point of its development,

prepared to become the culture of the world, the Greek nation is

condemned to complete impotence.

For the development in the West, different as was its course, led to no

other result. In the fifth century Greece controlled almost all Sicily

except the western point, the whole south of Italy up to Tarentum, Elea

and Posidonia and the coast of Campania. Nowhere was an enemy to be seen

that might have become dangerous. The Carthaginians were repulsed, and

the power of the Etruscans, who in the sixth century had striven for

the hegemony in Italy, decayed, partly from internal weakness, partly

in consequence of the revolt of their subjects, especially the Romans

and the Sabines. The Cumæans under Aristodemus with the Sabines as their

allies defeated Aruns, the son of Porsena of Clusium, at Aricia about 500

B.C., and in the year 474 the Etruscan sea power suffered defeat at Cumæ

from the fleet of Hiero of Syracuse.

The cities of western Greece stood then as if founded for all eternity;

they were adorned with splendid buildings, the gayest and most luxurious

life developed in their streets; and they had leisure enough, after the

Greek manner, to dissipate their energies, which were not claimed by

external enemies, in internal strife and in struggles for the hegemony.

Only the bold attempts which Phocæa made in the sixth century to turn

the western basin of the Mediterranean likewise into a Greek sea, to

get a firm footing in Corsica and southern Spain, had succumbed to the

resistance of the Carthaginians, who were in alliance with the Etruscans.

Only in the north, on the coast of Liguria from the Alps to the

Pyrenees, Massalia maintained its independence. Southern Spain, Gades,

and the coast of the land of Tarshish (Tartessus) were occupied by the

Carthaginians about the middle of the fifth century; and the Greeks and

all foreign mariners in general were cut off from the navigation of the

ocean, as well as from the coasts of North Africa and Sardinia.

In the fourth century the political situation is totally changed in

both east and west. The Greeks are reduced to the defensive and lose

one position after the other. A few years after the destruction of the

Athenian expedition the Carthaginians stretched out their hands for

Sicily; in the years 409 and 406 they take and destroy Selinus, Himera,

and Agrigentum; in the wars of the following years every other Greek city

of the island except Syracuse was temporarily occupied and plundered by

them.

In Italy after the middle of the fifth century a new people made their

entrance into history, the Sabellian (Oscan) mountain tribes. From the

valleys of the Abruzzi and the Samnitic Apennines they pressed forward

towards the rich plains of the coast, and the land of civilisation with

its inhabitants succumbed to them almost everywhere. To be sure, the

Sabines under Rome defended themselves against the Æquians and Volscians,

and so did the Apulians in the east against the Frentanians and Pentrians

of Samnium. But the Etruscans of Capua and Nola and the Greeks of Cumæ

were overcome (438 and 421 B.C.) by the Sabellian Campanians, and Naples

alone in this district was able to preserve its independence. In the

south the Lucanians advanced farther and farther, took Posidonia (Pæstum)

in 400 B.C., Pyxus, Laos, and harassed the Greek cities of the east coast

and the south.

From between these hostile powers, the Carthaginians and the Sabellians,

an energetic ruler, Dionysius of Syracuse (405-367 B.C.), once more

rescued Hellenism. In great battles, with heavy losses to be sure, and

only by the employment of the military power of the Oscans, of Campanian

mercenary troops and of the Lucanians, he succeeded in setting up once

more a powerful Greek kingdom, including two-thirds of Sicily, the south

of Italy as far as Crotona and Terina; he held Carthage in restraint,

scourged the Etruscans in the western sea, and at the same time occupied

a number of important points on the Adriatic, Lissus and Pharos in

Illyria, several Apulian towns, Ancona, and Hadria at the mouth of the

Po in Italy. Dionysius had covered his rear by a close alliance with

Sparta, which not only insured him against any republican uprising,

but made possible an uninterrupted recruiting of mercenaries from the

Peloponnesus. In return Dionysius supported the Spartans in carrying

through the Kings’ Peace and against their enemies elsewhere.

The kingdom of Dionysius seemed to rest on a firm and permanent

foundation. Had it continued to exist the whole course of the world’s

history would have been different; Hellenism could have maintained its

position in the West, which might even have received again a Greek

impress instead of becoming Italic and Roman.

But the kingdom of Dionysius was in the most direct opposition to all

that Greek political theory demanded; it was a despotic state which

made the free self-government of communities an empty form in the

capital Syracuse, and in the subject territories, for the most part,

simply abolished the city-state, the _polis_. The necessity of a strong

government that would protect Hellenism in the West against its external

enemies was indeed recognised by the discerning, but internally it seemed

possible to relax and to effect a more ideal political formation.

Under the successor of the old despot, Dionysius II, Plato’s pupil, Dion,

and Plato himself, made an attempt at reform, first with the ruler’s

support, and then in opposition to him. The result was, that the west

Grecian kingdom was shattered (357-353 B.C.), while the establishment of

the ideal state was not successful; instead anarchy appeared again, and

the struggle of all against all. Only the enemies of the nation gained.

In Sicily, to be sure, Timoleon (345-337) was able to establish a certain

degree of order; he overthrew the tyrants, repulsed the Carthaginians,

restored the cities and gave them a modified democratic constitution.

But the federation of these republics had no permanence. On the death

of Timoleon the internal and external strife began anew, and the final

verdict was uttered by the governor of the Carthaginian province.

In Italy, on the other hand, the majority of the Greek cities were

conquered by the Lucanians or the newly risen Bruttians. On the west

coast only Naples and Elea were left, in the south Rhegium; in the east

Locri, Crotona, and Thurii had great difficulty in defending themselves

against the Bruttians. Tarentum alone (upon which Heraclea and Metapontum

were dependent) possessed a considerable power, owing to its incomparable

situation on a sea-girt peninsula and to the trade and wealth which

furnished it the means again and again to enlist Greek chieftains and

mercenaries in its service for the struggle against its enemies.

It was as Plato wrote to the Syracusans in the year 352 B.C. If matters

go on in this way, no end can be foreseen “until the whole population,

supporters of tyrants and democrats, alike, has been destroyed, the

Greek language has disappeared from Sicily and the island fallen under

the power and rule of the Phœnicians or Oscans” (_Epist._ 8, 353 e).

In a century the prophecy was fulfilled. But its range extends a great

deal farther than Plato dreamed; it is the fate not only of the western

Greeks, but of the whole Hellenic nation, that he foretells here.

The Greek states were not equal to the task of maintaining the position

of their nation as a world-power and gaining control of the world for

their civilisation. When they had completely failed, a half-Greek

neighbouring people, the Macedonians, attempted to carry out this

mission. The impotence of the Greek world gave King Philip (359-336)

the opportunity, which he seized with the greatest skill and energy, of

establishing a strong Macedonian kingdom, including all Thrace as far

as the Danube, extending on the west to the Ionian Sea, and finally,

on the basis of a general peace, of uniting the Hellenic world of the

mother-country in a firm league under Macedonian hegemony (337 B.C.).

Philip adopted the national programme of the Hellenes proposed by

Isocrates and began war in Asia against the Persians (336 B.C.). His

youthful son Alexander then carried it out on a far greater scale than

his father had ever intended. His aim was to subdue the whole known

world, the οικουμένη, simultaneously to Macedonian rule and Hellenic

civilisation. Moreover, as the descendant of Hercules and Achilles, as

king of Macedonia and leader of the Hellenic league, imbued by education

with Hellenic culture, the triumphs of which he had enthusiastically

absorbed, he felt himself called as none other to this work. Darius III,

after the victory of Issus (November 333 B.C.), offered him the surrender

of Western Asia as far as the Euphrates; and the interests of his native

state and also,--we must not fail to note,--the true interests of

Hellenic culture would have been far better served by such self-restraint

than by the ways that Alexander followed.

But he would go farther, out into the immeasurable; the attraction to

the infinite, to the comprehension and mastery of the universe, both

intellectual and material, that lies in the nature of the yet inchoate

uniform world-culture, finds its most vivid expression in its champion.

When, indeed, he would advance farther and farther, from the Punjab

to the Ganges and to the ends of the world, his instrument, his army,

failed him; he had to turn back. But the Persian kingdom, Asia as far as

the Indus, he conquered, brought permanently under Macedonian rule, and

laid the foundation for its Hellenisation. With this, however, only the

smaller portion of his mission was fulfilled. The East everywhere offered

further tasks which had in part been undertaken by the Persian kingdom at

the height of its power under Darius I--the exploration of Arabia, of the

Indian Ocean, and of the Caspian Sea, the subjugation of the predatory

nomads of the great steppe that extends from the Danube through southern

Russia and Turania as far as the Jaxartes.

It was of far more importance that Hellenism had a task in the West like

that in the East; to save the Greeks of Italy and Sicily, to overcome the

Carthaginians and the tribes of Italy, to turn the whole Mediterranean

into a Greek sea, was just as urgently necessary as the conquest of

Western Asia. It was the aim that Alcibiades had set himself and on which

Athens had gone to wreck.

In the same years in which the Macedonian king was conquering the

Persians, his brother-in-law, Alexander of Epirus, at the request of

Tarentum, had devoted himself to this task. After some success at the

beginning he had been overcome by the Lucanians and Bruttians and the

opposition of Hellenic particularism (334-331 B.C.).

Now the Macedonian king made preparations to take up this work also and

thus complete his conquest of the world. That the resources of Macedonia

were inadequate for this purpose was perfectly clear to him. Since he had

rejected the proposals of Darius he had employed the conquered Asiatics

in the government of his empire, and above all had endeavoured to form an

auxiliary force to his army out of the people that had previously ruled

Asia. In his naïve overvaluation of education, due to the Socratic belief

in the omnipotence of the intellect, he thought he could make Macedonians

out of the young Persians. But as ruler of the world he must no longer

bear the fetters which the usage of his people and the terms of the

Hellenic league put upon him. He must stand above all men and peoples,

his will must be law to them, like the commandment of the gods. The march

to Ammon (331 B.C.), which at the time enjoyed the highest regard in the

Greek world, inaugurated this departure. This elevation of the kingship

to divinity was not an outgrowth of oriental views, although it resembles

them, but of political necessity and of the loftiest ideas of Greek

culture--of the teaching of Greek philosophy, common to all Socratic

schools, of the unlimited sovereignty of the true sage, whose judgment no

commandment can fetter; he is no other than the true king.

Henceforth this view is inseparable from the idea of kingship among all

occidental nations down to our own times. It returns in the absolute

monarchy that Cæsar wished to found at Rome and which then gradually

develops out of the principate of Augustus, until Diocletian and

Constantine bring it to perfection; it returns, only apparently modified

by Christian views, in the absolute monarchy of modern times, in kingship

by the grace of God as well as in the universal monarchy of Napoleon, and

in the divine foundation of the autocracy of the Czar.

But Alexander was not able to bring his state to completion. In the midst

of his plans, in the full vigour of youth, just as a boundless future

seemed to lie before him, he was carried off by death at Babylon, on the

thirteenth of June, 323 B.C., in the thirty-third year of his age.

With the death of Alexander his plans were buried. He left no heir who

could have held the empire together; his generals fought for the spoils.

The result of the mighty struggles of the period of the Diadochi, which

covers almost fifty years (323-277 B.C.), is, that the Macedonian empire

is divided into three great powers; the kingdom of the Lagidæ, who from

the seaport of Alexandria on the extreme western border of Egypt control

the eastern Mediterranean with all its coasts, and the valley of the

Nile; the kingdom of the Seleucidæ, who strive in continual wars to hold

Asia together; and the kingdom of the Antigonidæ, who obtained possession

of Macedonia, depopulated by the conquest of the world and again by

the fearful Celtic invasion (280), and who, when they wish to assert

themselves as a great power, must attempt to acquire an ascendency in

some form or other over Greece and the Ægean Sea.

Of these three powers the kingdom of the Lagidæ is most firmly welded

together, being in full possession of all the resources that trade and

sea power, money and politics, afford. To re-establish the universal

monarchy was never its aim, even when circumstances seemed to tempt

to it. But as long as strong rulers wear the crown it always stands

on the offensive against the other two; it harasses them continually,

hinders them at every step from consolidating, wrests from the Seleucidæ

almost all the coast towns of Palestine and Phœnicia as far as Thrace,

temporarily gains control of the islands of the Ægean, and supports every

hostile movement that is made in Greece against Macedonia. The Greek

mother-country is thus continually forced anew into the struggle, the

play of intrigue between the court of Alexandria and the Macedonian state

never gives it an opportunity to become settled. All revolts of the Greek

world received the support of Alexandria; the uprising of Athens and

Sparta in the war of Chremonides (264), the attempt of Aratus to give the

Peloponnesus an independent organisation by means of the Achæan league

(beginning in 252), and finally the uprising of Sparta under Cleomenes.

The aim of giving the Greek world an independent form was never attained;

finally, when at the end of the reign of Ptolemy III Euergetes (221) the

kingdom of the Lagidæ withdraws and lets Cleomenes fall, the peninsula

comes anew under the supremacy of the Macedonians, whom Aratus the

“liberator” had himself brought back to the citadel of Corinth. But

neither can the Macedonian king attain the full power that Philip and

Alexander had possessed a century earlier; in particular, its resources

are insufficient, even in alliance with the Achæans, to overthrow the

warlike, piratical Ætolian state, which is constantly increasing in

power. So Greece never gets out of these hopeless conditions; on the

contrary, indeed, through the emigration of the population to the Asiatic

colonies, through the decay of a vigorous peasant population which began

as early as in the fourth century, through the economic decline of

commerce and industry caused by the shifting of the centre of gravity to

the east, its situation becomes more and more wretched and the population

constantly diminishes. It can never attain peace of itself, but only

through an energetic and ruthlessly despotic foreign rule.

In the East, on the contrary, an active and hopeful life developed. The

great kings of the Lagidæan kingdom, the first three Ptolemies, fully

appreciated the importance of intellectual life to the position of

their kingdom in the world. All that Greek culture offered they tried

to attract to Alexandria, and they managed to win for their capital the

leading position in literature and science. But in other respects the

kingdom of the Lagidæ is by no means the state in which the life of the

new time reaches its full development. However much, in opposition to the

Greek world, in conflict with Macedonia, they coquette with the Hellenic

idea of liberty, within their own jurisdiction they cannot endure the

independence and the free constitution of the Greek _polis_, and their

subjects are by no means initiated into the new world-culture, but are

kept in complete subjugation, sharply distinguished from the ruling

classes, the Macedonians and Greeks, to whom also no freedom of political

movement whatever is granted.[1]

The development in Asia follows a very different course. Here, through

the activity of the great founders of cities, Antigonus, Lysimachus,

Seleucus I, and Antiochus I, one Greek city arises after another, from

the Hellespont through Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Media,

as far as Bactria and India; and from them grow the great centres of

culture, full of independent life, by which the Asiatic population is

introduced to the modern world-civilisation and becomes Hellenised.

Antigonus deliberately supported the independence of the cities within

the great organic body of the kingdom, thus following on the lines of the

Hellenic league under Philip and Alexander. By the pressure of political

necessity and the fact that they could maintain their power only by

winning the attachment and fidelity of their subjects, the Seleucidæ were

forced into the same ways. And side by side with the great kingdom the

political struggle creates a great number of powers of the second rank,

in part pure Greek communities, like Rhodes, Chios, Cyzicus, Byzantium,

Heraclea, in part newly formed states of Greek origin, like the kingdom

of Pergamus and later the Bactrian kingdom, in part fragments of the old

Persian kingdom, like Bithynia, Pontus, Cappadocia, Armenia, Atropatene,

and not much later the Parthian kingdom. Among these states the eastern

retain their oriental character, while the western are forced to pass

more and more into the culture of Hellenism.

Destructive as were the effects of the continual wars, and especially

of the raids of the Celtic hordes in Asia Minor, nevertheless there

pulsates here a fresh, progressive life, to which the future seems to

belong. To be sure, there is no lack of counter disturbance; beneath the

surface of Hellenism, the native population that is absorbed into the

Greek life everywhere preserves its own character, not through active

resistance, but through the passivity of its nature. When the orientals

become Hellenised, Hellenism itself begins at the same time to take on an

oriental impress.

But in this there lies no danger as yet. Hellenism everywhere retains

the upper hand and seems to come nearer and nearer to the goal of its

mission for the world. In all fields of intellectual life the cultured

classes have undisputed control and can look down with absolute contempt

on the currents that move the masses far beneath them; the exponents of

philosophical enlightenment may imagine they have completely dominated

them. When the great ideas upon which Hellenism is based have been

created by the classical period and new ones can no longer be placed

beside them, the new time sets to work to perfect what it has inherited.

The third century is the culmination of ancient science.

However, this whole civilisation lacks one thing, and that is a state

of natural growth. Of all the states that developed out of Alexander’s

empire, the kingdom of the Antigonidæ in Macedonia was the only one that

had a national basis; and therefore, in spite of the scantiness of its

resources, it was also the most capable of resistance of them all. All

others, on the contrary, were purely artificial political combinations,

lacking that innate necessity vital to the full power of a state. They

might have been altogether different, or they might not have been at

all. The separation of state and nationality, which is the result of

the development of the ancient East, exists in them also; they are not

supported by the population, which, by the contingencies of political

development, is for the moment included in them, and their subjects, so

far as the individual man or community is not bound to them by personal

advantage, have no further interest in their existence. To be sure, had

they maintained their existence for centuries, the power of custom might

have sufficed to give them a firmer constitution, such as many later

similar political formations have acquired and such as the Austrian

monarchy possesses to-day; and as a matter of fact we find the loyalty

of subjects to the reigning dynasty already quite strongly developed in

the kingdom of the Seleucidæ. But a national state can never arise on

the basis of a universal, denationalised civilisation, and the unity

is consequently only political, based only upon the dynasty and its

political successes. Therefore, except in Macedonia, none of these states

can, even in the struggle for existence, set in motion the full national

force supplied by internal unity.

The resources at the command of the Macedonio-Hellenic states were

consumed in the struggle with one another; nothing was left for the great

task that was set them in the West. The remains of Greek nationality,

still maintaining their existence here, looked in vain for a deliverer

to come from the East. An attempt made by the Spartan prince Cleonymus,

in response to the appeal of Tarentum, to take up the struggle in Italy

against the Lucanians and Romans, failed miserably through the incapacity

of its leader (303-302 B.C.). In Sicily, to be sure, the gifted general

and statesman Agathocles (317-289) had once more established, amid

streams of blood, and by mighty and ruthless battles against both

internal enemies and rivals and against Carthage, a strong Greek kingdom

that reached even to Italy and the Ionian Sea. But he was never able to

attain the position taken by Dionysius, and at his death his kingdom

goes to pieces. At this point also the rôle of the Sicilian Greeks in

the history of the world is played out; they disappear from the number

of independent powers capable of maintaining themselves by their own

resources.

FOOTNOTES

[1] It is altogether wrong to regard the kingdom of the Lagidæ as the

typical state of Hellenism. Through the mass of material that the

Egyptian papyri afford a further shifting in its favour is threatened,

which must certainly lead to a very incorrect conception of the whole of

antiquity. It is frequently quite overlooked that we have to do here only

with documents from a province of the kingdom of the Lagidæ (later of

Rome) which had a quite peculiar constitution, and that these documents

therefore show by no means typical, but in every respect exceptional,

conditions. The investigators who have made this material accessible

deserve great gratitude, but it must never be overlooked that even a

small fragment of similar documents from Asia would have infinitely

greater value for the interpretation of the whole history of antiquity

and specially that of Hellenism.

[Illustration: GREEK CITY SEALS]

GREEK HISTORY IN OUTLINE

A PRELIMINARY SURVEY, COMPRISING A CURSORY VIEW OF THE SWEEP OF EVENTS

AND A TABLE OF CHRONOLOGY

It is unnecessary in the summary of a country whose chief events are so

accurately dated and so fully understood as in the case of Greece, to

amplify the chronology. A synoptical view of these events will, however,

prove useful. Questions of origins and of earliest history are obscure

here as elsewhere. As to the earliest dates, it may be well to quote the

dictum of Prof. Flinders Petrie, who, after commenting on the discovery

in Greece, of pottery marked with the names of early Egyptian kings,

states that “the grand age of prehistoric Greece, which can well compare

with the art of classical Greece, began about 1600 B.C., was at its

highest point about 1400 B.C. and became decadent about 1200 B.C., before

its overthrow by the Dorian invasion.” The earlier phase of civilisation

in the Ægean may therefore date from the third millennium B.C.

2000-1000. Later phase of civilisation in the Ægean (the Mycenæan Age).

The Achæans and other Greeks spread themselves over Greece. Ionians

settle in Asia Minor. The Pelopidæ reign at Mycenæ. =Agamemnon=, king

of Mycenæ, commands the Greek forces at Troy. 1184. Fall of Troy

(traditional date). 1124. First migration. Northern warriors drive out

the population of Thessaly and occupy the country, causing many Achæans

to migrate to the Peloponnesus. 1104. Dorian invasion. The Peloponnesus

gradually brought under the Dorian sway. Dorian colonies sent out to

Crete, Rhodes, and Asia Minor. Argos head of a Dorian hexapolis. 885.

=Lycurgus= said to have given laws to Sparta. About this time (perhaps

much earlier) Phœnician alphabet imported into Greece. 776. The first

Olympic year. 750. First Messenian war.

PERIOD OF GREEK COLONISATION (750-550 B.C.)

683. Athens ruled by nine archons. 632. Attempt of Cylon to make himself

supreme at Athens. 621. Draconian code drawn up. 611. Anaximander of

Miletus, the constructor of the first map, born. End of seventh century.

Second Messenian war. Spartans conquer the country. The Ephors win almost

all the kingly power. =Cypselus= and his son =Periander= tyrants of

Corinth. 600. The poets Alcæus and Sappho flourish at Lesbos. 594-593.

=Solon= archon at Athens. 590-589. Sacred war of the Amphictyonic

league against Crissa. =Clisthenes= tyrant of Sicyon. 585. Pythian

games reorganised. Date of first Pythiad. 570. =Pisistratus= polemarch

at Athens. Athenians conquer Salamis and Nisæa. 561. Pisistratus makes

himself supreme in Athens. He is twice exiled. 559-556. =Miltiades=

tyrant of the Thracian Chersonesus. 556. Chilon’s reforms in Sparta.

549-548. Mycenæ and Tiryns go over to Sparta.

ATHENS UNDER THE TYRANTS (540-510 B.C.)

540. Pisistratus tyrant of Athens. 530. Pythagoras goes to Croton.

527. Pisistratus dies and is succeeded by his sons, =Hippias= and

=Hipparchus=. Homeric poems collected. 514. Hipparchus slain by Harmodius

and Aristogiton. 510. A Spartan army under Cleomenes blockades Hippias

and forces him to quit Athens.

THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY

Clisthenes and Isagoras contend for the chief power in Athens. 507.

Isagoras calls in =Cleomenes= who invades Attica. The Athenians overcome

the Spartans, and Clisthenes, who had left Athens, returns. =Clisthenes=

reforms the Athenian democracy. 506. Spartans, Bœotians, and Chalcidians

allied against Athens. The Athenians allied with Platæa. Chalcidian

territory annexed by Athens. Nearly the whole Peloponnesus forms a

league under the hegemony of Sparta. Rivalry between Athens and Ægina.

504. The Athenians refuse to restore Hippias on the Persian demand. 498.

Athens and Eretria send ships to aid the Milesians against the Persians.

496. Sophocles born at Athens. 494. Naval battle off Lade, the decisive

struggle of the Ionian war, won by the Persians. Battle of Sepeia. The

Spartans defeat the Argives. 493. =Themistocles=, archon at Athens,

fortifies the Piræus.

PERIOD OF THE PERSIAN WARS (492-479 B.C.)

492. Quarrel between the Spartan kings. King =Demaratus= flees to the

Persian court, and King Cleomenes seizes hostages from Ægina. Thrace

and Macedonia subdued by the Persians. 490. The Persians subdue Naxos

and other islands, and destroy Eretria before landing in Attica. Battle

of Marathon; the Greeks under Miltiades defeat the Persians, the latter

losing six thousand men; the Persian fleet sets sail for Asia. 489.

Miltiades’ expedition against Paros. Miltiades tried, and fined. His

death. 487. War between Athens and Ægina. Themistocles begins to equip an

Athenian fleet. 483. Aristides ostracised. 481. Xerxes musters an army to

invade Greece. Greek congress at Corinth. 480. Xerxes at the Hellespont.

The northern Greeks submit to Xerxes. The Greek army is defeated at the

pass of Thermopylæ and =Leonidas=, the Spartan king, is slain. Battle

of Artemisium. The Greek fleet retreats. Athens being evacuated, Xerxes

occupies it. Battle of Salamis and complete victory of the Greeks.

Retreat of Xerxes. The Greeks fail to follow up their victory. 479.

Mardonius invades Bœotia; occupies Athens. Retreat of Mardonius. Battle

of Platæa. Mardonius defeated and slain. Retreat of the Persian army.

Battle of Mycale and defeat of the Persian fleet.

POST-BELLUM RECONSTRUCTION (479-463 B.C.)

478. Athenians under Xanthippus capture Sestus in the Chersonesus.

Confederacy of Delos. 477. Athenian walls rebuilt. Piræus fortified.

Themistocles’ law providing for the annual increase of the navy.

Pausanias conquers Byzantium. He enters into treacherous relations

with the Persians. 476. The Spartans endeavour to reorganise the

Amphictyonic league. Their attempts defeated by Themistocles. 474. The

poet Pindar flourishes. 473. Scyros conquered by the Athenian, Cimon.

Argos defeated by the Spartans at the battle of Tegea. 472. Themistocles

ostracised. _Persæ_ of Æschylus performed. 471. The Arcadian league

against Sparta crushed at the battle of Dipæa. 470-469. Naxos secedes

from the confederacy of Delos, and is compelled to return. 470. Socrates

born. 468. Cimon defeats the Persians at the Eurymedon. Argos recovers

Tiryns. 465-463. Thasos revolts and is reduced by the fleet under Cimon.

464. Sparta stirred by terrible earthquake and a revolt of the helots.

The Third Messenian war. 463-462. Cimon persuades Athens to send help

to the Spartans, but the latter refuse the assistance. They are afraid

of Athens’ revolutionary spirit. This incident puts an end to Cimon’s

Laconian policy. It is the triumph of Ephialtes and his party.

THE AGE OF PERICLES (463-431 B.C.)

463-461. Triumph of democracy at Athens under Ephialtes and Pericles.

The Areopagus deprived of its powers. Cimon protests against the changes

effected in his absence. He is ostracised, and Athens forms a connection

with Argos, which captures and destroys Mycenæ. 460-459. Megara secedes

from the Peloponnesian league to Athens. A fleet, sent by Athens to

aid the Egyptian revolt against Persia, captures Memphis. 459. Ithome

captured by the Spartans. 459-458. Athens at war with the northern states

of the Peloponnesus. Athenian victories of Halieis, Cecryphalea, and

Ægina. 458. Long walls of Athens completed. 457. Spartan expedition to

Bœotia. Victory of Tanagra over the Athenians. Truce between Athens and

Sparta. Battle of Œnophyta and conquest of Bœotia by the Athenians. The

Phocians and Locrians make alliance with Athens. 456. Ægina surrenders

to the Athenians. 454. Greek contingent in Egypt capitulates to the

Persians; the Athenian fleet destroyed at the mouth of the Nile. 454-453.

Treasury of the confederacy of Delos transferred from the island to

Athens. 453. Pericles besieges Sicyon and Œniadæ without success. Achaia

passes under the Athenian dominion. 452-451. Five years’ truce between

Athens and the Peloponnesus. 450-449. Cimon leads an expedition against

Cyprus. Death of Cimon. The fleet on its way home wins the battle of

Salamis in Cyprus. 448. Peace of Callias concluded with Persia. Sacred

war. The Phocians withdraw from the Athenian alliance. 447. Bœotia lost

to Athens by the battle of Coronea. 447-446. Revolt of Eubœa and Megara

from the Delian confederacy. Eubœa is subdued and annexed. Pericles

plants colonies in the Thracian Chersonesus, Eubœa, Naxos, etc. 446-445.

Thirty Years’ Peace between Athens and Sparta. 444. Aristophanes born.

442. Thucydides opposes Pericles; is ostracised, leaving Pericles without

a rival in Athens, where he governs for fifteen years with absolute

power. Sophocles’ _Antigone_ produced. 440-439. Pericles subdues Samos.

Corcyræans defeat Corinthians in a sea-fight. 433. Corcyra concludes

alliance with Athens. Battle of Sybota between Corcyra and Corinth. King

=Perdiccas= of Macedonia incites the revolt of Chalcidice against Athens.

432. “Megarian decree,” passed at Athens, excludes Megarians from all

Athenian markets. Battle of Potidæa. Athenians defeat the Corinthians.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (431-404 B.C.)

431. Sparta decides on war with Athens on the grounds of her having

broken the Thirty Years’ Peace. Peloponnesian War. First period called

the “Attic War.” Platæa surprised by Thebans. Thebans taken and executed

in spite of a promise for their release. King =Archidamus= of Sparta

invades Attica. The population crowd into Athens. Athens annexes Ægina.

The fleet takes several important places. 430. The plague in Athens.

Trial of Pericles for misappropriation of public money. Potidæa taken by

the Athenians and the inhabitants expelled. 429. =Archidamus= besieges

Platæa. Phormion, the Athenian, wins the victory of Naupactus. Death of

Pericles. Rivalry between contending parties under Nicias and Cleon. 428.

=Archidamus= invades Attica. Mytilene revolts and is blockaded by the

Athenians. 427. Fourth invasion of Attica by the Spartans. Surrender of

Mytilene. The Mytilenæan ringleaders executed. Surrender of Platæa to the

Peloponnesians. Oligarchs in Corcyra conspire to overthrow the democrats.

Civil war and naval engagement. Terrible slaughter. Athenian expedition

to Sicily under Laches. Birth of Plato. 426. Athenians under Demosthenes

defeated in Ætolia. Battle of Olpæ. Peloponnesians and Ambracians

defeated by Demosthenes. Purification of Delos by the Athenians. The

Delian festival revived under Athenian superintendence. 425. Athens

increases the amount of tribute to be paid by the confederacy. The

episode of Pylos, leading, after a long struggle, to the capture of

Lacedæmonian forces in Sphacteria. 424. Defeat of Hippocrates at Delium.

Thucydides, the historian, banished for not succouring Amphipolis in

time. Brasidas takes towns of Chalcidice. 423. Truce between Athens

and Sparta. Scione in Chalcidice revolts to Sparta and an Athenian

expedition under Cleon is sent against it, notwithstanding the truce.

422. Battle of Amphipolis won by Brasidas, but both he and Cleon are

slain. 421. Peace of Nicias ends the first period of the Peloponnesian

War. Mutual restoration of conquests. Scione is taken and all the male

inhabitants put to death. 420. Second period of the Peloponnesian War.

Alcibiades becomes the chief opponent of Nicias. Expedition against

Epidaurus. 418. Nicias recovers his power in Athens. The Spartans invade

Argolis. Athenians take Orchomenus, but are defeated by the Spartans.

Battle of Mantinea. Hyperbolus attempts to obtain the ostracism of

Nicias. The decree is passed against himself, being the last instance

of ostracism. Argive oligarchy overthrows the democratic government. A

counter revolution restores the democrats. Athens concludes alliance

with Argos. 416. Melos conquered by the Athenians. The Sicilian city

of Segesta appeals to Athens for help against Selinus. Nicias opposes

the sending of assistance, but is overruled and sent with Alcibiades in

command of a Sicilian expedition. 415. Mysterious mutilation of the Hermæ

statues regarded as an evil omen. Alcibiades accused of a plot. His trial

postponed. The expedition sails. Fall of Alcibiades; his escape. 414.

Siege of Syracuse. The Spartan Gylippus arrives with ships. 413. Nicias

appeals for help to Athens and a second expedition is voted. Syracusans

worsted in a sea battle. Syracusans capture an Athenian treasure fleet,

and win a battle in the harbour of Syracuse. Arrival of the second

Athenian expedition and its total defeat. The Athenians retreat by land.

The rear guard is forced to surrender and the relics of the main body are

captured after the defeat of the Asinarus. Tribute of the confederacy

abolished and replaced by an import and export duty. 412. Third period

of the Peloponnesian War, called the Decelean or Ionian War. The allies

of Athens take advantage of her misfortunes to revolt. Sparta makes a

treaty with Persia. Athens wins several naval successes. 411. “Revolution

of the Four Hundred.” The fleet and army at Samos place themselves under

the leadership of Alcibiades. Spartans defeat the Athenian fleet at

Eretria. Fall of the Four Hundred and partial restoration of Athenian

democracy. Battle of Cynossema won by the Athenians. Alcibiades defeats

the Peloponnesians at Abydos. 410. Battle of Cyzicus won by Alcibiades.

Complete restoration of Athenian democracy. 408. Alcibiades conquers

Byzantium. 407. Cyrus, viceroy of Sardis, furnishes the Spartan Lysander

with money to raise the pay of the Spartan navy. Lysander begins to set

up the oligarchical government of the decarchies in the cities conquered

by him. Battle of Notium. Athenians defeated. Alcibiades’ downfall.

406. Battle of Arginusæ. Peloponnesians defeated by the Athenians. The

victorious generals are blamed for not rescuing their wounded, and are

illegally condemned and executed. The Spartans make overtures for peace,

which are rejected. 405. Battle of Ægospotami. Most of the Athenian ships

are taken and all the prisoners are put to death. The Athenian empire

passes to Sparta. Lysander subdues the Hellespont and Thrace, and lays

siege to Athens. 404. Surrender of Athens.

SPARTAN SUPREMACY AND PERSIAN INFLUENCE

Return to Athens of exiles of the oligarchical party. Athens under the

Thirty. Thrasybulus and other exiles gain Phyle. Theramenes opposes the

violent rule of the Thirty and is put to death. 403. Battle of Munychia.

Thrasybulus defeats the army of the Thirty. Death of Critias. The

Thirty are deposed and replaced by the Ten. The Spartans under Lysander

come to the aid of the Ten, but the intervention of the Spartan king,

=Pausanias=, brings about the restoration of the Attic democracy. 401.

Cyrus’ campaign and the battle of Cunaxa. Retreat of the Ten Thousand

Greeks under Xenophon. 400. Spartan invasion of the Persian dominions.

399. Spartans under Dercyllidas occupy the Troad. Elis conquered and

dismembered by the Spartans. Socrates put to death for denying the

Athenian gods. 398. =Agesilaus= becomes king of Sparta. 397. Cinadon’s

conspiracy. 396. Agesilaus invades Phrygia. 395. Agesilaus wins the

victory of Sardis. Revolt of Rhodes. The Spartans invade Bœotia and

are repelled with the assistance of the Athenians. Thebes, Athens,

Argos, and Corinth allied against Sparta. 394. Agesilaus returns from

Asia Minor. Battle of Nemea won by the Spartans. Battle of Cnidus. The

Persian fleet under Conon destroys the Spartan fleet. Agesilaus wins the

battle of Coronea and retreats from Bœotia. 393. Pharnabazus destroys

the Spartan dominion in the eastern Ægean, and supplies Conon with funds

to restore the long walls of Athens. Beginning of the “Corinthian War.”

392. Federation of Corinth and Argos. Fighting between the Spartans and

the allies on the Isthmus of Corinth. Both sides send embassies to the

Persians. 391. The Spartans begin fresh wars in Asia. 389. Successes of

Thrasybulus in the northern Ægean. 388. Spartans dispute the supremacy

of Athens on the Hellespont and are defeated at Cremaste. 387. Peace of

Antalcidas between Persia and Sparta. Athens is compelled to accede.

386. Dissolution of the union of Corinth and Argos. Sparta compels

the Mantineans to break down their city walls and separate into small

villages. 384-382. The city of Olynthus, having united the Chalcidian

towns under her hegemony and increased her territory at the expense of

Macedonia, makes alliance with Athens and Thebes. Sparta sends help to

the towns which refuse to join. 384. Aristotle born. 382. Spartans seize

the citadel of Thebes. 380. _Panegyric_ of Isocrates, a plea for Greek

unity. 381-379. Sparta forces Phlius to submit to her dictation. 379.

Chalcidian league compelled by Sparta to dissolve. The power of Sparta at

its height. Rising of Thebes under Pelopidas against Sparta. Sphodrias,

the Spartan, invades Athenian territory. The Spartans decline to punish

the aggression.

RISE OF THEBES (378-359 B.C.)

378. Athens makes alliance with Thebes. 378-377. Formation by the

Athenians of a new maritime confederacy. 378-376. Three unsuccessful

Spartan expeditions into Bœotia. 376. Great maritime victory of the

Athenian Chabrias at Naxos. Successes of Timotheus of Athens in the

Ionian Sea. 374. Brief peace between Sparta and Athens. 374-373.

Corcyra unsuccessfully invested by the Spartans. 371. Peace of Callias,

guaranteeing the independence of each individual Greek city. Thebes

not included in the Peace. Jason of Pheræ, despot of Thessaly. Battle

of Leuctra. Epaminondas of Thebes defeats the Spartans. Revolutionary

outbreaks in Peloponnesus. 370. Arcadian union and restoration of

Mantinea. Foundation of Megalopolis. Epaminondas and Pelopidas invade

Laconia. 369. Messene restored by the Thebans as a menace to Sparta.

Alliance between Sparta and Athens. The Thebans conquer Sicyon. Pelopidas

sent to deliver the Thessalian cities from the rivals, Alexander of

Macedon and Alexander of Pheræ. 368. The Spartans win the “tearless

victory” of Midea over the Arcadians. Death of =Alexander II= of Macedon.

Succession of his brother =Perdiccas= secured by Athenian intervention.

Pelopidas captured by Alexander of Pheræ. 367. Epaminondas rescues

him. Pelopidas obtains a Persian decree settling disputed questions in

Peloponnesus. The decree disregarded in Greece. 366. The Thebans conquer

Achaia, but fail to keep it. Athens makes alliance with Arcadia. 365.

Athenians conquer and colonise Samos, and acquire Sestus and Crithote.

=Perdiccas III= of Macedon assassinates the regent. Timotheus takes

Potidæa and Torone for Athens. Elis invaded by the Arcadians. 364.

Creation of a Bœotian navy encourages the allies of Athens to revolt.

Battle of Cynoscephalæ. Alexander of Pheræ, defeated by the Bœotians

and their Thessalian allies. Pelopidas falls in the battle. Orchomenus

destroyed by the Thebans. Elis invaded by the Arcadians. Spartan

operations fail. Battle in the Altis during the Olympic games. The

Arcadians appropriate the sacred Olympian treasure. Praxiteles, the

sculptor, flourished. 362. Unsuccessful attack on Sparta by Epaminondas.

Battle of Mantinea and death of Epaminondas. 361. Agesilaus of Sparta

goes to Egypt as a leader of mercenaries. Battle of Peparethus. Alexander

of Pheræ defeats the Athenian fleet. He attacks the Piræus. 360. The

Thracian Chersonesus lost to Athens.

PHILIP OF MACEDONIA (359-336 B.C.)

359. Death of =Perdiccas III= of Macedon. =Philip= seizes the government

as guardian for his nephew, =Amyntas=. 358. Brilliant victories of Philip

over the Pæonians and Illyrians. 357. Thracian Chersonesus and Eubœa

recovered by Athens. Philip takes Amphipolis. Revolt of Athenian allies,

Chios, Cos, and Rhodes. 356. Battle of Embata lost by the Athenians.

Philip founds Philippi, takes Pydna and Potidæa, defeats the Illyrians

and sets to work to organise his kingdom on a military basis. Birth of

Alexander the Great. 355. Peace between Athens and her revolted allies.

The Athenians abandon their schemes of a naval empire. Outbreak of the

“Sacred war” against the Phocians who had seized the Delphic temple.

354. Battle of Neon. The Phocians defeated. Demosthenes begins his

political activity. Phocian successes under Onomarchus. 353. Methone

taken by Philip of Macedon. Philip and the Thessalian league opposed

to Onomarchus and the tyrants of Pheræ. Onomarchus drives Philip from

Thessaly. Philip crushes the Phocians in Magnesia and makes himself

master of Thessaly. Phocis saved from him by help from Athens. 352. War

in the Peloponnesus. Spartan schemes of aggression frustrated. Thrace

subdued by Philip. 351. Demosthenes delivers his _First Philippic_. 349.

Philip begins war against Olynthus which makes alliance with Athens.

Athenian attempt to recover Eubœa fails. 348. Philip destroys Olynthus

and the Chalcidian towns. 347. Death of Plato. 346. Peace of Philocrates

between Philip and Athens. Phocis subdued by Philip. Philip presides at

the Pythian games. Philip becomes archon of Thessaly. Demosthenes accuses

Æschines of accepting bribes from Philip. 344. Demosthenes delivers

_The Second Philippic_. 343. Megara, Chalcis, Ambracia, Acarnania,

Achaia, and Corcyra ally themselves with Athens. 342-341. Philip annexes

Thrace. He founds Philippopolis. 341. Demosthenes’ _Third Philippic_.

340. Diplomatic breach between Athens and Philip. 339. Perinthus and

Byzantium unsuccessfully besieged by Philip. Philip’s campaign on the

Danube. 338. The Amphictyonic league declares a “holy war” against

Amphissa, and requests the aid of Philip. Philip destroys Amphissa and

conquers Naupactus. Philip occupies Elatea. Athens makes alliance with

Thebes. Battle of Chæronea. Philip defeats the Athenians and Thebans. The

hegemony of Greece passes to Macedon. Philip invades the Peloponnesus

which, with the exception of Sparta, acknowledges his supremacy. Philip

establishes a Greek confederacy under the Macedonian hegemony. Lycurgus

appointed to control the public revenues in Athens. 336. Attalus and

Parmenion open the Macedonian war in Æolis.

THE AGE OF ALEXANDER (336-323 B.C.)

Murder of Philip and succession of =Alexander the Great=. Alexander

compels the Hellenes to recognise his hegemony. 335. Alexander conducts

a successful campaign on the Danube and defeats the Illyrians at Pelium.

Thebes revolts against him and is destroyed. 334. Alexander sets out for

Asia. Battle of the Granicus. Alexander defeats the Persians. Lydia,

Miletus, Caria, Halicarnassus, Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia subdued.

333. Alexander goes to Gordium and cuts the Gordian knot. Death of his

chief opponent, the Persian general, Memnon. Submission of Paphlagonia

and Cilicia. Battle of Issus. Alexander puts the army of Darius to

flight. Sidon and Byblos submit. 332. Tyre besieged and taken. He

slaughters the inhabitants and marches southward, storming Gaza. Egypt

conquered. He founds Alexandria. 331. Battle of Arbela and defeat of the

Great King. Babylon opens its gates to Alexander. He enters Susa. The

Spartans rise and are defeated at Megalopolis. 330. Alexander occupies

Persepolis. Alexander in Ecbatana, in Parthia, and on the Caspian.

Philotas is accused of conspiring against Alexander’s life and is

executed. His father, the general Parmenion, put to death on suspicion.

Judicial contest between Demosthenes and Æschines ends in the latter’s

quitting Athens. Part of Gedrosia (Beluchistan) submits to Alexander.

329. Arachosia conquered. 328. Alexander conquers Bactria and Sogdiana.

327. Alexander quells the rebellion of Sogdiana and Bactria. Clitus

killed by Alexander at a banquet. Alexander marries the Sogdian Roxane.

Callisthenes, the historian, is put to death under pretext of complicity

in the conspiracy of the pages to assassinate Alexander. Beginning of the

Indian war. 326. Alexander in the Punjab; he crosses the Indus, and is

victorious at the Hydaspes. At the Hyphasis the army refuses to advance

further. Alexander builds a fleet and sails to the mouth of the Indus.

325. Conquest of the Lower Punjab. March through Gedrosia (Mekran in

Beluchistan) and Carmania. Nearchus makes a voyage of discovery in the

Indian Ocean. 324. Alexander in Susa. He punishes treasonable conduct of

officials during his absence. Alexander’s veterans discharged at Opis.

Harpalus deposits at Athens the money stolen from Alexander. The trial

respecting misappropriation of this money ends in Demosthenes being

forced to quit Athens. Alexander’s last campaign against the Kossæans.

323. Alexander returns to Babylon and reorganises his army for the

conquest of Arabia. Death of Alexander.

THE POST-ALEXANDRIAN EPOCH

323. At Alexander’s death his young half-brother, =Philip Arrhidæus=,

succeeded to his empire, while there are expectations of a posthumous

heir by Roxane. The young Alexander is born. =Perdiccas= is made regent

over the Asiatic dominions, while =Antipater= and =Craterus= take the

joint regency of the West. The Greeks, with Athens at their head, attempt

to throw off the Macedonian yoke as soon as Alexander is dead, and

the Lamian war breaks out (323-322). But one by one the states yield

to Antipater and Craterus. The direct government of the dominions in

Europe, Africa, and Western Asia is divided among Alexander’s generals.

Thirty-four shared in the allotment; the most important are: =Ptolemy

Lagus=, in Egypt and Cyrenaica; =Antigonus=, in Phrygia, Pamphylia,

and Lycia; =Eumenes=, the secretary of Alexander, in Paphlagonia and

Cappadocia; =Cassander=, in Caria; =Leonnatus=, in Hellespontine Phrygia;

=Menander=, in Lydia; and =Lysimachus=, in Thrace and the Euxine

districts. Perdiccas aims to marry Alexander’s sister, Cleopatra, as

a means of becoming absolute master of the empire. The other generals

league themselves against him, and (321) Perdiccas is murdered by his

soldiers while proceeding against Ptolemy. Antipater replaces him as

regent, and redivides the empire; =Seleucus= is given Babylonia to rule

over. Antipater dies 319, and the son =Cassander= and =Polysperchon=

become regents. In 317 and 316, Cassander conquers Greece and Macedonia.

Antigonus, with the help of Cassander, attacks and defeats Eumenes, who

is betrayed by his own forces in 316. Antigonus now has ambitions to

control the whole empire, and in 315 the terrible war of the Diadochi,

between him and the other generals, begins. Antigonus and his son,

=Demetrius Poliorcetes=, call themselves kings. Seleucus, Lysimachus,

Cassander, and others do the same. Demetrius seizes Athens in 307. At

the end of the struggle every member of Alexander’s family is dead, the

majority put to death. In 301, at the battle of Ipsus, Antigonus falls,

and Demetrius takes to flight. Cassander dies 296, and the succession

is contested by his two sons, =Philip IV= and =Antipater=. Demetrius

takes the opportunity of this quarrel to seize the European dominions. He

prepares to invade Asia, and the other successors of the empire, together

with King =Pyrrhus= of Epirus, league against him. In 287 Pyrrhus invades

Macedonia, and Demetrius’ army deserts him. Pyrrhus is welcomed as king,

and he gives Lysimachus the eastern part of Macedonia to rule over.

Demetrius renews the struggle with Pyrrhus, and at his death, in 283, his

son, =Antigonus Gonatas=, carries it on. In 282 Lysimachus is attacked

by Seleucus Nicator, and is defeated and killed on the plain of Corus in

281. =Ptolemy Ceraunus= murders Seleucus, and seizes the European kingdom

of Lysimachus. In 280 Pyrrhus goes to Tarentum to make war on the Romans.

THE ACHÆAN AND ÆTOLIAN LEAGUES

The Achæan towns of Patræ, Dyme, Tritæa, and Pharæ expel their Macedonian

garrisons and join in a confederacy. 279. The Celts descend on the

Balkan countries and on Macedonia. Death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. 278. Celts

under Brennus approach Greece. Struggle between Celts and Hellenes

round Thermopylæ. Brennus defeated at Delphi. Celts driven back.

Ætolian Confederacy becomes the most important representative of Greek

independence. 277. =Antigonus= king of Macedonia. He founds the dynasty

of the Antigonids. Pyrrhus conquers Sicily. 276. The Achæan town Ægium

expels its garrison and joins Patræ, etc., in the Achæan Confederacy.

274. Pyrrhus returns to Epirus. 273. Pyrrhus expels Antigonus from

Macedon. 272. Pyrrhus besieges Sparta, which successfully resists him.

He turns against Argos, where he is killed. Antigonus recovers his

supremacy in Greece. The Greek cities fight for their independence. 265.

The Macedonians defeat the Egyptian fleet at Cos. Antigonus recovers his

position in the Peloponnesus. 263. Chremonidean war. 263-262. Antigonus

takes Athens. End of the independent political importance of Athens.

255. The Long Walls of Athens broken down. 249. Aratus frees Sicyon from

its tyrant Nicocles, and brings the town over to the Achæan League. 245.

Aratus becomes president of the Achæan League. =Agis IV= becomes king of

Sparta and attempts to introduce reforms. 242. Aratus conquers Corinth.

Megara, Trœzen, and Epidaurus join the Achæans. 241. Agis IV executed.

239. =Demetrius=, king of Macedon. Alliance between the Achæans and

Ætolians. 238-5. Extinction of the Epirote Æacids; federative republic

in Epirus. 235. =Cleomenes III=, king of Sparta. 234. Lydiades abdicates

from his tyranny and brings Megalopolis over to the Achæan League. 231.

Illyrian corsairs ravage the western coasts of Greece and defy the Achæan

and Ætolian fleets. 229. The greater part of Argolis included in the

Achæan League. =Antigonus Doson=, regent of Macedon. Athens frees herself

from the Macedonian dominion. The Romans defeat the Illyrian corsairs.

228. Athens makes alliance with Rome. The Achæan League at the height of

its power. 227. Beginning of the Spartan war against the Achæan League.

226. Cleomenes III effects fundamental reforms in Sparta. 224. Battle at

Dyme. Cleomenes defeats the Achæan League. 223. Aratus calls in the aid

of Macedon. Egypt deserts the Achæans and becomes the ally of Sparta.

Achæans, Bœotians, Phocians, Thessalians, Epirotes, and Acarnanians form,

under the leadership of Macedon, an alliance against Sparta. 222. Battle

of Sellasia. Defeat of the Spartans. Antigonus Doson restores the Spartan

oligarchy. 220. =Philip V= king of Macedon. War of Philip and his Greek

allies, including the Achæan League, against the Ætolians supported by

Sparta. 219. =Lycurgus= (last king of Sparta). 217. Peace of Naupactus.

The destructive war against the Ætolians ended in dread of a Carthaginian

invasion. Philip V becomes protector of all the Hellenes.

THE ROMAN CONQUEST (216-146 B.C.)

216. Philip concludes an alliance with Hannibal and provokes the first

Macedonian war with Rome. 214. Battle near the mouth of the Aous. The

Romans surprise Philip and defeat him. Ætolians, Eleans, Messenians,

and Illyrians accept Roman protection. 213. Aratus poisoned at Philip’s

instigation. 211. Sparta goes over to Rome. Savage wars of the Grecian

cities against one another. 208. Philopœmen becomes general of the

Achæan League, and revives its military power. 205. Philip makes peace

with Rome, ceding the country of the Parthenians and several Illyrian

districts to Rome. Philip carries on war in Rhodes, Thrace, and Mysia,

and sends auxiliaries to Carthage. 200. Second Macedonian war declared by

Rome. Romans under Sulpicius invade Macedonia. 199. Romans kept inactive

by mutiny in the army. 198. Defeat of Philip by Flamininus. Achæans and

Spartans join the Romans. 197. Battle of Cynoscephalæ and destruction of

the Macedonian phalanx. Philip accepts humiliating terms and renounces

his supremacy over the Greeks. 194. Flamininus returns to Rome. The

Ætolians, dissatisfied, pillage Sparta, which joins the Achæan League.

=Antiochus III= of Syria comes to the aid of the Ætolians. 191. Battle of

Thermopylæ. Antiochus defeated by the Romans. 190. Battle of Magnesia.

Romans defeat Antiochus. Submission of the Ætolians. 183. Messene revolts

from the Achæan League. 179. Callicrates succeeds Philopœmen as general

of the Achæan League. Death of Philip V and accession of =Perseus=, who

conciliates the Greeks, and makes alliances with Syria, Rhodes, etc. 169.

Attempted assassination of Eumenes of Pergamum on his return from Rome.

168. Third Macedonian war declared by the Romans. Romans are unsuccessful

at first, but the battle of Pydna is won by Paulus Æmilius, the

Macedonians losing twenty thousand men. Flight and subsequent surrender

of Perseus. 150. Death of Callicrates. 152. Andriscus lays claim to the

throne of Macedon. 148. Andriscus defeated at Pydna and taken to Rome.

146. Macedon made a Roman province. Romans support Sparta in her attempt

to withdraw from the Achæan League. Corinthians take up arms, and are

joined by the Bœotians and by Chalcis. Battle of Scarphe and victory of

the Romans under Metellus. Corinth is taken by Mummius; its art treasures

are sent to Rome, and the city delivered up to pillage. Achæan and

Bœotian leagues dissolved.

THE EGYPTIAN KINGDOM OF THE PTOLEMIES OR LAGIDÆ (323-30 B.C.)

In 323 =Ptolemy I=, son of Lagus, receives the government of Egypt and

Cyrenaica in the division of Alexander’s Empire. He rules at Alexandria.

In 321 he allies himself with Antipater against the ambitious Perdiccas.

He joins the alliance against Antigonus in 315. 306. He assumes the

title of king. 304. He assists the Rhodians to repel Demetrius, and

wins the surname of Soter (Saviour). 285. He abdicates in favour of his

son, =Ptolemy (II) Philadelphus=, and dies two years later. Ptolemy

II reigns almost in undisturbed peace. About 266 he annexes Phœnicia

and Cœle-Syria. He is famous as a great patron of commerce, science,

literature, and art, and raises the Alexandrian Museum and Library to

importance. On his death in 247, his son, =Ptolemy (III) Euergetes=,

reunites Cyrenaica, of which his father’s half-brother, Magas, had

declared himself king on the death of Ptolemy I. In 245 he invades

Syria, to avenge his sister Berenice, the wife of Antiochus II, slain

by Laodice. He also marches to and captures Babylon, but is recalled to

Egypt by a revolt in 243. In 222 he is succeeded by his son, =Ptolemy

(IV) Philopator=. In 217 this king defeats Antiochus the Great at Raphia,

recovering Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria, which has been wrested from him.

=Ptolemy (V) Epiphanes= began his reign in 205 or 204. Antiochus the

Great invades Egypt, and the Romans intervene. Ptolemy marries Cleopatra,

daughter of Antiochus. He dies by poison in 181. His son, =Ptolemy (VI)

Philometor=, succeeds, with =Cleopatra= as regent until her death in 174.

Then the ministers make war on Antiochus Epiphanes, who captures Ptolemy

in 170. The king’s brother, =Ptolemy (VII) Euergetes= or =Physcon=, then

proclaims himself king, and reigns jointly with his brother after the

latter’s release. In 164 Ptolemy VII expels Ptolemy VI, but is compelled

to recall him at the demand of Rome. Ptolemy VII returns to Cyrenaica,

which he holds as a separate kingdom until his brother’s death, 146, when

he returns to Egypt, slays the legitimate heir, and rules as sole king.

The people of Alexandria expel him in 130, but he manages to get back in

127. Dies 117. His son, =Ptolemy (VIII) Philometor= or =Lathyrus=, shares

the throne with his mother, =Cleopatra III=. In 107 his mother expels

him, and puts her favourite son, =Ptolemy (IX) Alexander=, on the throne.

Ptolemy VIII keeps his power in Cyprus, and on his mother’s death the

Egyptians recall him and banish his brother. The wars with the Seleucid

princes are kept up. =Berenice III=, the daughter of Ptolemy VIII,

succeeds him in 81. Her stepson, =Ptolemy X= or =Alexander II=, son of

Ptolemy Alexander, comes from Rome as Sulla’s candidate, and marries her.

The queen is at once murdered, by her husband’s order, and the people put

him to death, 80. The legitimate line is now extinct. An illegitimate son

of Ptolemy Lathyrus, =Ptolemy (XI) Neus Dionysus= or =Auletes=, takes

Egypt; and a younger brother, Cyprus. Weary of taxation, the Alexandrians

expel Auletes in 58, but the Romans restore him in 55. His son, =Ptolemy

XII=, and his daughter, =Cleopatra=, succeed him in joint reign in 51.

In 48 Ptolemy expels his sister, who flees to Syria, and attempts to

recover Egypt by force of arms. Cæsar effects her restoration in 48, and

the civil war with Pompey results. Ptolemy is defeated on the Nile, and

drowned. Cleopatra’s career after this belongs to Roman history, _q.v._

Unwilling to appear in Octavian’s triumph after Actium, she kills herself

in some unknown way, 30 B.C.

THE SELEUCID KINGDOM OF SYRIA (312-65 B.C.)

=Seleucus (I) Nicator= receives the satrapy of Babylon from Antipater.

He founds his kingdom in 312. He extends his conquests into Central Asia

and India, assuming the title of king about 306. He takes part against

Antigonus in the battle of Ipsus, 301. After this a part of Asia Minor

is added to his dominions, and the Syrian kingdom is formed. He defeats

Lysimachus on the plain of Corus in 281 and is assassinated by Ptolemy

Ceraunus in 280. He is the builder of the capital cities of Seleucia

and Antioch. His son =Antiochus (I) Soter= succeeds. He gives up all

claim to Macedonia on the marriage of Seleucus’ daughter, Phila, to

Antigonus Gonatas. Dies 261, his son =Antiochus (II) Theos= succeeding.

In this reign the kingdom is greatly weakened by the revolt of Parthia

and Bactria, leading to the establishment of the Parthian empire by

Arsaces about 250. He also involves himself in a ruinous war with Ptolemy

Philadelphus, concluding with the peace of 250. He is killed, 246,

and succeeded by his son =Seleucus (II) Callinicus= who wars with the

Parthians and Egyptians until his death in 226. =Seleucus (III) Ceraunus=

after a short reign of three years is succeeded by his brother =Antiochus

(III) the Great=, the most famous of the Seleucidæ. 223. Alexander and

Molon the rebellious brothers of the king are subdued. Antiochus goes

to war with Ptolemy Philopator and is beaten at Raphia, 217, losing

Cœle-Syria and Phœnicia. 214. Achæus the governor of Asia Minor rebels,

and is defeated and killed. 212. Antiochus begins an attempt to regain

Parthia and Bactria, but in 205 is compelled to acknowledge their

independence. Continued warfare with Egypt. Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria

regained by battle of Paneas in 198, but these territories are given

back to Egypt when Ptolemy Epiphanes marries Cleopatra, daughter of

Antiochus. 196. The Thracian Chersonesus taken from Macedonia. 192-189.

War with the Romans, who demand restoration of the Thracian and Egyptian

provinces. 190. Battle of Magnesia; great defeat of Antiochus by the

Romans. 187. Antiochus killed by his subjects as he attempts to rob the

temple of Elymais to pay the Romans. His son =Seleucus (IV) Philopator=

succeeds. Before his death, in 175, Seleucus satisfies the Roman claims.

His successor is his brother =Antiochus (IV) Epiphanes=. Armenia, lost

by Antiochus III, is reconquered, also Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria, 171-168.

Antiochus attempts to stamp out the Jewish religion, giving rise to

the Maccabæan rebellion in 167. =Antiochus (V) Eupator= succeeds his

father in 164. Lysias is regent, as the king is only nine years old.

A peace with the Jews is concluded and then Antiochus is killed, 162,

by =Demetrius (I) Soter=, son of Seleucus Philopator, who seizes the

throne. The Maccabæans hold their own against this king. Alexander Balas,

a pretended son of Antiochus Epiphanes, organises an insurrection. He

invades Syria, and Demetrius is killed, 150, in battle. =Alexander Balas=

usurps the throne. =Demetrius (II) Nicator=, son of Demetrius I, contests

the throne but not with much success. Balas wars with Ptolemy Philopator

and is killed, 145. A war of succession begins between Demetrius Nicator

and Balas’ young son =Antiochus VI=. The latter is supported by the Jews.

Antiochus VI is slain by =Tryphon=, the general of Alexander Balas, in

142. Tryphon rules until 139, when he is put to death by =Antiochus (VII)

Sidetes=. Meanwhile one faction recognises Demetrius Nicator as king. He

marries Cleopatra, an Egyptian princess, goes to war with the Parthians,

is captured, and Antiochus Sidetes takes his place for ten years.

Sidetes wages war with the Parthians, and is killed in battle, 128.

Demetrius Nicator now resumes his rule, but owing to his misgovernment

is assassinated at the instigation of Cleopatra, in 125. The eldest son,

=Seleucus V=, is put to death the same year by Cleopatra, and the second

son, =Antiochus (VII) Grypus=, takes the throne. He expels Alexander

Zabina, a usurper. Civil war breaks out between =Antiochus= and his

half-brother, =Antiochus (IX) Cyzicenus=, who in 112 compels a division

of the kingdom, taking Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria as his share. Antiochus

VIII is assassinated, 96. Antiochus IX is killed in 95 by =Seleucus

(VI) Epiphanes=, son of Grypus, who rules only one year. =Antiochus (X)

Eusebes=, son of Antiochus IX, follows. His claims are contested by the

sons of Grypus, =Philip=, =Demetrius (III) Eucærus=, and =Antiochus

(XI) Epiphanes=. The latter is drowned fleeing from Eusebes and the

other two rule over the whole of Syria. In 88 Demetrius is captured by

the Parthians and another brother =Antiochus (XII) Dionysius=, shares

the rule with Philip. He is killed in a war with the Arabians. Civil

strife has now reached such a state that the Syrians invite =Tigranes= of

Armenia to put an end to it. He conquers Syria in 83, and rules it until

69, when, after his defeat by Lucullus, =Antiochus (XIII) Asiaticus=, son

of Antiochus Eusebes, regains the throne. He is deposed, 65, by Pompey,

and Syria becomes a Roman province.

THE SICILIAN TYRANTS (570-210 B.C.)

The government of the Greek colonies in Sicily is originally

oligarchical, but the rule soon gets into the hands of despots or

tyrants, who hold uncontrolled power. 570-554. =Phalaris=, tyrant of

Agrigentum or Acrargas, brings that city to be the most powerful in the

island. About 500, =Cleander= obtains possession of Gela. His brother

=Hippocrates= succeeds, and is followed by =Gelo=, who makes himself

master of Syracuse. 488. =Theron= is tyrant of Agrigentum, and, 481,

expels =Terillus= from Himera. Terillus appeals to the Carthaginians

who besiege Himera, 480. Gelo aids Theron and defeats Hamilcar. 478.

Gelo succeeded by his brother =Hiero I=, an oppressive ruler. 472.

=Thrasydæus= succeeds Theron in Agrigentum, but is expelled by Hiero.

467. =Thrasybulus= succeeds Hiero, but is driven from Sicily by the

people, 466. The fall of Thrasybulus is the signal for great internal

dissensions, settled, 461, by a congress, which restores peace and

prosperity for half a century, interrupted only by a quickly suppressed

revolt of the Sicels in 451. 409. Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar,

attempts the conquest of Sicily. 405. =Dionysius= attains to despotic

power in Syracuse. 383. After constant war the limits of Greek and

Carthaginian power in Sicily are fixed. 367. =Dion= succeeds Dionysius;

after an oppressive rule he is murdered, 353. A period of confusion

follows. The younger =Dionysius= and =Hicetas= hold power against each

other. The latter calls in the Carthaginians, and Timoleon comes from

Corinth, defeats Hicetas, and restores Greek liberty in 343. Democratic

government is also reinstated in other parts of Sicily. 340. Defeat of

Hasdrubal and Hamilcar at the Crimisus puts an end to all fear from

Carthage. 317. =Agathocles= establishes a despotism in Syracuse. His

reign is oppressive and disastrous for Sicily. 310. Defeat of Agathocles

by Hamilcar at Ecnomus. Agathocles goes to Africa to carry on the

war; meanwhile Hamilcar gets possession of a large part of Sicily.

Agathocles makes peace with Carthage, and perpetrates a fearful massacre

of his opponents. 289. Death of Agathocles. =Hicetas= becomes tyrant

of Syracuse. Agrigentum, under =Phintias=, attains to great power. The

Carthaginians now begin to be predominant in the island. 278. Pyrrhus

lands in Sicily to aid the Greeks, but returns to Italy, 276. =Hiero II=

is chosen general by the Syracusans. He fights the Mamertines. 270. Hiero

assumes title of king. He allies with Carthage to expel the Mamertines.

The Romans espouse the latter’s cause, and the First Punic War is begun,

264. 263. Hiero makes peace with Rome. 241. Battle off the Ægetan

Islands. The whole island, except the territory of Hiero, becomes a Roman

province. 215. =Hieronymus=, grandson and successor of Hiero, breaks the

treaty with Rome in the Second Punic War, and is assassinated. Marcellus

is sent to Syracuse. 212. Syracuse falls into his hands. 210. Agrigentum

captured. Roman conquest completed.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER I. LAND AND PEOPLE

The character of every people is more or less closely connected with

that of its land. The station which the Greeks filled among nations, the

part which they acted, and the works which they accomplished, depended

in a great measure on the position which they occupied on the face of

the globe. The manner and degree in which the nature of the country

affected the bodily and mental frame, and the social institutions of its

inhabitants, may not be so easily determined; but its physical aspect

is certainly not less important in a historical point of view, than

it is striking and interesting in itself. An attentive survey of the

geographical site of Greece, of its general divisions, and of the most

prominent points on its surface, is an indispensable preparation for

the study of its history. In the following sketch nothing more will be

attempted, than to guide the reader’s eye over an accurate map of the

country, and to direct his attention to some of those indelible features,

which have survived all the revolutions by which it has been desolated.

THE LAND

The land which its sons called Hellas, and for which we have adopted

the Roman name Greece,[2] lies on the southeast verge of Europe, and in

length extends no further than from the thirty-sixth to the fortieth

degree of latitude. It is distinguished among European countries by

the same character which distinguishes Europe itself from the other

continents--the great range of its coast compared with the extent of its

surface; so that while in the latter respect it is considerably less than

Portugal, in the former it exceeds the whole Pyrenean peninsula. The

great eastern limb which projects from the main trunk of the continent

of Europe grows more and more finely articulated as it advances towards

the south, and terminates in the peninsula of Peloponnesus, the smaller

half of Greece, which bears some resemblance to an outspread palm.

Its southern extremity is at a nearly equal distance from the two

neighbouring continents: it fronts one of the most beautiful and fertile

regions of Africa, and is separated from the nearest point of Asia by

the southern outlet of the Ægean Sea--the sea, by the Greeks familiarly

called their own, which, after being contracted into a narrow stream by

the approach of the opposite shores at the Hellespont, suddenly finds

its liberty in an ample basin as they recede towards the east and the

west, and at length, escaping between Cape Malea and Crete, confounds its

waters with the broader main of the Mediterranean. Over that part of this

sea which washes the coast of Greece, a chain of islands, beginning from

the southern headland of Attica, Cape Sunium, first girds Delos with an

irregular belt, the Cyclades, and then, in a waving line, links itself

to a scattered group (the Sporades) which borders the Asiatic coast.

Southward of these the interval between the two continents is broken by

the larger islands Crete and Rhodes. The sea which divides Greece from

Italy is contracted, between the Iapygian peninsula and the coast of

Epirus, into a channel only thirty geographical miles in breadth; and the

Italian coast may be seen not only from the mountains of Corcyra, but

from the low headland of the Ceraunian hills.

Thus on two sides Greece is bounded by a narrow sea; but towards the

north its limits were never precisely defined. The word Hellas did not

convey to the Greeks the notion of a certain geographical surface,

determined by natural or conventional boundaries: it denoted the country

of the Hellenes, and was variously applied according to the different

views entertained of the people which was entitled to that name. The

original Hellas was included in the territory of a little tribe in the

south of Thessaly. When these Hellenes had imparted their name to other

tribes, with which they were allied by a community of language and

manners, Hellas might properly be said to extend as far as these national

features prevailed. On the east, Greece was commonly held to terminate

with Mount Homole at the mouth of the Peneus; the more scrupulous,

however, excluded even Thessaly from the honour of the Hellenic name,

while Strabo,[f] with consistent laxity, admitted Macedonia. But from

Ambracia to the mouth of the Peneus, when these were taken as the extreme

northern points, it was still impossible to draw a precise line of

demarcation; for the same reason which justified the exclusion of Epirus

applied, perhaps much more forcibly, to the mountaineers in the interior

of Ætolia, whose barbarous origin, or utter degeneracy, was proved by

their savage manners, and a language which Thucydides[g] describes as

unintelligible. When the Ætolians bade the last Philip withdraw from

Hellas, the Macedonian king could justly retort, by asking where they

would fix its boundaries, and by reminding them that of their own body a

very small part was within the pale from which they wished to exclude him.

The northern part of Greece is traversed in its whole length by a range

of mountains, the Greek Apennines. This ridge first takes the name of

Pindus, where it intersects the northern boundary of Greece, at a point

where an ancient route still affords the least difficult passage from

Epirus into Thessaly. From Pindus two huge arms stretch towards the

eastern sea, and enclose the vale of Thessaly, the largest and richest

plain in Greece: on the north the Cambunian hills, after making a bend

towards the south, terminate in the loftier heights of Olympus, which

are scarcely ever entirely free from snow; the opposite and lower chain

of Othrys parting, with its eastern extremity, the Malian from the

Pagasæan Gulf, sinks gently towards the coast. A fourth rampart, which

runs parallel to Pindus, is formed by the range which includes the

celebrated heights of Pelion and Ossa; the first a broad and nearly even

ridge, the other towering into a steep conical peak, the neighbour and

rival of Olympus, with which, in the songs of the country, it is said

to dispute the pre-eminence in the depth and duration of its snows. The

mountain barrier with which Thessaly is thus encompassed is broken only

at the northeast corner, by a deep and narrow cleft, which parts Ossa

from Olympus: the defile so renowned in poetry as the vale, in history as

the pass, of Tempe. The imagination of the ancient poets and declaimers

delighted to dwell on the natural beauties of this romantic glen, and on

the sanctity of the site, from which Apollo had transplanted his laurel

to Delphi.

From other points of view, the same spot no less forcibly claims the

attention of the historian. It is the only pass through which an army

can invade Thessaly from the north, without scaling the high and rugged

ridges of its northern frontier. The whole glen is something less than

five miles long, and opens gradually to the east into a spacious plain,

stretching to the shore of the Thermaic Gulf. On each side the rocks rise

precipitously from the bed of the Peneus, and in some places only leave

room between them for the stream; and the road, which at the narrowest

point is cut in the rock, might in the opinion of the ancients be

defended by ten men against a host.

On the eastern side of the ridge which stretches from Tempe to the Gulf

of Pagasæ, a narrow strip of land, called Magnesia, is intercepted

between the mountains and the sea, broken by lofty headlands and the beds

of torrents, and exposed without a harbour to the fury of the northeast

gales.

South of this gulf the coast is again deeply indented by that of Malis,

into which the Sperchius, rising from Mount Tymphrestus, a continuation

of Pindus, winds through a long narrow vale, which, though considered

as a part of Thessaly, forms a separate region, widely distinguished

from the rest by its physical features. It is intercepted between Othrys

and Œta, a huge rugged pile, which, stretching from Pindus to the sea

at Thermopylæ, forms the inner barrier of Greece, as the Cambunian

range is the outer, to which it corresponds in direction, and is nearly

equal in height. To the south of Thessaly and between it and Bœotia

lie the countries of Doris and Phocis. Doris is small and obscure, but

interesting as the foster-mother of a race of conquerors who became the

masters of Greece. Phocis is somewhat larger than Doris, and separates it

from Bœotia.

The peculiar conformation of the principal Bœotian valleys, the barriers

opposed to the escape of the streams, and the consequent accumulation of

the rich deposits brought down from the surrounding mountains, may be

considered as a main cause of the extraordinary fertility of the land.

The vale of the Cephissus especially, with its periodical inundations,

exhibits a resemblance, on a small scale, to the banks of the Nile--a

resemblance which some of the ancients observed in the peculiar character

of its vegetation. The profusion in which the ordinary gifts of nature

were spread over the face of Bœotia, the abundant returns of its grain,

the richness of its pastures, the materials of luxury furnished by its

woods and waters, are chiefly remarkable, in a historical point of view,

from the unfavourable effect they produced on the character of the

race, which finally established itself in this envied territory. It was

this cause, more than the dampness and thickness of their atmosphere,

that depressed the intellectual and moral energies of the Bœotians, and

justified the ridicule which their temperate and witty neighbours so

freely poured on their proverbial failing.

Eubœa, that large and important island, which at a very early period

attracted the Phœnicians by its copper mines, and in later times became

almost indispensable to the subsistence of Athens, though it covers the

whole eastern coast of Locris and Bœotia, is more closely connected with

the latter of these countries. The channel of the Euripus which parts

it from the mainland, between Aulis and Chalcis, is but a few paces in

width, and is broken by a rocky islet, which now forms the middle pier of

a bridge.

A wild and rugged, though not a lofty, range of mountains, bearing the

name of Cithæron on the west, of Parnes towards the east, divides Bœotia

from Attica. Lower ridges, branching off to the south, and sending out

arms towards the east, mark the limits of the principal districts which

compose this little country, the least proportioned in extent of any

on the face of the earth to its fame and its importance in the history

of mankind. The most extensive of the Attic plains, though it is by no

means a uniform level, but is broken by a number of low hills, is that

in which Athens itself lies at the foot of a precipitous rock, and in

which, according to the Attic legend, the olive, still its most valuable

production, first sprang up.

Attica is, on the whole, a meagre land, wanting the fatness of the

Bœotian plains, and the freshness of the Bœotian streams. The waters of

its principal river, the Cephisus, are expended in irrigating a part of

the plain of Athens, and the Ilissus, though no less renowned, is a mere

brook, which is sometimes swollen into a torrent. It could scarcely boast

of more than two or three fertile tracts, and its principal riches lay in

the heart of its mountains, in the silver of Laurium, and the marble of

Pentelicus. It might also reckon among its peculiar advantages the purity

of its air, the fragrance of its shrubs, and the fineness of its fruits.

But in its most flourishing period its produce was never sufficient to

supply the wants of its inhabitants, and their industry was constantly

urged to improve their ground to the utmost. Traces are still visible

of the laborious cultivation which was carried by means of artificial

terraces, up the sides of their barest mountains. After all, they were

compelled to look to the sea even for subsistence. Attica would have been

little but for the position which it occupied, as the southeast foreland

of Greece, with valleys opening on the coast, and ports inviting the

commerce of Asia. From the top of its hills the eye surveys the whole

circle of the islands, which form its maritime suburbs, and seem to point

out its historical destination.

The isthmus connecting Attica with the Peloponnesus is not level. The

roots of the Onean Mountains are continued along the eastern coast in a

line of low cliffs, till they meet another range, which seems to have

borne the same name, at the opposite extremity of the isthmus. This is

an important feature in the face of the country: the isthmus at its

narrowest part, between the inlets of Schœnus and Lechæum, is only

between three and four miles broad; and along this line, hence called

the Diolcus, or Draughtway, vessels were often transported from sea to

sea, to avoid the delay and danger which attended the circumnavigation

of the Peloponnesus. Yet it seems not to have been before the Macedonian

period, that the narrowness of the intervening space suggested the

project of uniting the two seas by means of a canal. It was entertained

for a time by Demetrius Poliorcetes; but he is said to have been deterred

by the reports of his engineers, who were persuaded that the surface of

the Corinthian Gulf was so much higher than the Saronic, that a channel

cut between them would be useless from the rapidity of the current, and

might even endanger the safety of Ægina and the neighbouring isles.

Three centuries later, the dictator Cæsar formed the same plan, and was

perhaps only prevented from accomplishing it by his untimely death.

The above-mentioned inequality of the ground would always render this

undertaking very laborious and expensive. But the work was of a nature

rather to shock than to interest genuine Greek feelings: it seems to

have been viewed as an audacious Titanian effort of barbarian power;

and when Nero actually began it, having opened the trench with his own

hands, the belief of the country people may probably have concurred with

the aversion of the Prætorian workmen, to raise the rumour of howling

spectres, and springs of blood, by which they are said to have been

interrupted.

The face of the Peloponnesus presents outlines somewhat more intricate

than those of northern Greece. At first sight the whole land appears one

pile of mountains, which, toward the northwest, where it reaches its

greatest height, forms a compact mass, pressing close upon the Gulf of

Corinth. On the western coast it recedes farther from the sea; towards

the centre is pierced more and more by little hollows; and on the south

and east is broken by three great gulfs, and the valleys opening into

them, which suggested to the ancients the form of a plane leaf, to

illustrate that of the peninsula. On closer inspection, the highest

summits of this pile, with their connecting ridges, may be observed to

form an irregular ring, which separates the central region, Arcadia, from

the rest.

The other great divisions of the Peloponnesus are Argolis, Laconia,

Messenia, Elis, and Achaia. Argolis, when the name is taken in its

largest sense, as the part of the Peloponnesus which is bounded on the

land side by Arcadia, Achaia, and Laconia, comprehends several districts,

which, during the period of the independence of Greece, were never

united under one government, but were considered, for the purpose of

description, as one region by the later geographers. It begins on the

western side with the little territory of Sicyon, which, beside some

inland valleys, shared with Corinth a small maritime plain, which was

proverbial among the ancients for its luxuriant fertility. The dominions

of Corinth, which also extended beyond the isthmus, meeting those of

Megara a little south of the Scironian rocks, occupied a considerable

portion of Argolis. The two cities, Sicyon and Corinth, were similarly

situated--both commanding important passes into the interior of the

peninsula. The lofty and precipitous rock, called the Acrocorinthus,

on which stood the citadel of Corinth, though, being commanded by a

neighbouring height, it is of no great value for the purposes of modern

warfare, was in ancient times an impregnable fortress, and a point of the

highest importance.

The plain of Argos, which is bounded on three sides by lofty mountains,

but open to the sea, is, for Greece, and especially for the Peloponnesus,

of considerable extent, being ten or twelve miles in length, and four or

five in width. But the western side is lower than the eastern, and is

watered by a number of streams, in which the upper side is singularly

deficient. In very ancient times the lower level was injured by excess

of moisture, as it is at this day: and hence, perhaps, Argos, which lay

on the western side, notwithstanding its advantageous position, and the

strength of its citadel, flourished less, for a time, than Mycenæ and

Tiryns, which were situate to the east, where the plain is now barren

through drought.

A long valley, running southward to the sea, and the mountains which

border it on three sides, composed the territory of Laconia. It is

to the middle region, the heart of Laconia, that most of the ancient

epithets and descriptions relating to the general character of the

country properly apply. The vale of Sparta is Homer’s “hollow Lacedæmon,”

which Euripides further described as girt with mountains, rugged, and

difficult of entrance for a hostile power. The epithet “hollow” fitly

represents the aspect of a valley enclosed by the lofty cliffs in which

the mountains here abruptly terminate on each side of the Eurotas. The

character which the poet ascribes to Laconia,--that it is a country

difficult of access to an enemy,--is one which most properly belongs

to it, and is of great historical importance. On the northern and the

eastern sides there are only two natural passes by which the plain of

Sparta can be invaded.

At the northern foot of the Taygetus Mountains begins the Messenian

plain, which, like the basin of the Eurotas below Sparta, is divided into

two distinct districts, by a ridge which crosses nearly its whole width

from the eastern side. The upper of these districts, which is separated

from Arcadia by a part of the Lycæan chain, and is bounded towards the

west by the ridge of Ithome, the scene of ever memorable struggles, was

the plain of Stenyclarus, a tract not peculiarly rich, but very important

for the protection and command of the country, as the principal passes,

not only from the north, but from the east and west fall into it. The

lower part of the Messenian plain, which spreads round the head of the

gulf, was a region celebrated in poetry and history for its exuberant

fertility; sometimes designated by the title of Macaria, or the Blessed,

watered by many streams, among the rest by the clear and full Pamisus.

It was, no doubt, of this delightful vale, that Euripides meant to be

understood, when, contrasting Messenia with Laconia, he described the

excellence of the Messenian soil as too great for words to reach.

The rich pastures on the banks of the Elean Peneus were celebrated in the

earliest legends; and an ancient channel, which is still seen stretching

across them to the sea, may be the same into which Hercules was believed

to have turned the river, to cleanse the stable of Augeas.

When the necessary deduction has been made for the inequalities of its

surface, Greece may perhaps be properly considered as a land, on the

whole, not less rich than beautiful. And it probably had a better claim

to this character in the days of its youthful freshness and vigour. Its

productions were various as its aspect: and if other regions were more

fertile in grain, and more favourable to the cultivation of the vine, few

surpassed it in the growth of the olive, and of other valuable fruits.

Its hills afforded abundant pastures: its waters and forests teemed

with life. In the precious metals it was perhaps fortunately poor; the

silver mines of Laurium were a singular exception; but the Peloponnesian

Mountains, especially in Laconia and Argolis, as well as those of

Eubœa, contained rich veins of iron and copper, as well as precious

quarries. The marble of Pentelicus was nearly equalled in fineness by

that of the isle of Paros, and that of Carystus in Eubœa. The Grecian

woods still excite the admiration of travellers, as they did in the

days of Pausanias,[h] by trees of extraordinary size. Even the hills of

Attica are said to have been once clothed with forests; and the present

scantiness of its streams may be owed in a great measure to the loss of

the shade which once sheltered them. Herodotus[i] observes, that, of all

countries in the world, Greece enjoyed the most happily tempered seasons.

But it seems difficult to speak generally of the climate of a country,

in which each district has its own, determined by an infinite variety of

local circumstances. Both in northern Greece and the Peloponnesus the

snow remains long on the higher ridges; and even in Attica the winters

are often severe. On the other hand, the heat of the summer is tempered,

in exposed situations, by the strong breezes from the northwest (the

etesian winds), which prevail during that season in the Grecian seas; and

it is possible that Herodotus may have had their refreshing influence

chiefly in view.

Though no traces of volcanic eruptions appear to have been discovered in

Greece, history is full of the effects produced there by volcanic agency;

and permanent indications of its physical character were scattered over

its surface, in the hot springs of Thermopylæ, Trœzen, Ædepsus, and

other places. The sea between the Peloponnesus and Crete has been, down

to modern times, the scene of surprising changes wrought by the same

forces; and not long before the Christian era, a new hill was thrown up

on the coast near Trœzen, no less suddenly than the islands near Thera

were raised out of the sea. Earthquakes, accompanied by the rending of

mountains, the sinking of land into the sea, by temporary inundations,

and other disasters, have in all ages been familiar to Greece, more

especially to the Peloponnesus. And hence some attention seems to be due

to the numerous legends and traditions which describe convulsions of

the same kind as occurring still more frequently, and with still more

important consequences, in a period preceding connected history; and

which may be thought to point to a state of elemental warfare, which must

have subsided before the region which was its theatre could have been

fitted for the habitation of man. Such an origin we might be inclined

to assign to that class of legends which related to struggles between

Poseidon and other deities for the possession of several districts; as

his contests with Athene (Minerva) for Athens and Trœzen; with the same

goddess, or with Hera (Juno) for Argos--where he was said, according to

one account, to have dried up the springs, and according to another,

to have laid the plain under water; with Apollo for the isthmus of

Corinth.[b]

THE NAME

It is a singular anomaly that a people who habitually called themselves

Hellenes should be known to all the world beside as Greeks. This name

was derived from the Graians, a small and obscure group. The Romans,

chancing to come first in contact with this tribe, gave the name Greek

to the whole people. In the course of time it became so fixed in the

usage of other nations that it could never be shaken off. Such a change

of a proper name was very unusual in antiquity. The almost invariable

custom was, when it became necessary to use a proper name from a foreign

language, to transcribe it as literally as might be with only such minor

changes as a difference in the genius of the language made necessary.

Thus the Greeks in speaking of their Persian enemies pronounced and wrote

such words as “Cyrus” and “Darius” in as close imitation as possible of

the native pronunciation of those names, and the Egyptians in turn, in

accepting the domination of the Macedonian Ptolemies, spelled and no

doubt pronounced the names of their conquerors with as little alteration

as was possible in a language which made scant use of vowels. It was

indeed this fact of transliteration rather than translation of foreign

proper names which, as we have seen, furnished the clew to the nineteenth

century scholars in their investigations of the hieroglyphics of Egypt

and the cuneiform writing of Asia. Had not the engraver of the Rosetta

stone spelled the word Ptolemy closely as the Greeks spelled it, Dr.

Young, perhaps, never would have found the key to the interpretation of

the hieroglyphics. And had not the eighty or ninety proper names of the

great inscription at Behistun been interpreted by the same signs in the

three different forms of writing that make up that inscription, it may

well be doubted whether we should even now have any clear knowledge of

the cuneiform character of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Indeed, so

universal was this custom of retaining proper names in their original

form that the failure of the Romans to apply to the Greeks the name which

they themselves employed seems very extraordinary indeed. The custom

which they thus inaugurated, however, has not been without imitators

in modern times, as witness the translation “Angleterre” by which the

French designate England, and the even stranger use by the same nation

of the word “Allemagne” to designate the land which its residents term

“Deutschland” and which in English is spoken of as Germany.

Had the classical writings of Greece been more extensively read

throughout Europe in the Middle Ages it is probable that the Roman name

Greece would have been discarded in modern usage, and the name Hellas

restored to its proper position. An effort to effect this change has

indeed been made more recently by many classical scholars, and it is by

no means unusual to meet the terms “Hellas” and “Hellenes” in modern

books of almost every European language; but to make the substitution in

the popular mind after the word Greece has been so closely linked with so

wide a chain of associate ideas for so many generations would be utterly

impossible, at least in our generation.

THE ORIGIN OF THE GREEKS

But whether known as Hellas or as Greece, the tiny peninsula designated

by these names was inhabited by a people which by common consent was

by far the most interesting of antiquity. It has been said that they

constituted a race rather than a nation, for the most patent fact about

them, to any one who gives even casual attention to their history, was

that they lacked the political unity which lies at the foundation of true

national existence. Yet the pride of race to a certain extent made up for

this deficiency, and if the Greeks recognised no single ruler and were

never bound together into a single state, they felt more keenly perhaps

than any other nation that has lived at any other period of the world’s

history--unless perhaps an exception be made of the modern Frenchman--the

binding force of racial affinities and the full meaning of the old adage

that blood is thicker than water.

All this of course implies that the Greeks were one race in the narrow

sense of the term, sprung in relatively recent time from a single stock.

Such was undoubtedly the fact, and the division into Ionians, Dorians,

and various lesser branches, on which the historian naturally lays much

stress, must be understood always as implying only a minor and later

differentiation. One will hear much of the various dialects of the

different Greek states, but one must not forget that these dialects

represent only minor variations of speech which as compared with the

fundamental unity of the language as a whole might almost be disregarded.

To be a Greek was to be born of Greek parents, to the use of the Greek

language as a mother tongue; for the most part, following the national

custom, it was to eschew every other language and to look out upon all

peoples who spoke another tongue as “barbarians”--people of an alien

birth and an alien genius.

But whence came this people of the parent stock whose descendants made

up the historic Greek race? No one knows. The Greeks themselves hardly

dared to ask the question, and we are utterly without data for answering

it if asked. Their traditions implied a migration from some unknown

land to Greece, since those traditions told of a non-Hellenic people

who inhabited the land before them. Yet in contradiction of this idea

the Greek mind clung always to autocthony. Like most other nations, and

in far greater measure than perhaps any other, the Hellenes loved their

home--almost worshipped it. To be a Greek and yet to have no association

with the mountains and valleys and estuaries and islands of Greece seems

a contradiction of terms. True, a major part of the population at a

later day lived in distant colonies as widely separated as Asia Minor

and Italy, but even here they thought of themselves only as more or

less temporary invaders from the parent seat, and even kept up their

association with it by considering all lands which Greeks colonised as a

part of “Greater Greece.”

That the Greeks are of Aryan stock is of course made perfectly clear

by their language. Some interesting conclusions as to the time when

they branched from the parent stock are gained by philologists through

observation of words which manifestly have the same root and meaning in

the different Aryan languages. Thus, for example, the fact that such

words as Father, Mother, Sister, Brother, Son, Daughter, and the like,

are clearly of the same root in Sanskrit and Greek as well as in Latin

and the Germanic speech, shows that a certain relatively advanced stage

of family life had been attained while the primitive Aryans still formed

but a single race. Again the resemblance between the Greek and the

Latin languages goes to show that the people whose descendants became

Greeks and Romans clung together till a relatively late period, after

the splitting up of the primitive race had begun. Yet on the other hand

the differences between the Greek and the Latin prove that the two races

using these languages had been separated long before either of them is

ushered into history.

From which direction the parent stock of the Greeks came into the land

that was to be their future abiding place has long been a moot point with

scholars, and is yet undetermined. So long as the original cradle of the

Aryans was held to be central Asia, it was the unavoidable conclusion

that the Aryans of Europe, including the Greeks, had come originally from

the East. But when the theory was introduced that the real cradle of the

primitive Aryan was not Asia but northwestern Europe all certainty from

_a priori_ considerations vanished, for it seemed at least as plausible

that the parent Greeks might have dropped aside from the main swarm on

its eastern journey to invade Asia as that they should have oscillated

back to Greece after that invasion had been established. And more

recently the question is still further complicated by the “Mediterranean

Race” theory, which includes the Greeks as descendants of a hypothetical

stock whose cradle was neither Asia nor Europe, but equatorial Africa.[a]

Some of the latest accounts of Greek origin are stated by Professor Bury

who says:

“It is in the lands of Thessaly and Epirus that we first dimly descry

the Greeks busy at the task for which destiny had chosen them, of

creating and shaping the thought and civilisation of Europe. The oak

wood of Dodona in Epirus is the earliest sanctuary, whereof we have any

knowledge, of their supreme god, Zeus, the dweller of the sky. Thessaly

has associations which still appeal intimately to men of European birth.

The first Greek settlers in Thessaly were the Achæans; and in the plain

of Argos, and in the mountains which gird it about, they fashioned

legends which were to sink deeply into the imagination of Europe. We know

that when the Greek conquerors came down to the coast of the Ægean they

found a material civilisation more advanced than their own; and it was

so chanced that we know more of this civilisation than we know of the

conquerors before they came under its influence.

“In Greece as in the other two great peninsulas of the Mediterranean, we

find, before the invader of Aryan speech entered in and took possession,

a white folk not speaking an Aryan tongue. Corresponding to the Iberians

in Spain and Gaul, to the Ligurians in Italy, we find in Greece a race

which was also spread over the islands of the Ægean and along the coast

of Asia Minor. The men of this primeval race gave to many a hill and

rock the name which was to abide with it forever. Corinth and Tiryns,

Parnassus and Olympus, Arne and Larissa, are names which the Greeks

received from the peoples whom they dispossessed. But this Ægean race,

as we may call it for want of a common name, had developed, before the

coming of the Greek, a civilisation of which we have only very lately

come to know. This civilisation went hand in hand with an active trade,

which in the third millennium spread its influence far beyond the borders

of the Ægean, as far at least as the Danube and the Nile, and received in

return gifts from all quarters of the world. The Ægean peoples therefore

plied a busy trade by sea, and their maritime intercourse with the

African continent can be traced back to even earlier times, since at the

very beginning of Egyptian history we find in Egypt obsidian, which can

have come only from the Ægean isles. The most notable remains of this

civilisation have been found at Troy, in the little island of Amorgos,

and in the great island of Crete.

“The conquest of the Greek peninsula by the Greeks lies a long way behind

recorded history, and the Greeks themselves, when they began to reflect

on their own past, had completely forgotten what their remote ancestors

had done ages and ages before.

“The invaders spoke an Aryan speech, but it does not follow that they all

came of Aryan stock. There was, indeed, an Aryan element among them, and

some of them were descendants of men of Aryan race who had originally

taught them their language and brought them some Aryan institutions and

Aryan deities. But the infusion of the Aryan blood was probably small;

and in describing the Greeks, as well as any other of the races who speak

sister tongues, we must be careful to call them men of Aryan speech, and

not men of Aryan stock.[c]”

Perhaps the very latest view of sterling authority is that of Professor

William Ridgeway,[d] who, after marshalling a vast amount of argument

and induction based upon the extant and newly discovered relics of early

Grecian civilisations, sums up his theories briefly and definitely. He

accepts the existence of a “Pelasgian” race, which many have scouted,

and credits it with the art-work and commerce revealed at Mycenæ

and elsewhere and called “Mycenæan.” This was a dark-skinned (or

melanochroöus) race which “had dwelt in Greece from a remote antiquity

and had at all times, in spite of conquests, remained a chief element in

the population of all Greece, whilst in Arcadia and Attica it had never

been subjugated.” The Mycenæan civilisation had its origin, he believes,

in the mainland of Greece and spread thence outwards to the isles of the

Ægean, Crete, Egypt, and north to the Euxine. This Mycenæan era differs

widely from the Homeric,--as in the treatment of the dead, and in the use

of metals,--and preceded the Homeric by a great distance, the Mycenæan

period belonging to the Bronze Age, the Homeric to the Iron Age.

The Homeric people were not melanochroöus, but xanthochroöus (fair and

blond), and were evidently a conquering race--the Achæans. These Achæans,

according to Greek tradition, came from Epirus, and indeed a study of

the relics and “the culture of the early Iron Age of Bosnia, Carniola,

Styria, Salzburg, and upper Italy revealed armour, weapons, and ornaments

exactly corresponding to those described in Homer. Moreover we found that

a fair-haired race greater in stature than the melanochroöus Ægean people

had there been domiciled for long ages, and that fresh bodies of tall,

fair-haired people from the shores of the northern ocean continually

through the ages had kept pressing down into the southern peninsulas.

From this it followed that the Achæans of Homer were one of these bodies

of Celts, who had made their way down into Greece and had become masters

of the indigenous race.”

The history of the round shield, the use of buckles and brooches, the

custom of cremating the dead, and the distribution of iron in Europe,

Asia, and Africa, seem to Professor Ridgeway to point still more sharply

to a theory that these features of Greek civilisation previously existed

in central Europe and were brought thence into Greece. A study of the

dialect in which the Homeric poems are written indicates that the

language and metre belonged to the earlier race, the Pelasgians, whom the

Achæans conquered. The earliest Greeks spoke an Aryan or Indo-Germanic

language of which the Arcadian dialect was the purest remnant, since

the Achæans and Dorians never conquered Arcadia. The introduction

of labialism into the Greek, Ridgeway believes to be a proof of the

Celtic origin of the invaders who accepted, as conquerors usually do,

the language of the conquered and yet modified it. “Labialism” is the

changing of a hard consonant as “k” into a lip-consonant as “p”--as the

older Greek word for horse was “hikkos,” which became “hippos.” The

result, then, of Ridgeway’s erudite research is his belief that “the

Achæans were a Celtic tribe who made their way into Greece,” and for this

theory he asserts that “archæology, tradition, and language are all in

harmony.”

The original source of this migration,--for it was rather migration

than an invasion,--seems to have been in the northwest of the Balkan

peninsula. Some extraordinary pressure must have been brought to bear on

the Greeks by the Illyrians who may themselves have been forced out of

their own homes by some unrecorded power. At the same time the people

then living in Macedonia and Thrace were dispossessed and shoved into

Phrygia and the regions of Troy in Asia Minor. The possession of Greece

by the Greeks was doubtless very gradual and the Peloponnesus was the

last to be visited, possibly by boat across the Corinthian Gulf. In some

places the new-comers were doubtless compelled to fight, elsewhere they

drifted in almost unnoticed and gradually asserted a sway. The new-comers

imposed their speech eventually on the older people, but as usual they

must have been themselves largely influenced by the older civilisation in

the matter of customs and conditions.[a]

EARLY CONDITIONS AND MOVEMENTS

In the Pelasgic period we find the ancient Greeks in a primitive, but

not really barbaric condition. There are settled peoples engaged in

agriculture, as well as half nomadic pastoral tribes. The latter form,

for a long time, a very unstable element of the population, ever ready

under pressure of circumstances to leave their old homes and fight for

new ones, bearing disturbance and anarchy into the civilised districts.

The life of these peasants and shepherds was very simple and patriarchal.

The ox and the horse were known to them, and drew their wagons and their

ploughs; the principal source of their wealth consisted in great herds

of swine, sheep, and cattle. Fishermen already navigated the numerous

arms of the seas that indented the land. Public life had perfectly

patriarchal forms. “Kings” were to be found everywhere as ruling heads

of the numerous small tribes. Religion appeared essentially as a cult

of the mighty forces of nature. The deities were worshipped without

temples and images, and were appealed to with prayers, with both bloody

and bloodless sacrifices,--at the head Zeus, the god of the sky; at his

side Dione, the goddess of earth, who, however, was early replaced by

the figure of Hera; Demeter, the earth mother, the patron of agriculture

and of settled life; Hestia, the patron of the hearth fire and the altar

fire; Hermes, the swift messenger of heaven, driver of the clouds and

guardian of the herds; Poseidon, the god of the waters; and the chthonic

[_i.e._ subterranean] divinity Aidoneus or Hades. The art of prophecy was

developed early; the oracle of Dodona in Epirus was universally known.

We know not how long the ancient Greeks remained in the quiet Pelasgic

conditions. But we can distinguish the causes that produced the internal

movement and mighty ferment, from which the chivalrous nation of the

Achæans finally came. Most important were the influences of the highly

developed civilisation of the Orient upon the youthful, gifted Greek

nation. The Phœnicians were the principal bearers of this influence. They

had occupied many of the islands of the Ægean, and had planted colonies

even on the mainland, as at Thebes and Acrocorinthus. The merchants

exchanged the products of Phœnician and Babylonian industry for wool,

hides, and slaves. They worked the copper mines of Cyprus and Argolis and

the gold mines of Thasos and Thrace, but obtained even greater wealth

from the purple shellfish of the Grecian waters.

For about a century the Phœnicians exerted a strong pressure on the

coasts of Greece, and they left considerable traces in Grecian mythology

and civilisation. The gifted Greeks, who in all periods of their history

were quick to profit by foreign example, were deeply impressed by the

superior civilisation of the Phœnicians. The activity and skill of

the men of Sidon in navigation and fortification had a very permanent

effect. For a long time the Greeks made the Phœnicians their masters in

architecture, mining, and engineering; later they received from them the

alphabet and the Babylonian system of weights and measures. The industry

and the artistic skill of the Greeks also began to practice on the models

brought into the land by the Sidonians.

Internal dissensions, raids of the rude pastoral tribes upon the settled

peoples of the lowlands and the coast, and feuds between the nomads

themselves, were, doubtless, also a powerful factor in the transition

from the peaceful patriarchism of Pelasgic times to the more stirring

and warlike period that followed. The necessity of protecting person

and property from bold raiders by sea and land led to the erection of

fortresses, massive walls of rough stones piled upon one another and held

together only by the law of gravity. The best example of such “Cyclopean”

remains is the well-preserved citadel of Tiryns in Argolis. Here on a

hill only fifty feet high, the top of which is nine hundred feet long

and three hundred feet wide, a wall without towers follows the edge of

the rock. With an apparent thickness of twenty-five feet the real wall,

as it appears to-day, cannot be estimated at more than fifteen feet.

On each side of this run covered passages or galleries. By degrees the

Greeks learned from Phœnician models to construct these fortresses better

and finally to make real citadels of them. Little city communities were

gradually formed at the foot of the hill, but until far into the Hellenic

period the upper city, the “acropolis” remained the more important. Here

were the sanctuaries and the council chamber, the residence of the king

and often also the houses of the nobility.

The military nobility, the ancient Greek chivalry, also originated

in pre-historic times. In the storms of the new time the patriarchal

chieftains developed into powerful military princes who everywhere forced

the “Pelasgian” peasant to keep his sling or his sword, his lance or

his javelin, always at hand. A class of lords also arose, consisting of

families that supported themselves rather by the trade of arms than by

the pursuit of agriculture. This new nobility, which gradually grew to

great numerical strength, held a very important position down to the days

of democracy.

This transition period was subsequently called by the Hellenes the

Heroic Age. The myths and legends which the memory of the Greek tribes

and their poets preserved of this period have a varied character. On

the one hand, heroic figures are repeatedly developed from the local

names or the surnames of divinities, or the mythical history of a god is

transferred to a human being. On the other hand, this imaginative people

loved to concentrate its historical recollections and to load the deeds

and experiences of whole tribes and epochs upon one or another heroic

personality, whose cycle of legends in the course of further development

underwent new colourings and extensions through the mixture of fresh

elements. This is the way in which the legends of Hercules and Theseus,

of the Argonauts and the “Seven against Thebes” grew up. The most

glorious poetical illumination is cast upon the alleged greatest deed of

pre-Hellenic times, the ten years’ war waged by nearly the whole body of

Achæan heroes against the Teucrian Troy or Ilion.

The warlike, chivalrous-romantic nation of poetry and legendary history

at the close of the pre-Hellenic period we are accustomed to call the

Achæans. It seems to us safe to accept the theory that the name Achæans

means “the noble, excellent,” and belongs to the entire “hero-nation,”

not to a single tribe after which the Greeks as a whole were afterwards

called.

At least a few important remains of the tribal and state relations of

this age passed over into the Hellenic period. The Dorians were at this

time an insignificant mountain race in the mountains on the northern

edge of the beautiful basin of northeastern Greece, which had not yet

received the name of Thessaly, while the principal part was played there

by the Lapithæ on Mount Ossa and the lower Peneus, the Bœotians in the

southwest of the Peneus district, and especially the Minyæ, with one

branch at Iolcus on the gulf of Pagasæ and another in the western part

of the basin of the Copaïs, where they were in constant rivalry with the

Cadmeans of Thebes. The Ionic race was spread over the northern coast of

the Peloponnesus on the Gulf of Corinth, over a portion of the eastern

coast of this peninsula on the Gulf of Saron, and over Megaris and

Attica. Among the Ionic cantons Attica had already attained considerable

importance. Here the so-called Theseus, or rather a family of warlike

chieftains descended from the Ionic tribal hero Theseus, had succeeded in

uniting the four different portions of this district.

Of greater importance than any of these in the pre-Doric period were

the feudal states of the Peloponnesus. The strongest among these was

the royal house of the Atridæ, upon whose glory terrible legends cast

a dark and bloody shadow. From their capital at Mycenæ they ruled over

the whole of Argolis; chieftains in Tiryns, in Argos and on the coast

of the peninsula of Parnon acknowledged their authority. The remains of

the citadel of this royal family are still preserved. The hill on which

this citadel stood is surmounted by a small circular wall, and lower

down is surrounded by a mighty wall which everywhere follows the edge of

the cliff, and which in some places is built of rough layers of massive

stones, elsewhere of carefully fitted polygonal blocks, but also for

considerable stretches of rectangular blocks, in horizontal courses.

On the southwestern side is the principal gate, the famous Gate of the

Lions, which takes its name from the oldest extant remains of sculpture

in Greece. In the triangular gap in the wall above the lintel an enormous

slab of yellow limestone is fitted; it is divided in the middle by a

perpendicular column, on either side of which stands a lioness. In this

acropolis Schliemann found graves with human remains, with vessels of

clay, alabaster, and gold, ornaments of rock-crystal, copper, silver,

gold, and ivory.

Near the Gate of the Lions begin the walls of the lower city, which

stood on the ridge extending from the western declivity of the citadel

to the south. In this lower city are a number of remarkable subterranean

buildings, sepulchres and treasure houses of the ancient monarchs.

The best preserved and largest of these is the noteworthy round

building known as the “treasure house of Atreus” (also as the “grave of

Agamemnon”), which is especially interesting on account of its _tholos_,

or interior circular vault.

So in a large part of the Greek world a not inconsiderable degree

of civilisation had already begun to flourish. War, to be sure, was

governed, even down to the period of the highest culture, by a “martial

law” that recognised no right of the vanquished, delivered conquered

cities to the flames, and gave the person and the family of the captured

enemy to the victor as booty. The battle itself however, was conducted

according to certain mutually recognised chivalrous forms. The Greek

knights, rushing into battle in their chariots, hurled their terrible

javelins at the enemy, but made less use of the sword, and still less of

the bow, sought single combat with a foe of equal birth, and as a rule

avoided slaughtering the common soldier. The development of a class of

slaves in consequence of the incessant feuds was of great influence in

determining the whole future character of the later Hellenic states.

On the other hand, it is worthy of note that the ancient cruelty and

bloodthirsty savagery disappeared more and more, although breaking out

frightfully on occasion when the heat of Greek passion burst through all

restraint. But murder and even simple homicide, as they are recorded

with traces of blood in the older legendary history, ceased to be daily

occurrences.

Tradition shows traces of a beautiful moral idealism. The tenderest

friendship, respect of the Greek youth for age, conjugal loyalty of the

women, ardent love of family, and the highest degree of receptivity for

the good and the noble shine forth from the traditions of the Achæans

with a charm that warms the heart.

The beginnings of common religious assemblages, or Amphictyons, also

appear to belong to this time. So Greek life had already a quite complex

structure when a last echo of the ancient movement of peoples on the

Illyrian-Greek peninsula once more produced a general upheaval in all the

lands between Olympus and Malea, between the Ionian Sea and the mountains

of the coast of Asia Minor, after which Greece on either side of the

Ægean Sea had acquired the ethnographic physiognomy that it retained

until the invasion of the Slavs and Bulgarians.[e]

FOOTNOTES

[2] [The Latin Græcus was, however, derived from the old Greek name

Γραϊκός.]

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The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 03 · 第 1 / 36 章