PEOPLE OF THE VEIL
[Decoration]
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
LONDON . BOMBAY . CALCUTTA . MADRAS
MELBOURNE
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW YORK . BOSTON . CHICAGO
DALLAS . SAN FRANCISCO
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.
TORONTO
PLATE 1
[Illustration: AGELLAL VILLAGE AND MOUNTAINS]
[_Frontispiece._
PEOPLE OF THE VEIL
_Being an Account of the Habits, Organisation
and History of the Wandering Tuareg Tribes
which inhabit the Mountains of Air or Asben
in the Central Sahara_
BY
FRANCIS RENNELL RODD
ⵍⵆⵔⵗⵙ
“NAUGHT BUT GOOD”
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON
1926
COPYRIGHT
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PREFACE
This book was originally intended to be an account of the people and
mountains of Air in the Central Sahara, where I made a journey during
most of 1922 with Angus Buchanan and T. A. Glover. The former had
visited the area on a previous occasion and had described the people
and places he had seen in his book, _Out of the World—North of
Nigeria_. It therefore seemed more profitable to inquire into some
of the problems surrounding the inhabitants of the Sahara whom we
encountered, and thus deal with Air and its Tuareg population rather
less objectively than had my fellow-traveller. In the course of the
succeeding years, as I became more and more immersed in considering
various scientific aspects of the Sahara, I came to the conclusion
that neither had the Tuareg people nor had this vast area of the
earth’s surface been at all adequately examined. Most studies had
been objective and, as is unhappily the case with this book, confined
to one area. A comprehensive account of the history and ethnology of
the Sahara still requires to be written.
As a consequence of these investigations, the present work assumed
a form for which one journey of nine months in the countries
concerned scarcely seems enough justification. That the book was
not completed sooner has been due to the impossibility of spending
any time continuously either in research or on writing during the
three years which have elapsed since I returned. The fact that this
book has been the occupation only of such spare time as I have had
available accounts for its many conscious deficiencies, which are
unfortunately not the more excusable in a volume of the type which it
purports to be. If I can feel that it will have served to stimulate
the curiosity of students or have assisted them to find their way
about the literature on the subject, I shall consider that as a reward
calculated to enhance the pleasure which I have derived from writing
and reading about this—to me—fascinating topic.
It will be one of my lasting regrets that I was unable to complete
with Angus Buchanan his journey across the Sahara from Nigeria to
Algiers. The delays which we encountered in Air obliged me to return
to resume my duties in that branch of H.M.’s Service in which I was
then serving. This is not the place to mention the many things which
I owe to Angus Buchanan; perhaps the greatest advantage I derived
was the promise we gave one another to travel again together if an
occasion should come to him and leisure from another profession
to me, whereby we might be enabled to renew our companionship of
the road. I am grateful to him for permission to use several of his
photographs in the present volume as well as certain information which
he collected when we were separately engaged on our different work.
To T. A. Glover, the Cinematographer, whose services Angus Buchanan
secured to accompany him, I owe many pleasant memories of days spent
together and his excellent advice in taking most of the photographs
which are included in this book.
The French officers whom I encountered in the course of my wanderings
were as charming and as friendly as perhaps, of all foreign nations,
only Frenchmen know how to be. Were the relations between our
respective countries always even remotely similar to those which
subsisted between us, there would be no room for the suspicion and
pettiness which so often mar diplomatic and political intercourse. The
mutual confidence in which we lived is illustrated by two events.
On a certain occasion in Air when news was received of a raid
being about to fall on the country, I was honoured by receiving a
communication from the French officer commanding the Fort at Agades,
indicating the locality in his general scheme of defence whither I
might lead on a reconnaissance an armed band of local Tuareg from the
village in which I was then living by myself. On another occasion,
after travelling for some hundreds of miles with a French Camel Corps
patrol, the men were paraded and in their presence I was nominated an
honorary serjeant of the “Peloton Méhariste de Guré,” a type
of compliment which those associated with the French Army will best
realise. It is to the officer commanding this unit, Henri Gramain of
the French Colonial Army, that I owe the most perfect companionship
I have ever had the fortune to experience. I know that when we meet
again we shall resume conversation where we left off at Teshkar in
the bushland of Elakkos, one evening in the summer of 1922. He and my
other friends, Tuareg, British, French, Arab and Fulani contributed
to make that year the happiest I have ever spent.
No reader of the works of that great traveller, Dr. Heinrich Barth,
will need to be told how much of the data collected in the succeeding
pages has been culled from the monumental account of his _Travels
in Central Africa_. This German, who most loyally served the British
Crown in those far countries, is perhaps the greatest traveller there
has ever been in Africa. His exploits were never advertised, so his
fame has not been suffered to compete with the more sensational and
journalistic enterprises accomplished since his day down to modern
times. But no student will require to have his praises sung by any
disciple.
I have to thank the Royal Geographical Society for permission to use
the map which was prepared for a paper I had the honour to read in
1923 before a meeting of the Fellows. More especially do I wish to
thank E. A. Reeves, their Keeper of Maps, both for the instruction in
surveying which he gave me before my journey and for the assistance
afforded after my return in checking and working up my results. My
cartographic material in the form of road traverses, sketch maps based
on astronomical positions, and theodolite computations are all in the
Society’s library and available to students. A small collection of
ethnographic material which I brought back is at Oxford in the Pitt
Rivers Museum, to whose Curator, Henry Balfour, I am indebted both
for advice and for plates Nos. 24-26, 37 and 42.
H. R. Palmer, now H.M. Lieutenant-Governor of Northern Nigeria, and
Messrs. Macmillan & Co. have given me permission to use a table of
the Kings of Agades incorporated as Appendix VI. The list originally
appeared _in extenso_, with the names somewhat differently spelled, in
an article which he published in the _Journal of the African Society_
in July 1910. The great learning and sympathetic help which he was
good enough to put at my disposal have made me, in common with many
others in Nigeria, in whose friendship my journey so richly rewarded
me, hope that he may be induced to render more accessible to the
public the immense fund of historical and other material which he has
accumulated during his long career as a distinguished Colonial servant.
The then Governor of Nigeria, Sir H. Clifford, and the French Ministry
of Colonies earned the gratitude of Angus Buchanan and myself
by their assistance on the road and in facilitating our journey.
My brother-in-law, T. A. Emmet, was good enough to execute several
drawings from rough sketches I had made on the spot. Two of these
drawings are reproduced as plates Nos. 38 and 39.
To three persons it is difficult for me to express my gratitude at all
suitably. D. G. Hogarth read my manuscript and offered his invaluable
advice regarding the final form of the book as it now appears. Many
years’ association with him has led others beside myself to regard
him in his wisdom as our spiritual godfather in things appertaining
to the world of Islam. My father devoted many days and nights to
correcting the final draft and proofs of this book. My brother Peter,
when his versatile mind perceived certain improvements, rewrote Chapter
XII after I had become so tired of the sight of my manuscript that
I was on the verge of destroying the offensive object. I owe more to
both these two than I can explain.
F. R. R.
_New York,
31st December, 1925._
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTORY 1
II. THE SOUTHLANDS 36
III. THE CITY OF AGADES 80
IV. THE ORGANISATION OF THE AIR TUAREG 119
V. SOCIAL CONDITIONS 154
VI. THE MODE OF LIFE OF THE NOMADS 183
VII. TRADE AND OCCUPATIONS 213
VIII. ARCHITECTURE AND ART 238
IX. RELIGION AND BELIEFS 273
X. NORTHERN AIR AND THE KEL OWI 298
XI. THE ANCESTRY OF THE TUAREG OF AIR 330
XII. THE HISTORY OF AIR. PART I. THE MIGRATIONS OF THE
TUAREG TO AIR 360
XIII. THE HISTORY OF AIR. PART II. THE VICISSITUDES OF THE
TUAREG IN AIR 401
XIV. VALEDICTORY 417
* * * * *
APPENDIX PAGE
I. A LIST OF THE ASTRONOMICALLY DETERMINED POINTS IN AIR 422
II. THE TRIBAL ORGANISATION OF THE TUAREG OF AIR 426
III. ELAKKOS AND TERMIT 442
IV. IBN BATUTAH’S JOURNEY 452
V. ON THE ROOT “MZGH” IN VARIOUS LIBYAN NAMES 457
VI. THE KINGS OF THE TUAREG OF AIR 463
VII. SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL MATERIAL USED IN THIS BOOK 466
INDEX 469
PLATES
PLATE _Facing page_
1. AGELLAL VILLAGE AND MOUNTAINS _Frontispiece_
2. ELATTU 14
3. DESERT AND HILLS FROM TERMIT PEAK 32
4. DIOM IN ELAKKOS 42
PUNCH AND JUDY SHOW 42
5. GAMRAM 49
6. RIVER OF AGADES: CLIFFS AT AKARAQ 76
SHRINE AT AKARAQ 76
7. RIVER OF AGADES LOOKING SOUTH FROM TEBEHIC IN THE
EGHALGAWEN MASSIF 79
EGHALGAWEN MASSIF FROM AZAWAGH 79
8. TIN WANA POOL 83
ROCK OF THE TWO SLAVES, AT THE JUNCTION OF THE TIN WANA
AND EGHALGAWEN VALLEYS 83
9. AGADES 86
10. GATHERING AT SIDI HAMADA 95
PRAYERS AT SIDI HAMADA 95
11. PRAYERS AT SIDI HAMADA 97
12. OMAR: AMENOKAL OF AIR 108
13. AUDERAS VALLEY LOOKING WEST 120
AUDERAS VALLEY: AERWAN TIDRAK 120
14. MT. TODRA FROM AUDERAS 126
15. GRAIN POTS, IFERUAN 133
GARDEN WELLS 133
16. AUDERAS: HUTS 154
AUDERAS: TENT-HUT AND SHELTER 154
17. THE AUTHOR DRESSING A WOUND AT AUDERAS 163
18. TEKHMEDIN AND THE AUTHOR 178
19. BAGEZAN MOUNTAINS AND TOWAR VILLAGE 182
20. HUTS AT TOWAR SHOWING METHOD OF CONSTRUCTION 184
TIMIA HUTS 184
21. CAMEL BRANDS 195
22. SHIELD ORNAMENTATION AND UTENSILS 209
23. TIMIA GORGE 216
TIMIA GORGE: BASALT AND GRANITE FORMATIONS 216
24. TUAREG PERSONAL EQUIPMENT 227
25. TUAREG CAMEL EQUIPMENT 230
26. TUAREG WEAPONS 236
27. HOUSE TYPES 240
28. HOUSE TYPES 241
29. TIMIA: “A” AND “B” TYPE HOUSES AND HUT CIRCLES 244
TABELLO: INTERIOR OF “A” TYPE HOUSE 244
30. HOUSE INTERIORS 248
31. MOSQUES 256
32. MOSQUES 257
33. TIFINAGH ALPHABET 267
34. ROCK INSCRIPTIONS IN TIFINAGH 269
35. MT. ABATTUL AND VILLAGE 275
36. THE CROSS IN ORNAMENT 277
37. TUAREG PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 285
38. MT. ARWA 295
39. MT. AGGATA 300
40. ROCK DRAWINGS 305
41. ROCK DRAWINGS 306
42. ORNAMENTED BAGGAGE RESTS 310
43. T’INTELLUST 312
44. BARTH’S CAMP AT T’INTELLUST 313
BARTH’S CAMP AT T’INTELLUST (ANOTHER VIEW) 313
45. ASSARARA 326
46. FUGDA, CHIEF OF TIMIA, AND HIS WAKIL 352
ATAGOOM 352
47. SIDI 366
48. EGHALGAWEN POOL 400
TIZRAET POOL 400
49. EGHALGAWEN VALLEY AND THE LAST HILLS OF AIR 414
50. MT. BILA AT SUNSET 419
_Additional { TYPICAL TEBU 442
Plate_ {
{ TERMIT PEAK AND WELL 442
MAPS AND DIAGRAMS
PAGE
MAP SHOWING THE TRADE ROADS OF NORTH AFRICA 5
DIAGRAMMATIC MAP SHOWING THE DRAINAGE OF THE CENTRAL SAHARA 29
MAP OF DAMERGU AND NEIGHBOURING PARTS: 1/2,000,000 _facing p._ 36
SKETCH MAP OF AIR AND THE DIVISIONS OF THE SOUTHLAND 40
DIAGRAM SHOWING TRIBAL DESCENT AMONG THE TUAREG 130
DIAGRAM SHOWING THE GOVERNMENT OF THE AIR TUAREG 144
MAP SHOWING LEO’S SAHARAN AREAS 331
DIAGRAM SHOWING IBN KHALDUN’S BERBER TRIBES 341
DIAGRAM SHOWING THE MIGRATIONS OF THE AIR TUAREG 388
GENEALOGY OF CERTAIN KINGS OF AIR 465
MAP OF AIR AND ADJACENT PARTS: 1/2,000,000 _At end_
* * * * *
NOTE
The general map at the end of the volume was prepared by the Royal
Geographical Society from data collected by the author supplementing
existing maps published in France and described in the text of the
book. The two drawings (Plates 38 and 39) were executed in England
by T. A. Emmet from sketches made in Air. Plates Nos. 2, 15 (lower),
34 are from photographs taken by Angus Buchanan. All the other maps,
diagrams, pictures, and photographs were prepared by the author from
material collected in 1922.
NOTE
The name “Air” is a dissyllable word: the vowels are pronounced
as in Italian according to the general system of transliteration,
which follows, wherever possible, the rules laid down by the Committee
of the Royal Geographical Society on the Spelling of Proper Names. In
the Tuareg form of Berber, _t_ before _i_ or similar vowel, especially
in the feminine possessive particle “tin,” very often assumes a
sound varying between a hard explosive _tch_ and a soft liquid dental,
such as is found in the English word “tune.” This modification of
the sound _t_ is written _t’_, wherever it is by usage sufficiently
pronounced to be noticeable. The pronunciation of Tuareg words follows
the Air dialect, which often differs from the northern speech. Letters
are only accented where it is important to avoid mispronunciation,
as in Fadé and Emilía: a final _e_, as in Assode, which is a
trisyllable, should always be pronounced even if not accented.
The nasal _n_ occurring in such words as Añastafidet is written _ñ_.
The _gh_ (or Arabic غ, _ghen_) sound is, as in other Berber languages,
very common in the speech of the Tuareg. The letter is so strongly
_grasseyé_ as to be indistinguishable, in many cases, from _r_. The
French with greater logic write this sound _r_ or _r’_. Doubtless
many names which have been spelled with _r_ in the succeeding pages
should more correctly have been spelled with _gh_: such mistakes are
due to the difficulties both of distinguishing the sound in speech,
and of transcribing French transliterations.
No attempt has been made to indicate the occurrence of the third _g_
which exists in the Tuareg alphabet, in addition to the hard _g_
and the soft _g_ (written _j_).
The Arabic letter ع (_’ain_) does not exist in the speech of the
Tuareg; where they use an Arabic word containing this letter, they
substitute for it the sound _gh_.
No signs have been used to distinguish between the hard and soft
varieties of the letters _d_, _t_ and _z_. The “kef” (Iek) and
“qaf” (Iaq) sounds are written _k_ and _q_.
=PEOPLE OF THE VEIL=
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
Sahara is the name given in modern geography to the whole of the
interior of North Africa between the Nile Valley and the Atlantic
littoral, south of the Mediterranean coastlands and north of the
Equatorial belt. The word “Sahara” is derived from the Arabic, and
its meaning refers to a certain type of stony desert in one particular
area. There is no native name for the whole of this vast land surface:
it is far too large to fall wholly within the cognisance of any one
group of its diverse inhabitants. The fact that it is a Moslem area and
sharply distinguished from the rest of Africa has made it desirable
to find a better name than “Sahara” to include both the interior
and the littoral, for even “Sahara,” unsatisfactory as it is,
can only be used of the former. “Africa Minor” has been proposed,
but the reception accorded to this name has not been so cordial as to
warrant its use. The clumsy term “North Africa” must therefore
serve in the following pages to describe all the northern part of
the continent; specifically it refers to the parts west of the Nile
Valley and north of the Sudan.[1] It is an area which is now no longer
permanently inhabited by negro races, and which is not covered by
the dense vegetation of Equatoria.
To the general public the name Sahara denotes “Desert,” and the
latter connotes sand and thirst and camels and picturesque men and
veiled women. The Sahara in reality is very different. Its surface
and races are varied. Almost every type of physical feature, except
permanent glaciation, can be found. The greater part is capable of
supporting animal and vegetable life in some degree. Absolute desert
where no living thing can exist does not on the whole form a very
large proportion of the surface. It has become usual nowadays to
differentiate between the cultivated or cultivable areas, the steppe
desert and the true desert. The latter alone is devoid of organic life,
and is the exception rather than the rule. The mountain groups of the
Sahara fall, as an intermediate category, between the cultivated and
the desert lands. Generally speaking, animal and vegetable life exist
in the valleys, where some tillage is often possible. The density of
population, however, is never comparable with that of the cultivated
districts, which, except where they fringe the coast, are usually
included in the term “oases.”
The mountain groups of the Sahara are numerous and comparatively
high. There are summits in the more important massifs exceeding
10,000 feet above the sea. The three most important groups in the
Central Sahara are the Tibesti, Air and Ahaggar mountains. In such
a generalisation, reference to the Atlas and other mountain masses
in Algeria and Morocco may be omitted, since they do not properly
speaking belong to the Sahara. The three Saharan massifs are probably
of volcanic origin. They have only become known in recent years, and
even now have not been fully explored. This is especially the case
in regard to Tibesti, an area believed to be orographically connected
with Air by the almost unknown plateau of the Southern Fezzan.
The Central Sahara with these three groups of mountains differs
materially from the Eastern Sahara. Although our data for the latter
are more limited by lack of knowledge, the structure of the surface
immediately west of the Nile Valley appears characteristically to be
a series of closed basins. The area is covered with depressions into
which insignificant channels flow, and from which there appear to be
no outlets. Compared with the river systems of the west, the stream
beds are small and ill-defined. One valley of some magnitude, the Bahr
Bela Ma which Rohlfs tried to find on his famous journeys in the Libyan
desert, has been identified either as a dry channel of the Nile running
roughly parallel to it, or alternatively as a valley which starts from
N.E. Tibesti and terminates near or in the Wadi Natrun depression just
west of the Nile and level with the apex of the Delta. The upper part
which drains Tibesti has been called the W. Fardi; elsewhere it is
the W. Fareg; the shallow depression crossed by Hassanein Bey on his
journey from Jalo to Kufra seems to be part of this system. Examples of
closed basins separated from one another by steppe or desert are the
oases of Kufra, the Jaghbub-Siwa, Jalo and Lake Chad depressions. In
these areas cultivation is frequently intense; salt and fresh water
are abundant; and the vegetation sometimes develops luxuriantly into
veritable forests of date palms such as exist at Kufra. Between these
hollows the intervening Libyan desert is probably the largest and
most sterile area of its sort in the world.
The Western Sahara, on the other hand, is essentially an area of
well-defined river systems with watersheds and dry beds fashioned on
a vast scale. The valleys which extend from the mountains of Ahaggar
and the Fezzan to the present River Niger have corresponding channels
on the other side of the water-parting running through Southern
Algeria or Tunisia towards the Mediterranean. There are good reasons
for believing that the original course of the Niger terminated in a
swamp or marsh north of Timbuctoo, probably the same collecting basin
as that west of Ahaggar into which certain rivers from the Atlas also
used to flow. The lower Niger from the eastern side of the great bend
where the river now turns south-east and south drained the Central
Sahara by a great channel which had its head-waters in Ahaggar and
the Fezzan, and ran west of Air.
These Saharan rivers have not contained perennial surface water
for long ages. In places they have been covered by more recent
sand-dune formations of great extension, but they date from the present
geological period. Associated with the desiccation of these valleys is
the characteristic of extreme dryness which is one of the few features
more or less in accord with popular conceptions of the Sahara. The
barrenness of the Sahara is less due to the inherent sterility of the
ground than to climatic conditions; desiccation has been intensified in
the course of centuries by the purely mechanical processes attendant
upon an extremely continental climate and excessively high day
temperatures. The latter combined with the extraordinary dryness of
the air have contributed to the decay of vegetable, and consequently
of animal, life wherever man has not been sufficiently powerful, in
numbers or energy, to stay the process. Sterility and desiccation are
interacting causes and effects. There is no reason to believe that
any sudden change of climate has taken place in the Sahara since the
neolithic period, or that it is very much drier now than two thousand
years ago. Maximum and minimum temperatures, both average and absolute,
have a very wide range seasonally and within the period of twenty-four
hours. Temperatures of over 100° F. in the shade are common at all
seasons of the year during the day: the thermometer frequently falls
to freezing point at night during the winter. Ice is not unknown in
the mountains of Tibesti, Air and Ahaggar. The rainfall is irregular
except within the belt of summer rains which are so characteristic of
Equatorial Africa. In Tibesti the cycle of good rains seems to recur
once in thirteen years: in many years both here and elsewhere in the
Sahara no rain falls at all. But with these adverse climatic conditions
the surprising fact remains, not that the Sahara is so barren, but
that it is so relatively well-favoured and capable of supporting
different races of people in such comparatively large numbers.[2]
The Air mountains, like the Desert steppes, are only sparsely
inhabited. The hill-sides are too wind-swept and rocky to support
forests or pastures of any value. Many of the valleys are capable
of being cultivated, but in practice are only gardened here and
there. In certain districts there are groves of date palms which have
been imported from the north. Air is in reality a great Saharan oasis
divided from the Equatorial belt by a zone of desert and steppe. It
differs from the south in its flora and general conditions, though
by its position within the belt of tropical summer rains it belongs
climatically to the Sudan.
[Illustration: TRADE ROADS
F. R. del.
Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
The oases of the desert, like the Sahara generally, have been
the subject of much popular misconception. The origin of the word
“oasis,” which has reached us in its present form through the
classics, may perhaps be found in ancient Egyptian. It seems to be
connected with the name of the Wawat People of the West referred to
in the Harris Papyrus,[3] and occurs in the names of Wau el Kebir and
Wau el Seghir or el Namus, which are oases in the Eastern Fezzan.[4]
The term El Wahat,[5] given to one or several of the oases west of
the Nile Valley, contains the same root. An oasis is not necessarily
a patch of ground with two or three palm trees and a well in the
desert. It is simply an indefinite area of fertility in a barren land;
it may or may not happen to have a well. There are oases in Southern
Algeria and the Fezzan with hundreds of thousands of palm trees,
containing many villages and a permanent population. There are others
where the pasture is good but where there is neither population nor
water. “Oasis” is a term with no strict denotation, it connotes
attributes which render animal life possible.
In this sense Air, as a whole, is an oasis situated on a great caravan
road from the Mediterranean to Central Africa. The mountains so lie
in respect of the desert to the north and to the south that caravan
journeys may be broken in their valleys, and camels can stay to
recuperate. The mountains mark a stage on the road, the importance of
which it is difficult to over-estimate. In the history of North Africa,
the principal routes across the Sahara from the Mediterranean to the
Sudan have seemingly not changed at all. Since the earliest times
they have followed the shortest tracks from north to south whenever
there was sufficient water. If the Nile Valley and the routes in the
desert adjacent thereto are left out of account as being _suorum
generum_, there are four main caravan roads across North Africa
from north to south. The easternmost runs from Cyrenaica by Kufra to
Wadai and Tibesti; only within the last century has it been rendered
practicable for caravans by the provision of wells along the southern
part, which was opened to heavy traffic by the Senussiya sect. The
two central routes run respectively from Tripolitania by the Fezzan,
Murzuk and Kawar to Lake Chad, and by Ghadames, Ghat and Air to the
Central Sudan. The western route runs from Algeria and Morocco across
the desert to Timbuctoo. In addition there is the Moroccan road,
which roughly follows the curve of the coast to the Western Sudan
and Senegal. Of all these the best known in modern times,[6] and
culturally perhaps the most important, has been the Air road. It is
noteworthy that all three central routes have been or are within the
control of the Tuareg race. As the Tuareg were the caravan drivers
of the Central Sahara, so were they also responsible for bringing a
certain degree of civilisation from the Mediterranean to Equatorial
Africa. That has been their greatest rôle in history.
The object of this book is to describe a part of the Tuareg race,
namely, those tribes which live in Air and in the country immediately
to the south. It will not be possible to examine in any detail the
theories surrounding the origin of the race, but certain definitions
are necessary if the succeeding chapters are to be understood. The
Berbers of North Africa, among whom are usually included the Tuareg,
have very disputed origins; for many reasons it is perhaps best to
follow the example of Herodotus and use the geographical term Libyans
for them. Less controversy surrounds this name than “Berber,”
which implies a number of wholly imaginary anthropological
connections. Moreover, it is even open to doubt whether the Tuareg
are Berbers at all, like the other people so called in Algeria and
Morocco. In all this confusion it will be enough to grasp that the
Tuareg are a Libyan people with marked individual peculiarities
and that they were in North Africa long before the Arabs came. They
have been there ever since the earliest times of which we have any
historical record, though in more northern areas than those which
they now occupy. The population of the Sahara is very diverse and the
affinities of the various elements afford many interesting problems
for study; but in the present work we shall be concerned with the
one race alone.
The Tuareg country may roughly be described as extending from
the eastern edge of the Central Sahara, which is bounded by the
Fezzan-Murzuk-Kawar-Lake Chad caravan road, to the far edge of the
western deserts of North Africa before the Atlantic zone begins, and
from Southern Algeria in the north to the Niger and the Equatorial belt
between the river and Lake Chad in the south. The Tuareg are so little
known even to-day that their very existence is almost legendary. It
is with something of a thrill that the tourist in Tunis or Algiers
learns from a mendacious guide that a poor Arab half-caste sitting
muffled in a cloak is one of the fabled People of the Veil. It is long,
in fact, since any of them have visited the Mediterranean coast, for
they do not care for Europeans very much. Before the Italo-Turkish
War, occasional Tuareg used to reach the coast at Tripoli at the end
of the long caravan road from Central Africa; even then they more
usually stopped at Ghadames or Murzuk. With the Italian occupation of
Tripolitania in 1913 they became apprehensive of intrusion on their
last unconquered area; but despite the Italian failure to occupy and
administer the interior they have only lately ventured a certain way
north once more on raids or for commerce.
Though the Hornemann, Lyons and the Denham, Oudney and Clapperton
expeditions in the first half of the last century touched the fringe
of the Tuareg country, the first Europeans in modern times to come
into contact with the Azger group in the Fezzan were Richardson in
1847 and Barth with Richardson in 1849 and subsequent years. Barth,
more particularly mentioned in the story of the penetration of Air,
is in some respects even now the most valuable authority for all
the Tuareg except the Ahaggaren. The first detailed work of value
dedicated to the latter was that of Duveyrier, _Les Touareg du Nord_,
published in 1864 after a journey through the Ahaggar and Azger
country and the Fezzan. His systematic study of the ethnology of the
Tuareg, his geographical work and his researches into the fauna,
flora and ancient history of the lands he visited, were presented
to the world in a form which has since been taken in France as the
model of what a scientific book should be. Ill health was the tragedy
of his life, for it prevented his return, and rendered him, as he
remarked in later years, “an arm-chair explorer of the Sahara.”
After visiting the Wad Righ and Shott countries in Southern Tunisia,
he went to El Golea on the road to Tuat and thence turned towards
Ghadames and Tripolitania. He eventually reached Ghat, and returned to
the Mediterranean coast by Murzuk and Sokna, taking a more easterly
road than Barth’s in 1850. Beurmann in 1862, and Dickson ten years
previously, had reached the edge of the same Tuareg country, but
what Barth had done for the Tuareg of Air and the south, Duveyrier
did for the Ahaggaren and Azger.
In 1881, twenty years after the expedition of Burin to Tuat, the French
determined to penetrate the countries of this fabled race. A column
under Colonel Flatters, who had already gained a certain reputation in
France as a Saharan explorer, marched almost due south from Wargla and
Tuggurt in the eastern part of Southern Algeria up the Ighaghar basin
and so reached the north-eastern corner of the Ahaggar country. This
valley is the drainage system of the north central Sahara towards the
Mediterranean; it virtually divides the old Azger country from that of
the Ahaggaren. Near the Aghelashem Wells at the intersection of the
valley with the Ghat-Insalah road, Flatters turned S.E., intending
apparently to follow the Ghat-Air caravan road to the Sudan. This
track he proposed joining at or near the wells of Issala, and then to
proceed by much the same route as that which Barth and his companions
had selected in 1850. But at Bir Gharama in the Tin Tarabin valley,
a few days before it was due to reach Issala, disaster overtook the
column. The European officers, who assumed that their penetration
of the Tuareg country was welcome to the inhabitants, had taken none
of the military precautions necessary in hostile country. The vital
part of the expedition, the officer commanding and his staff, left
camp to reconnoitre a well and became separated from their troops,
consisting of about eighty Algerian tirailleurs. The officers were
attacked by the Tuareg and killed. After the death of Colonel Flatters
and Captain Masson, the remainder of the column under Captain Dianous
made an attempt to escape north. After an unsuccessful effort by the
Tuareg to destroy the party by selling the men dates poisoned with the
Alfalehle plant (_Hyoscyamus Falezlez_),[7] the column reached the
Ighaghar once more at the wells of Amjid. But they found the wells
occupied by the enemy, and in the ensuing fight Captain Dianous and
nearly all his men were killed.
The circumstances of the disaster, so vividly recounted by Duveyrier
to the Paris Geographical Society on 22nd April, 1881, had followed
the publication of his account of a people whom he had described
picturesquely, but with some exaggeration, as the “Knights of the
Desert.” The massacre created a profound impression in France. The
Tuareg came to be regarded as an insurmountable obstacle to the French
penetration of North Africa, and expeditions into their country were
discontinued. The disaster of Bir Gharama remained unavenged until
1902, when a detachment of Camel Corps under Lieut. Cottonest met
the pick of the Ahaggar Tuareg in battle at Tit within their own
mountains and killed 93 men out of 299 present, the French patrol
losing only 4 killed and 2 wounded out of 120 native soldiers
and Arab scouts. Despite the small numbers involved, the fight at
Tit broke the resistance of Ahaggar, for it proved the vanity of
matching a few old flintlocks and spears and swords against magazine
rifles.[8] But if it demonstrated the futility of overt resistance,
it also established for all time the courage of the camel riders of
the desert, who hurled themselves against a barrier of rifle fire,
unprotected by primeval forest or sheltering jungle, in order to
maintain their age-long defiance of the mastery of foreign people.
Considering the magnitude of the results they achieve, Saharan,
like Arabian, battles involve surprisingly small numbers. The size
of armed bodies moving over the desert is limited by the capacity
of the wells; the output of water not only regulates the mass of
raiding bands, but also determines their strategy, as well as the
routes of trading caravans, which are compelled to move in large
bodies in order to ensure even a small measure of protection. Only
the realisation of this rather self-evident fact enabled the French
in the course of years to deal with raiders in Southern Algeria by
organising Camel Corps patrols of relatively small size and great
mobility. The privations which these raiders are willing to endure
made it impossible to fight them with a European establishment.
The necessity of imitating the nomad in his mode of life and warfare
became obvious to Laperrine from his first sojourn in Southern
Algeria, where he made his career as the greatest European desert
leader in history with one solitary exception. The encounter of
Tit was followed by a number of “Tournées d’Apprivoisement,”
patrols to “tame” the desert folk, initiated by Laperrine, and
culminating in 1904 in a protracted reconnaissance through Ahaggar,
which brought about a final pacification. Charles de Foucauld,
soldier, traveller and monk, had accompanied the patrol. He remained
on after it was over as a hermit and student among the Ahaggaren
until his death in 1916. He had been Laperrine’s brother officer
at St. Cyr. Extravagant, reckless and endowed with all the good
things of the world, a member of the old French aristocracy in a
smart cavalry regiment, the Marquis de Foucauld is one of the most
picturesque figures of modern times. After a memorable reconnaissance
of Morocco in 1883-4, disguised as a Jew, he became a Trappist monk,
and eventually entered a retreat at Beni Abbes, in the desert that he
loved too well to leave in all his life. During his years in Ahaggar
as a teacher of the Word of God he made no converts to Christianity,
but sought by his example alone to lead the people along the way of
Truth. It is to be hoped that, in spite of a modesty which precluded
it during his lifetime, the knowledge and lore of the Tuareg which he
collected in the form of notes will eventually be given to the world
in order to supplement his dictionary of the Ahaggar dialect, to-day
the standard work on their language, which is called Temajegh.[9]
To implement the Laperrine policy of long reconnaissances, a post
was built near Tamanghasset in Ahaggar called Fort Motylinski, after
an officer interpreter who was one of the first practical students
of Temajegh. Lately the post has been moved to Tamanghasset itself,
where Father de Foucauld had built his hermitage, and it is now called
Fort Laperrine, in memory of the great soldier who was killed flying
across the desert to Timbuctoo in 1919.
Another post was built at Janet not far from Ghat, to watch the Azger
Tuareg. Its capture during the late war by the Arabs and Tuareg of
Ghat, and the killing of Father de Foucauld by a raiding party from
the Fezzan, are incidents in that same series of intrigues which were
instigated in North Africa by the Central Empires and carried on with
such success in the Western Desert of Egypt, Cyrenaica, Tripolitania,
Southern Algeria and as far afield as Air. If the Senussi leaders
have not been responsible for as many intrigues as it has been the
fashion to ascribe to this puritanical and perhaps fanatical sect,
the Germans at least discovered what others are still learning, that
the latent force of nationalism in North Africa among the ancient
Libyan and Arab-Libyan peoples is powerful still to-day. The spirit
of the Circumcelliones and of the opponents of Islam in the eighth
century was exploited by the Turks and Germans through the Senussiya,
which provided the only organisation available during the Great War,
though in fact only few Tuareg and Arabs at Ghat or in the Fezzan
were members of, or even friendly to, the sect. These people used the
opportunity afforded by the war to procure arms and material through
the Senussiya for the consummation of their own ambitions. The new
spirit which is abroad in Islam, in Africa as well as in Asia, is an
interesting subject of study for the practical politician. There is
no occasion to enlarge upon it here.
In consequence of these agitations, a raid came out of the east
and fell upon Father de Foucauld’s hermitage on the 1st December,
1916. The hermit was killed, but the raiders were not of the Ahaggaren
among whom he had lived, and to whom he had devoted his life; they
came from Ghat and the Fezzan. They probably started without intent
to murder, but because Charles de Foucauld was the greatest European
influence in the desert at that time, they desired to remove him
and perhaps to hold him as a hostage. In justice it must be admitted
that no one had any illusions regarding the political views of the
people of the Fezzan; they were in a state of open warfare with
the French posts in Southern Algeria. De Foucauld had played a
very great part against them in preventing the Ahaggaren rising
_en masse_ against the French; he was an important intelligence
centre for the neighbouring Fort Motilynski; he was apparently, well
provided with rifles in his hermitage. When surprised by the raid,
he disdained to fight, preferring to fall a martyr to his religion
and his country. My excuse, if any is needed, for touching on a
subject tending to be controversial is the appearance of a number
of mis-statements concerning the barbarity of his murder and the
treachery of the people to whom Father de Foucauld had devoted the
latter part of his life. It is well to remember, in the first place,
that the circumstances of his life and his prestige made the attack a
justifiable act of war, for he played a definitely political rôle;
secondly, that there was no treachery or betrayal; and lastly, that
his aggressors were a mixed band of Arabs and of Tuareg from another
part of the Sahara which had, for generations past, been on terms of
raid and counter-raid with the people of Ahaggar.
When all has been said of the European penetration of the Tuareg
country, it is not very much. The world outside the society of those
white men who, during the last fifty years, have spent their lives in
the Sahara, can know but little of this race or of their country. The
modern literature on the subject is small, even in French; in English
it is almost non-existent. On the Tuareg of Air there are only two
works of any value: the one by a French officer is recent in date
and sadly superficial;[10] the other is incorporated in H. Barth’s
account of the British expedition of 1849 and subsequent years to
Central Africa.[11] There are a few other works in French about the
Tuareg of the north and south-west, but I am not aware that anyone has
attempted a general study of the whole people, who have been rather
neglected by science. The principal object of this volume will have
been achieved if it in any measure fills a want in English records
or if it arouses sufficient controversy to induce others to undertake
a thorough investigation of the race.
The Tuareg are not a tribe but a people. The name “Tuareg” is
not their own: it is a term of opprobrium applied to them by their
enemies, and connotes certain peculiarities possessed by a number
of tribal confederations which have no common name for themselves
as a race. The men of this people, after reaching a certain age,
wear a strip of thin cloth wound around their heads in such a manner
as to form a hood over the eyes and a covering over the mouth and
nostrils. Only a narrow slit is left open for the eyes, and no other
part of the face is visible. From this practice they became known
to the Arabs as the “Muleththemin” or “Veiled People,”[12]
while they themselves, in default of a national name, are in the habit
of using the same locution in their own tongue to describe the whole
society of different castes which compose their community. Whatever
the social position of the men, the Veil is invariably worn by day and
by night,[13] while the women go unveiled. Few races are more rigidly
observant of social distinction between noble and servile tribes;
none holds to a tradition of dress with more ritual conservatism.
PLATE 2
[Illustration: ELATTU]
The larger divisions of Tuareg have names by which they are known
to themselves and to their neighbours: these names designate the
historical or geographical groupings of tribes. In each group of
tribes the existence of nobles and serfs is recognised; there are
appropriate terms to describe these social distinctions. The nobles
are called Imajeghan;[14] the servile people, Imghad. But no name
other than Kel Tagilmus,[15] the “People of the Veil,” exists to
describe the society of nobles and serfs alike, irrespective of group
or caste. These details will require fuller examination in due course,
but it is important to realise immediately that the name Tuareg[16]
is unknown in their own language and is only used of them by Arabs
and other foreigners. It has, however, been so universally adopted
by everyone who has had to do with them or who has written of them
that, although not strictly accurate, it would be pedantic not to
continue using it. The Tuareg all speak the same language, called
Temajegh, which varies only dialectically from group to group. They
have a peculiar form of script, known as T’ifinagh, which also
is practically identical in all the divisions of the Tuareg, but is
apparently not used by other peoples. Lastly, the Tuareg are nomads
by instinct and, save where much intermarriage has taken place, of
the same racial type. The conquest of foreign elements in war and
their assimilation into servile tribes have, in the course of time,
led to some modification of physique and a growth of sedentarism
in certain areas. As a whole, however, the nation has survived in
a fairly pure state which is readily distinguishable. There is,
I think, no justification for considering the People of the Veil a
large tribal group of Berbers in North Africa; they are a separate
race with marked peculiarities, distinct from other sections of the
latter, and, as I believe, of a different origin.
They formerly extended further west almost to the sea-board of the
Atlantic; their northern and eastern extension can also be deduced
from what is known of their migrations. Their neighbours to the south
are the negroid Kanuri, Hausa-speaking peoples,[17] and the Fulani;
to the east are the Tebu, and in the west the Arab and Moorish tribes;
finally, in the north the nomadic and sedentary Arabs and sedentary
Libyans of Algeria, Tunisia and Tripolitania. The N.E. corner of Tuareg
territory, the Fezzan, is ethnically of such mixed population as to
admit of no summary classification; Arab, Libyan, Tebu and negroid
peoples are all inextricably mingled together. The Tuareg wander as
nomads over the country generally, the negroes and sedentary Libyans
till the ground, and, in addition to a proportion of all those already
enumerated, the towns are inhabited by yet another people of noble
origin, whose connection with the ancient Garamantes of classical
authors may be assumed if it cannot be proved. With the exception of
the Fezzan the Tuareg are now predominant within their own country. It
includes two great groups of mountains, Air and Ahaggar, together
with certain smaller adjacent massifs.
It is unfortunately not possible to deal with Air in history nor with
the Tuareg of Air, by considering the mountains and their inhabitants
alone. The migrations of the Tuareg of Air have been so intimately
connected with that part of the Sudan which we now call Nigeria that
the northern fringe of the area and the country intervening between it
and Air must receive attention. This intervening steppe and desert,
largely overrun by Tuareg, lie on the way which I followed to reach
the mountains. The neglect to which these areas have been subjected
justifies me in devoting a chapter to them before coming to Air
itself. Again, the concluding chapters of this volume will deal as
much with the Southland as they do with Air, for the history of the
latter cannot be divorced from that of the former.
Since mention will be continually made of the various Tuareg groups
as they exist to-day, and of the tribes which they contain, it will
be as well to explain that there are to-day four principal divisions
of the people, all of whom possess characteristics common and peculiar
to the whole race.
The main groups are:—
1. The People of Ahaggar, called Ahaggaren, or Kel Ahaggar.
2. The Azjer, or Azger Tuareg; this name is also spelt Askar, Adjeur,
etc.
3. The People of Air called the Kel Air, or, in the Hausa language
which is current in that country, Asbenawa or Absenawa, from Asben,
Azbin or Absen, the Sudanese name for Air.
4. The Tuareg of the south-west.
The first group is held for convenience to include the Tuareg in
the Ahnet mountains, the Taitoq, and those north-west of the Ahaggar
mountains. The second group is comparatively compact. The third group
is the one with which this volume deals in detail, and includes
the Kel Geres and other Tuareg generally of the Southland, in and
on the fringes of Nigeria. The fourth group should more properly be
divided, as it comprises the distinct aggregations of the Aulimmiden,
the Ifoghas of the Mountain (Ifoghas n’Adghar),[18] and the Tuareg
of Timbuctoo and the Niger.
The country of the Ahaggaren proper is confined to the Ahaggar
massif, but there are certain outlying districts to the north and
north-west. The confused mass of hills east of Ahaggar towards the
Fezzan was, at the beginning of the century, essentially the country of
the Azger. In recent years they have tended to move eastwards towards
their original homes and away from the influence of the French military
posts. The majority of this group now ranges over the country between
Ghat and Murzuk. They are the Tuareg who have come least into contact
with Europeans. Although there is considerable affinity between them
and the Ahaggaren, the Tuareg generally recognise that the Azger do not
belong to, or are under the rule of, the Ahaggar chieftains despite the
fact that they are all collectively known in Air as Ahaggaren. Those
travellers who have known them are at one in considering them to-day
an independent division. From the historical point of view the Azger
are the most important of all the Tuareg, since from this group,
reduced in numbers as it now is, most of the migrations of the race
to the Southlands seem to have taken place. They are also probably
to-day the purest of the Tuareg stock in existence.
The first description of Air and its people in any detail was
brought back to Europe by Barth after his memorable journey from
the Mediterranean to the Sudan, on which he set out in 1849 with
Richardson and Overweg, but from which he alone returned alive
more than five years later. Prior to this journey there are certain
references in Ibn Batutah and Leo Africanus, but they do not give
us much information either of the country or of the people. From Ibn
Batutah’s description, the country he traversed is recognisable, but
the information is meagre. The account of Leo Africanus written in the
sixteenth century is little better. His principal contribution, in the
English and original Italian versions, is a bad pun: “Likewise Hair
(Air), albeit a desert, yet so called for the goodness and temperature
of the aire. . . .”[19] It is an observation, in fact, of great
truth, but hardly more useful than his other statement, which records
that the “soyle aboundeth with all kinds of herbes,” in apparent
contradiction with the previous remark. He adds that “a great store
of manna” is found not far from Agades which the people “gather in
certaine little vessels, carrying it, when it is new, into the market
of the town to be mingled with water as a refreshing drink”—an
allusion probably to the “pura” or “ghussub” water made of
millet meal, water and milk or cheese. He states that the country
is inhabited by the “Targa” people, and as he mentions Agades,
it had evidently by then been founded, but beyond these facts his
description is wholly inadequate. He unfortunately even forgets to
mention that Air is mountainous.
Although the European penetration of the Western Sahara may date
from the Middle Ages, the same cannot be said of Air. Caillé in
1828 was, in fact, not the first European to visit and describe
Timbuctoo, nor was Rohlfs in 1864 the first European in Tuat. There
are some very interesting earlier accounts which are gradually being
unearthed[20] dealing with these countries. It is regrettable that
there are apparently no similar accounts of Air.[21] The first
information of any value is found only in comparatively recent
times. Hornemann[22] in 1798 travelled from Egypt along the Haj
Road which runs from Timbuctoo to Cairo. He turned back at Murzuk,
but had he continued he would have come to Ghat and eventually to
Air. He nevertheless brought back the first modern account of the
Tuareg of this country, or rather of a section of them, the Kel Owi,
whom he calls the Kolouvey. His information about the Ahaggaren and
about the divisions of the Tebu, who lived east and north-east beyond
the limits of the country which they now occupy, is worth examining
in connection with their ethnological history. After Hornemann’s
journey Denham, Oudney and Clapperton[23] collected some further
details about Air and its people in the course of an expedition to
Chad and Nigeria at the beginning of the last century, and in 1845
Richardson began a systematic study of the Azger and Air Tuareg during
a preliminary journey to the Fezzan. But none of these travellers
had the first-hand personal experience which, five years afterwards,
Barth, Richardson and Overweg obtained on their expedition.
The part played by Great Britain in the exploration of the Central
Sahara, testified to by the graves of many Englishmen or foreigners in
the service of the British Crown, is little known in this country. Our
efforts to abolish the slave trade in Africa and our paramount position
in Tripolitania early in the last century led to that initiative being
taken, to which the world even to-day owes most of its knowledge of the
Fezzan, and which opened the Sudan to commerce and colonisation. While
Richardson was apparently the first and only Englishman to visit
Air until my travelling companion, Angus Buchanan, went there from
Nigeria in 1919, the graves of explorers in neighbouring lands show
that we stand second to none in geographical work in the Central
Sahara. It was only when, in the partition of North Africa, this
vast area fell to the French, that there was any falling off in the
numbers of Englishmen who in each successive decade travelled and died
there. Their work deserves to be better known: Henry Warrington died
of dysentery at the desert well of Dibbela, south of Bilma in Kawar,
on his way to Lake Chad with a German, Dr. Vogel. Dr. Oudney died on
5th January, 1824, at Murmur near Hadeija (Northern Nigeria), after
accompanying Clapperton and Denham from Tripoli by way of Bilma and
Chad to explore Bornu. Tyrwhit, who went out to join them, died at Kuka
on Lake Chad, on 22nd October, 1824. Barth’s companion Richardson
died in the early part of 1851 at N’Gurutawa in Manga, S. of Zinder,
and their companion Overweg succumbed near Lake Chad. Both Barth and
Overweg were Germans who had volunteered and were appointed to serve
on an expedition sent by Her Majesty’s Government to explore Central
Africa and to report on the abolition of the slave trade. Dr. Vogel,
another German, who had been sent by Her Majesty’s Government to join
Barth and complete his work, died near Lake Chad after his return,
while an assistant, Corporal MacGuire, was killed on his way home at
Beduaram, N. of Bilma, in the same year. Of those who had opened the
way for the Clapperton expeditions, Ritchie had died of disease in
1819 at Murzuk and Lyon had been obliged to turn back before reaching
Bornu. Clapperton himself on a second journey lost his life at Sokoto
on 13th April, 1827. North Africa has claimed her British victims no
less than the swamps and jungles of Equatoria, only they are not so
well known, for they never sought to advertise their achievements.
Few people in this country or abroad realise how great was the
influence of Great Britain in the Sahara during the lifetime and
after the death of that remarkable man, Colonel Hamer Warrington,
H.M. Consul at Tripoli from 1814 to 1846. Apart from the fact that
he virtually governed Tripoli, our influence and interests may be
gauged by the existence of Vice-Consulates and Consulates, not only
along the coast at Khoms and Misurata, but far in the interior at
Ghadames and Murzuk. The peregrinations of numerous travellers
and efforts to suppress the African slave trade had obliged Her
Majesty’s Government to play a part in local tribal politics,
for it had early become clear that if this abominable traffic was
to be abolished the sources of supply would have to be controlled,
since it proved useless only to make representations on the coast
where caravans discharged their human cargo. At one moment it even
seemed as if Tripolitania would be added to the British Empire, and as
lately as 1870 travellers were still talking of the French and British
factions among the Fezzanian tribes. But Free Trade and other political
controversies in England half-way through the century brought about
a pause, and the arrest was enough to withdraw public interest from
North Africa and to give France her chance. The controversies were
the object of much bitter criticism by the idealist Richardson, who
saw political dialectics obscuring a crusade on behalf of humanity
for which he was destined to give his life. He seems to have been
profoundly affected and to have suffered himself to become warped,
as Barth on more than one occasion discovered.[24] The inevitable
consequence of a British occupation of Tripolitania would have been
the active penetration of the Air and Chad roads and a junction with
the explorers and merchants who were working north from the Bight of
Benin. But French interest in North Africa as a consequence of their
occupation of Algeria grew progressively stronger as it declined in
this country, while to the same waning appetite must be ascribed the
fact that for seventy years no Englishman visited Air. Regrettable
as this may appear to geographers, it is even more tragic to realise
how few have heard of the German, Dr. Heinrich Barth, than whom it
may be said there never has been a more courageous or meticulously
accurate explorer. After several notable journeys further north he
accompanied Richardson as a volunteer, and on the latter’s death
continued the exploration of Africa for another four years on behalf
of Her Majesty’s Government, which he most loyally served. If in
this volume he is repeatedly mentioned, it is without misgiving or
apology; it may help in some little measure to rescue his name from
unmerited oblivion in these days of sensational and superficial books
of travel. The account of his journey and of the lore and history of
the countries of Central Africa which he visited from Timbuctoo to
Lake Chad is still a standard work.
Barth and his companions entered Air in August 1850, and left the
country for the south in the closing days of the same year. Reaching
Asiu from Ghat, they traversed the northern mountains of Air, which
are known to the Tuareg as Fadé.[25] After passing by the wells
in the T’iyut valley and the “agilman” (pool) of Taghazit,
they camped eight days later on the northern outskirts of Air
proper. During this period their caravan was subjected to constant
threats of brigandage from parties of northern Tuareg, and on the
day before reaching the first permanent habitations of Air in the
Ighazar near Seliufet village, they again narrowly escaped aggression
from the local inhabitants. An attack was eventually made on them at
T’intaghoda, a little further on, and they only just escaped with
their lives after losing a good deal of property. The same experience
was repeated near T’intellust, where the expedition had established
its head-quarters in the great valley which drains the N.E. side
of the Air mountains. When, however, they had once made friends
with that remarkable personality, Annur, chief of the Kel Owi tribal
confederation, and paramount chief of Air, they were free from further
molestation, and thanks to him eventually they reached the Sudan in
safety. From T’intellust Barth made a journey alone to Agades by a
road running west of the central Bagezan mountains. After his return
the whole party moved to the Southland along the great Tripoli-Sudan
trade route which passes east of the Central massifs. Crossing the
southern part of Air known as Tegama they entered Damergu, which
geographically belongs to the Sudan, about New Year’s Day, 1851. In
the course of his stay in Air Barth made the first sketch map of the
country, catalogued the principal tribes and compiled a summary of
their history which is still the most valuable contribution which we
possess on the subject.
Some twenty-seven years later, another German, Erwin von Bary,
reached Air from the north by much the same road as that which
Barth and his companions had followed. He left Ghat in January 1897
and reached the villages of Northern Air a month later. Thence he
journeyed to the village of Ajiru, a village on the eastern slopes of
the central mountains, and awaited the return from a raid of Belkho,
the chieftain who had succeeded Barth’s friend Annur as paramount
lord of the country. The unfortunate von Bary was subjected to every
form of extortion, and though Belkho, when he returned, compelled
his people to restore what they had stolen, the chief himself made
life unpleasant for the traveller by taking all his presents and
doing nothing for him in return so long as he showed any desire to
proceed on his journey southwards. Belkho pleaded such poverty that the
explorer nearly died of starvation, but von Bary admittedly had laid
himself open to every form of abuse. He had arrived almost penniless,
did not understand the courtesies of desert travelling, and seems
to have placed undue reliance on his skill as a doctor to achieve
his objects. But when he eventually gave up the idea of going on to
the Sudan, Belkho treated him well. Although von Bary’s opinion of
the Tuareg of Air is not favourable, in reality he owed them a great
debt of gratitude. No other people who dislike foreigners so much
as they do would have protected him and helped him as they finally
did. His quarrels with Belkho seem to have been in part due to his own
tactlessness and discourtesy, and in part to his inability to realise
that the chief, for political reasons, did not desire him to go to the
Sudan. Von Bary returned to Ghat, meaning to try once more to reach
Nigeria as soon as he had picked up his stores and some more money,
but his diary ends abruptly with the remark that he would be ready
to start south again from there in fifteen to twenty days. He died
within twenty-four hours of reaching Ghat, on 3rd October, 1877. He
had spent a cheerful evening with Kaimakam,[26] and had gone to bed;
at 6 a.m. he was breathing peacefully asleep; by ten o’clock he was
dead. His death does not seem to have been quite natural. It remains
one of the mysteries of the Sahara. Von Bary’s account of Air[27]
is very incomplete and his observations are coloured by the hardships
which he suffered. With the exception of certain botanical information
and notes on one or two ethnological points, his descriptions contain
little that had not already been made known by Barth.
Then began that competition among European Powers for African
colonies which was soon to reach a critical stage. The Anglo-German
Convention of 1890 had proposed to divide Africa finally, but before
that date the French had seen one desirable part after the other fall
to our lot. They determined before it was too late to take as much
as possible of what still remained unallocated. Central Africa, east
of Lake Chad, certain tracts of indifferent country on the western
coast and the greater part of the Sahara were still unclaimed by any
European Power. And so it was that in France the magnificent scheme
was conceived of sending three columns from north, west and south to
converge on Lake Chad, and formally to take possession of the lands
through which they passed in accordance with the stipulations of
the Congress of Berlin, where it had been laid down that territorial
claims were only valid if substantiated by effective occupation. It was
not till 1899, however, that the French plans reached maturity. Three
expeditions duly set out from the Congo, the Western Sudan and Algeria
to cross Africa and meet on Lake Chad. Their adventures constitute one
of the most romantic chapters in Colonial history. The western column,
at first under Captain Voulet, who was accompanied by Lieut. Chanoine
and others, marched from the Niger along the northern edge of the
Nigerian Emirates. Mutiny and murder among the European personnel were
experienced. French politics at home, where the Jewish question had
become acute, were responsible for all manner of delays; the command
changed hands repeatedly. But the northern column and the Congo party
were equally delayed; not until a year after the date fixed for the
rendezvous on the lake did the three expeditions meet. The military
escorts were united under Commandant Lamy, and gave battle to the
forces of Rabah, one of the Khalif’s generals, who had crossed half
Africa to carve out for himself a kingdom in Bornu and Bagirmi after
the _débâcle_ of the Mahdia on the Upper Nile. Lamy defeated him
and annexed French Equatorial Africa.
Of these three expeditions, the northern column, known as the
Foureau-Lamy Mission, had passed through Air on its way south. The
Europeans who accompanied it were in 1899 the first Frenchmen to
enter the country and to carry out the plan originally contemplated
by Flatters in 1881. The annexation of Air by France may be counted
from this date.
The Foureau-Lamy Mission[28] entered the borders of Air from Algeria
at the wells of In Azawa; their heavy losses in camels obliged
them to abandon large quantities of material, but they eventually
reached Iferuan in the Ighazar, not far from T’intaghoda. Here
the camp of the expedition was attacked in force by the Tuareg,
who were only driven off with great difficulty. The situation was
critical. The whole country was hostile to the French; they were so
short of camels that on the stage south of Iferuan to Agellal they
had to move their baggage in small lots, marching their transport
forwards and backwards. Their destiny hung in the balance when friendly
overtures were made to them near Auderas by a Tuareg of considerable
note, Ahodu of the Kel Tadek tribe, whose fathers and forefathers
for five generations had been keepers of the mosque of Tefgun near
Iferuan. Ahodu’s political sense has rarely been at fault, either
then or since; he saw that the only end possible for his people from
protracted hostilities with the Europeans was disaster. He promised
the French peace while the column remained in Air. It reached Agades
in safety, and the Sultan was obliged to hoist the French flag and
provide transport animals and guides. No attack was made near the
town, thanks to the efficacy of Ahodu’s presence, but his powers
of persuasion were insufficient when the column marched out into the
barren area further south. The guide purposely misled the expedition
and it nearly perished of thirst, succeeding only with great difficulty
in returning to Agades. It eventually started once more and reached
the south, where its story ceases to concern the exploration of Air.
Since 1899, then, the fate of Air has been settled in so far as Europe
was concerned, for it was recognised as lying within the French sphere;
but the country was not effectually occupied until 1904, when a camel
patrol under Lieut. C. Jean established a post at Agades. The post
was evacuated for a short time and then reoccupied. The exploration
of the mountains has proceeded slowly since that date. Sketch maps
were gradually compiled in the course of camel corps patrols, and
in 1910 the Cortier geographical mission published a very creditable
map of the mountains,[29] other than the northern Fadé group, based
on thirty-three astronomically determined co-ordinates supplementing
the five secured by the Foureau-Lamy Mission. Chudeau in 1905 made
a brief geological survey and published some notes on the flora,
which remain uncatalogued to this day;[30] very complete collections
of the fauna have been made by Buchanan[31] and examined in England
by the British Museum (South Kensington) and by Lord Rothschild’s
museum at Tring. The ethnology of the country is very superficially
discussed in a book published by Jean; Barth’s account remains the
one of value. The complete exploration of the mountains and detailed
mapping still remain to be done as well as other scientific work of
every description.
“Air” as a geographical term for the mountainous plateau does
not signify exactly the same thing to the inhabitants of the country
themselves as it does to us; properly speaking, it is applied by them
only to one part of the plateau, for the whole of which the more usual
name of Asben or Absen is used. The latter is probably the original
name given to the area by the people of the Sudan before the advent of
the Tuareg. It is now very generally used even by them: it is universal
further south. Barth has speculated at some length upon the origin of
the name Air or Ahir, to take its Arabic form, and concluded that the
letter “h” had been deliberately added out of modesty to guard
against the word acquiring a copronymous signification. But early
Arabic geographers give the form as Akir and not as Ahir, so the
laborious explanation of the learned traveller is probably unnecessary.
The boundaries of Air may be defined either as running along the line
where the rocks of the area dip below the sands of the desert, or as
following certain well-marked basins and watercourses of material size,
where disintegrated rock or alluvium has covered the lower slopes of
the hills. The mountainous area is some 300 miles long by 200 miles
broad. It lies wholly within the tropics and is surrounded by desert
or by arid steppe. Owing to the general elevation of the country the
climate is quite pleasant.
[Illustration: Drainage of the CENTRAL SAHARA
F. R. del.
Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
In remote ages the rainfall of the Central Sahara was sufficient to
create the deep and important river beds which compose the hydrographic
system of this part of North Africa. Among these watercourses is
one of great size, flowing from the Ahaggar massif towards Algeria,
called the Ighaghar. Duveyrier has tried to prove that it was the
Niger of Pliny, largely on the grounds that the root “Ig” or
“Igh” occurs in both words and in Temajegh means “to run.”
The effect of this identification, which is hard to accept, would be
to make the classical ethnology of the Sahara less easy to follow, but
it has little significance in considering Air, except in so far as it
would tend to show that the geographical knowledge of the Romans did
not extend as far south as the plateau. Complementary to the Ighaghar
but flowing south from the Ahaggar massif is another equally great
river,[32] which early in its course is joined by a large tributary
from the Western Fezzan. At a certain point this valley is crossed by
the roads from Air to Ahaggar and Ghat, branching respectively at the
wells of In Azawa or Asiu. The eastern branch is the caravan road to
Ghat from the Sudan, the western one finds its way to In Salah in Tuat
and to Algeria. This bed runs south and south-west towards the Niger,
which it must have reached at some point between Gao and Timbuctoo
in the neighbourhood of the N.E. corner of the Great Bend which the
French call “La Boucle du Niger.” This river of remote times must
have been one of the great watercourses of Africa, extending from
the head-waters in 26° N. Lat. to its mouth in the Bight of Benin
on the Equator. It is not possible to say whether the interesting
terrestrial changes which diverted the Upper Niger at the lagoons above
Timbuctoo into the present Lower Niger, and which brought about the
desiccation of the upper reaches, took place suddenly or gradually,
but the latter is more probable, for a similar diversion seems to be
going on in the Chad area. The lake, in reality an immense marsh and
lagoon, is much smaller than when it perhaps included the depression
noted by Tilho as extending most of the way to Tibesti; some of the
waters of the Chad feeders are already believed to be finding their way
in flood-time into the Benue, and it is possible that in the course
of time a similar process to that manifested in the Niger area will
take place; then Lake Chad will dry up into salt-pans like those at
Taodenit. The Saharan river, which flows southward to the west of Air,
bears various names. Its course has never been accurately determined,
but its general direction is known. From Ahaggar to a point level with
the northernmost parts of Air it is called Tafassasset. The T’in
Tarabin channel from Ahaggar more probably drained into the Belly of
the Desert than into this system, but the Alfalehle (Wadi Falezlez)
from the Western Fezzan most certainly seems to be a tributary;
there are various reasons why it ought not to flow towards Kawar,
as used at one time to be thought. West of Air the main bed spreads
out into a vast plain-like basin under the name of T’immersoi;
further south it is called Azawak. In general I prefer to use the
name T’immersoi for the whole until a better one is suggested.[33]
The T’immersoi forms a collector in the west of Air for nearly all
the water from this group of mountains. Nowadays only a comparatively
small amount ever reaches the basin, as much is absorbed by the
intervening plain land of Talak[34] and the Assawas swamp west of
Agades. The latter are local basins or sumps covered with dense
vegetation where some of the most nomadic tribes in Air pasture
their herds. Talak is visited by Tuareg from Ahaggar and from the
west for the same purpose. It plays an important part in the economy
of the country, for water is always to be found in the alluvial soil
however dry the season in the mountains has been. Many of the wells
have now fallen into disuse, but the output of those which remain is
still plentiful. The last rocks of Air on the west disappear below
the alluvium of T’immersoi and in the subsidiary basins of Talak
and Assawas. The T’immersoi system therefore forms the western
boundary of Air.
The upper part of the T’immersoi, where it is called the Tafassasset,
is also the northern boundary of Air. The wells of In Azawa[35] and
Asiu in this valley may be regarded as the point where the main roads
from the north enter the extreme limits of the country. Further east
on another road between Air and Ghat, von Bary fixed the boundary at
the Wadi Immidir, which is in the same latitude as In Azawa.[36]
The eastern boundary of Air runs along the line where the last rocks
of the group disappear below the sand of the steppe and desert, which
extends from north to south between the mountains of the Fezzan and
the fringe of Equatorial Africa, and from west to east between the
mountains of Air and those of Tibesti with its adjacent massifs. This
vast area is crossed by a few roads only, the most important ones being
(_a_) the road from Murzuk along the Kawar depression to Agadem and
Lake Chad, (_b_) and (_c_), the two principal tracks from Air eastwards
to Bilma by Ashegur and Fashi respectively, and (_d_) the road from
Zinder by Termit to Fashi and Kawar. Watering-points are very few,
and the habitable oases can be numbered on the fingers of two hands;
pasturage is everywhere scarce. This great waste is one of the most
unknown parts of North Africa; its eastern portion along the Tibesti
mountains as far north as the Fezzan may be said to be absolutely
unknown except for two tracks to the mountains whither occasional
camel patrols have passed.
Kawar and the other oases along the Chad road appear to be closed
basins of the Eastern Saharan type. They seem to have no outlet
towards the south either into the Chad or into the Niger systems. The
desert east of Air, therefore, contains the eastern watershed of the
T’immersoi basin, for the valleys of Eastern Air do not run into the
desert as Chudeau has suggested,[37] but turn southwards on leaving the
hills, in ill-defined depressions or folds which join the Tagedufat
valley or one of the other channels flowing westwards in Tegama or
Damergu. One valley to the south of Air, probably the Tagedufat itself,
is stated to run all the way from Fashi across the desert.
The southern limits of Air may be placed along the Tagedufat basin,
where the rocks of Air disappear below the sand dunes and downs of
Tegama and Azawagh steppe desert. The valley is of some size and flows
roughly N.E. and S.W. towards T’immersoi, but whether it actually
joins this system or the Gulbi n’Kaba, which finds its way into
Sokoto Emirate under the name of the Gulbi n’Maradi and thence into
the Niger, is not certain. The former hypothesis seems more probable,
but I was unable to follow the Tagedufat sufficiently far west to
verify it, nor could I discover any data on the French maps;[38]
local reports substantiate my supposition. Both systems in any case
are in the Niger basin. Air is not on the watershed between Niger and
Chad. The choice of the Tagedufat valley as the southern boundary of
Air is made on geographical grounds. What may be termed the political
boundary is rather further north along the line of the River of Agades.
PLATE 3
[Illustration: DESERT AND HILLS FROM TERMIT PEAK
Commencing within 50 km. of the In Azawa wells, Air is a low plateau
of Silurian formation with islands of Archean rock. Through the
plateau-plain a number of separate formations have been extruded by, in
many cases, apparently quite recent volcanic action. The northernmost
massifs of Taghazit and Zelim lie in about latitude 20°. The volcanic
period was of considerable duration, but all the recognisable volcanoes
and derived phenomena are post-Eocene.[39] Some of the basalt flows,
more especially those from Mount Dogam near Auderas in Central Air,
are not old, while the Teginjir lava flow appeared to me so fresh as
probably to have come into existence during the historical period. The
volcanic phenomena take the form of cinder cones with steep sides as
at Teginjir (Mount Gheshwa), cumulo-volcanoes, as in the T’imia and
probably Bagezan massifs, domes as in the case of Mount Dogam, and
basalt flows in various parts, notably in the T’imia valleys.[40]
Aggata[40] appears to be another volcanic peak, but the serrated crest
of Ighzan is a phenomenon of the rapid cooling of an igneous extrusion
rather than an example of erosion. There are numerous volcanic massifs
distinct from each other all over Air, more especially in the centre
and north; they are nearly all granitic and very rugged. The Auderas
basin is of basalt and cinerite.[41] The plateau, which is in the
main horizontal, rises in the centre to a step some few hundred feet
higher than the north and south and forms a pedestal for the Bagezan
and other massifs some 1500 to 3000 feet higher again. The peaks
are as much as 4500 feet[42] above the plateau, which varies from
1500 feet above sea level in the south along the River of Agades,
to 2000 feet in the Ighazar in North Air. Round Auderas the plateau
may be taken as about 2500 feet above the sea, while to the east of
the Bagezan massif the plateau is about 3000 feet, sloping gradually
away to the south and east. Between Agades and Auderas there is an
abrupt ascent on to the central step of the plateau of some 2000 feet;
a corresponding descent of about 150 feet takes place near Assada.
The effect of these massifs rising sharply out of the plateau is
curious. The Archean or Silurian plain and the volcanic mountain groups
are phenomena which have not yet had time to become correlated. The
result is that the broad and very gentle valleys of the plateau-plain
wander in and out among the disconnected massifs and are fed by deep
torrents draining the slopes of impermeable rock. Water erosion has
not yet had time to widen or deepen the ravines, while the broad
valleys have wide sandy bottoms, where pebbles only rarely occur;
their sides are well wooded with pasture on the plains between the
beds, except where masses of round basalt boulders, the product of
the volcanic disturbances, cover the surface. The massifs have hardly
been affected by erosion. The broad valleys between them are the
corridors of communication in the country. “Cette superimposition à
une vieille pénéplaine usée,” says Chudeau,[43] “de massifs
éruptifs jeunes, donne a l’Air un aspect surprenant, presque
paradoxal.” And this is the charm of the country that has been
called by travellers the Saharan Alps. There is contrast everywhere,
but nothing is perhaps more striking than the black patina which the
red rocks have assumed. The wind-borne sand has polished them till
they shine with a dark metallic gleam, while the sheltered rifts and
ravines retain their pink and red surfaces. It is a land of lurid
colour, except at midday, when the African sun dominates everything
in one blinding glare.
[Footnote 1: The name “Sudan” is used throughout to indicate
the country referred to by the Arab and early European geographers
under this name, that is to say, the country inhabited by negroid
people north of the purely negro zone and south of the Saharan
deserts. The “Anglo-Egyptian Sudan” is more correctly described
as the “Nilotic Sudan.”]
[Footnote 2: The geography of the Sahara as a whole is briefly
treated in _Le Sahara_, by E. F. Gautier, Collection Payot, Paris,
1923, and with greater detail in _Le Sahara_, by H. Schirmer, Paris,
1893, but much recent work is not included in the latter.]
[Footnote 3: O. Bates: _The Eastern Libyans_ (Macmillan), pp. 48-9.]
[Footnote 4: Cf. Rohlfs, _Kufra_, Chap. VIII.]
[Footnote 5: “Alguechet” in Leo Africanus, Vol. III. pp. 802,
818, etc. (For particulars see beginning of Chap. IX.)]
[Footnote 6: Until motor-cars began to cross the Sahara further west.]
[Footnote 7: Bissuel, _Les Touareg de l’Ouest_, p. 63, says: “A
plant called locally ‘Bettina’ and not the Alfalehle (Arabic:
Falezlez) was used.”]
[Footnote 8: Gautier: _La conquête du Sahara_, Paris, 1922.]
[Footnote 9: See _Life of Charles de Foucauld_, by R. Bazin, translated
by P. Keelan, and De Foucauld, _Dictionnaire abrégé Touareg
Français_ (Dialecte Ahaggar), publié par R. Basset, Alger, 1918-20.]
[Footnote 10: Jean: _Les Touareg du Sud-Est_, Paris, Larose, 1909.]
[Footnote 11: Barth: _Travels and Discoveries in Central Africa_,
London, Longmans, 1857-8, 5 vols.]
[Footnote 12: From “Litham,” لثام (root لثم), a veil.]
[Footnote 13: The slaves which they possess do not wear the veil. The
slave is not a man but a chattel. As soon as a slave is freed and
becomes a serf he wears the veil like the noble Tuareg.]
[Footnote 14: In the Air dialect this word is so pronounced. Variations
in other dialects are referred to elsewhere. Imajeghan is the plural
form of Imajegh. Temajegh is a feminine form of Imajegh.]
[Footnote 15: “Kel” means “People of,” “Tagilmus” is the
name of the Veil in Temajegh, the language of the Tuareg.]
[Footnote 16: For an explanation of this term see Chap. IX.]
[Footnote 17: The term “Hausa” throughout this volume is not used
in an ethnological sense. It is primarily a linguistic division which
may or may not also have an ethnic significance.]
[Footnote 18: “Adghar” or “adrar” = mountain in Temajegh. This
mountain group between Air and the Niger and south of Ahaggar has
no name. It is called the “Mountain of the Ifoghas” (Adghar
n’Ifoghas), while the people who live in it are known as the
“Ifoghas of the Mountain,” to distinguish them from the Ifoghas
tribe in Damergu and the Ifoghas tribe of the Azger.]
[Footnote 19: Leo Africanus: Hakluyt Society edition, Vol. I. p. 127,
and Vol. III. pp. 798-9.]
[Footnote 20: Notably by M. Ch. de la Roncière: _Revue des Deux
Mondes_, 1st February, 1923: “Tombuctou au temps de Louis XI.”]
[Footnote 21: M. de la Roncière in a private letter of July 1923 to
the author.]
[Footnote 22: The edition I have used is a French one: Hornemann,
_Voyage dans l’Afrique Septentrionale_, edited by my ancestor
Rennell. Paris: Dentu, 1803.]
[Footnote 23: Denham and Clapperton: “Discoveries in North and
Central Africa, 1822-4,” Murray, 1826.]
[Footnote 24: See Introduction to Richardson’s _Travels in the
Great Desert of the Sahara_, London, 1847, and Barth, _op. cit._,
Vol. II. pp. 219-20.]
[Footnote 25: Barth calls this area Fadeangh, a name not known to-day.]
[Footnote 26: The Governor appointed by the Turks.]
[Footnote 27: Von Bary’s Diary, “La dernier rapport . . . sur
. . . les Touaregs de l’Air.” Edited by Schirmer; Paris,
Fischbacher, 1898.]
[Footnote 28: _Documents Scientifiques de la Mission
Foureau-Lamy_. Various fascicules.]
[Footnote 29: Carte de l’Air: Mission Cortier (2 feuilles),
1/500,000. Service Géogr. du Min. des Colonies.]
[Footnote 30: Chudeau and Gautier: _Missions au Sahara_, Paris,
Armand Colin, 1909 (Vol. II., _Le Sahara Soudanais_, by Chudeau).]
[Footnote 31: Buchanan: _Out of the World North of Nigeria_, Murray.]
[Footnote 32: Where the words “rivers” or “watercourse” are
used they must be understood to mean drainage channels which are dry
most of the year.]
[Footnote 33: Gautier on his sketch map in _Le Sahara_ uses the name
Tafassasset, which, however, is even more of a local name in the
north than T’immersoi is in the south.]
[Footnote 34: In Temajegh “Talak” means “clay.” Cf. Chudeau:
_Le Sahara Soudanais_, p. 63, etc.]
[Footnote 35: Meaning in Temajegh “of the Tamarisk.”]
[Footnote 36: Von Bary’s Diary, pp. 108-9. He joined the main road
followed by Barth in the T’iyut valley.]
[Footnote 37: In the case of the Tafidet and other eastern valleys of
Air, Chudeau, _op. cit._, p. 62. He supposed, as I think erroneously,
that the Air group itself and not the desert was the eastern watershed
of the T’immersoi basin.]
[Footnote 38: The country south of Air and north of the limit included
in the maps published by the Mission Tilho of the area each side
of the Franco-British boundary between Nigeria and the Territoires
Militaires du Niger is hardly mapped at all.]
[Footnote 39: Chudeau, _op. cit._, pp. 263-4.]
[Footnote 40: _Vide_ Plates 23 and 39.]
[Footnote 41: _Vide_ Plates 13 and 14.]
[Footnote 42: In the case of Tamgak.]
[Footnote 43: Chudeau, _op. cit._, p. 57.]