We are just beginning to realize in the United States that we cannot

spend all our annual earnings on living expenses and still have a

surplus for fresh capital for new industrial enterprises. We are on

the point of perceiving that we are cramping and stunting the future

industrial expansion of the country by our personal extravagance. We

shall soon really believe Mr. James J. Hill when he says that "every

dollar unprofitably spent is a crime against posterity."

When international industrial competition reaches its climax, that

nation will have an advantage whose people feel most keenly that the

wise expenditure of income is a patriotic as well as a personal duty.

But is this a matter for women alone? Do not men also consume? Are

there no vats in Milwaukee, no stills in Kentucky, no factories

wrapping paper rings around bunches of dead leaves at Tampa? Are there

no men's tailors, gents' furnishing shops, luncheons, clubs,

banquets, athletics, celebrations? And as for home expenditures

themselves, is the man simply to bring the plunder to the door, get

patted on the head, and trot off in search of more plunder? We must

doubt if economy will be reached by such a route. We find ourselves

agreeing rather with the home economics lecturer who said: "There

never yet was a family income really wisely expended without

cooeperation in all matters between husband and wife."

The Massachusetts legislature has passed a law looking toward the

teaching of thrift in the public schools. Boys and girls need it

equally. And we venture to surmise that in so far as the new art and

science of consumption is concerned with wise spending, the bulk of

its teachings ultimately will be enjoyed by both sexes. It will not

be, to any great extent, a specialized education for women.

So much for the "money sense in expenditure" which a full home

economics course adds to "academic" education. The more we admit its

value, the more convinced we must be that it ought to include every

kind of expenditure and both kinds of human being.

A precisely similar conviction arises with regard to those "domestic

applications of the physical and sociological sciences" which a full

home economics course adds to an "academic" education.

Those "domestic" applications are most of them broadly "human"

applications. They bear on daily living, exercise, fresh air, personal

cleanliness, diet, sleep, the avoidance of contagion, methods of

fighting off disease, general physical efficiency. They largely amount

to what Mrs. Ellen H. Richards used to call Right Living. She wanted

four R's instead of three: Reading, Riting, Rithmetic, Right Living.

Now is Right Living to be only for girls?

Mr. Eliot of Harvard does not think so. In a recent "Survey of the

Needs of Education," he said:

"Public instruction in preventive medicine must be provided for all

children and the hygienic method of living must be taught in all

schools.... To make this new knowledge and skill a universal subject

of instruction in our schools, colleges, and universities is by no

means impossible--indeed, it would not even be difficult, for it is a

subject full of natural history as well as social interest....

American schools of every sort ought to provide systematic instruction

on public and private hygiene, diet, sex hygiene, and the prevention

of disease and premature death, not only because these subjects

profoundly affect human affections and public happiness, but because

they are of high economic importance."

It may very well be that what Mr. Eliot had in mind will not only come

to pass but will even exceed his expectations. It may very well be

that the educational policy of the future was correctly search-lighted

by Miss Henrietta I. Goodrich (who used to direct the Boston School of

Housekeeping before it was merged into Simmons College) when she

said:

"We need to have courage to break the present courses in household

arts and domestic science into their component parts and begin again

on the much broader basis of a study of living conditions. Our plea

would be this: that instruction in the facts of daily living be

incorporated in the state's educational system from the primary grades

through the graduate departments of the universities, with a rank

equal to that of any subject that is taught, _as required work for

both boys and girls_."

We revert now finally to the "manual arts" which a full course in home

economics adds to an "academic" education. In this matter, just as in

the matter of money sense in expenditure and in the matter of right

living, we observe that the ultimate issue of the movement is not so

much a specialized education for women as a practical efficiency in

the common things of life for men and women both.

A reasonable proficiency in manual arts will some day be the heritage

of all educated people. Mr. Eliot, in his "Survey of the Needs of

Education," speaks appreciatingly of his father's having caused him to

learn carpentry and wood-turning. He goes on to say:

"This I hold to be the great need of education in the United

States--the devoting of a much larger proportion of the total school

time to the training of the eye, ear, and hand."

[Illustration: PRACTICAL EXPERIENCE IN SERVING BREAKFASTS, DINNERS AND

SUPPERS FOR A SMALL FAMILY, CLEVELAND.]

[Illustration: THE GIRLS IN THE CLEVELAND TECHNICAL HIGH SCHOOL LEARN TO

MAKE POTTERY AS WELL AS TO MAKE DESIGNS.]

It follows, then, that cooking and sewing for girls in the elementary

schools must be made just as rigorous a discipline for eye and hand as

wood-working is for boys. It even follows that boys and girls will

often get their manual training together.

It will not be a case of "household drudgery" for the girls while the

boys are studying civics.

Somewhere in this chapter the reader will find a picture of the

"living room" of the "model" house of the Washington-Allston

Elementary School in Boston. The boys and girls of graduating grade

in that school give four hours a week to matters connected with the

welfare of that house. They have furnished it throughout with their

own handiwork, the girls making pillow-cases, wall-coverings,

window-curtains, etc., and the boys making chairs, tables, cupboards,

etc. Succeeding classes will furnish it again. _The reason why Mr.

Crawford, the master of the school, chose to have a house for a

manual training laboratory was simply that a house offers ampler

opportunities than any other kind of place for instruction in the

practical efficiencies of daily living for both sexes._

The system will be complete when the girls get a bigger training in

design by making more of the chairs, and when the boys get a bigger

training in diet by doing more of the cooking.

* * * * *

We have now glanced at each of the three principal contributions made

to modern education by the new study of the home. We have come to

understand that much of each contribution will be for the male as well

as for the female inhabitants of the home. If girls are to be led

toward wisdom in the use of money, so are boys. If girls are to be

habituated to the principles of Right Living, so again are boys. If

girls have a need of manual training, with certain materials and

implements, so boys, with perhaps other materials and implements, have

a need of manual training, too.

[Illustration: UPPER PICTURE IS A CLASS IN FOOD ADULTERATIONS IN THE HOME

ECONOMICS DEPARTMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN.

LOWER PICTURE IS THE LIVING ROOM OF THE "MODEL" HOUSE IN THE

WASHINGTON-ALLSTON ELEMENTARY SCHOOL, BOSTON.]

It may be that in each case, except the last, there will be an ampler

body of instruction for feminine than for masculine use. But the

excess will be small enough to be absorbed without interference with

general education of the largest and most liberal sort. If this were

not true by natural fact, it would have to be made true artificially.

The body of home economics instruction could not be suffered to defeat

its own ultimate mental purpose. The study of specialized techniques

could not be permitted to narrow the spacious educational experience

needed for that broadest of all generalities, the homemaker's

intelligent Consumption, Enjoyment, Use of all the world's physical

and spiritual commodities.

Surely we can now say with unanimous consent that Home Economics

has revealed itself to be not a species of sex education but a

species of vocational education. We miss its inmost intent, and we

divert it from its mission, if we start with saying "Let us teach

girls." We have to start with saying "Let us teach Foods, Textiles,

Hygiene." We then ask "Who need to know about Foods, Textiles,

Hygiene?" In answer, our largest group of scholars will come from

among the prospective managers of households. But we are not

teaching feminine accomplishments. We are teaching human life-tasks.

Widening with this vocational principle, Miss Goodrich's vision of the

inclusion of both sexes in the courses of study now labeled

"domestic-science-and-art" finds widening fulfilment. Side by side

with young women in the Foods laboratory we shall see young men who

are going to be chefs, dietitians, pure-food inspectors. In the

Textiles laboratory we shall see young women who are going to sew at

home, young women who are going to sew in factories, young men who are

going to manufacture cloth. Hygiene will attract the sanitarian, the

nurse, the hotel manager, trousered or petticoated.

We come thus face to face with the final development of the home

economics movement. It issues into a double system. After providing,

to the young, that general introduction to life at large which we have

already detailed, it goes on, in its second phase, to provide

immediate information of a more specialized character to scholars more

mature _at the time when that information is immediately needed_. A

large part of the home economics movement of the future will be the

establishment of a system of continuous instruction for wives,

mothers, housekeepers, already entered upon their task of home-making

and child-rearing.

The need of this development appears as soon as we take the sequence

of events in a girl's life and place it beside the sequence of events

in a boy's. If a boy is going to be a cotton-machinery engineer, a

municipal sanitary expert, a food specialist, we do not give him his

real technical finish till he is entering his trade. We may have given

him, we ought to have given him, a vocational foundation of pertinent

knowledge. But we do not give him the minutiae of trade technique till

he is at the point of practicing his trade or has already begun to

practice it. This principle, applicable to the preparation for all

trades whatsoever, sets limits to the amount of detailed preparation

for home-making which can profitably be introduced, for most girls,

into the curricula of schools and colleges.

In former chapters of this book we have seen that for most girls there

is a gap, a large gap, between school and marriage, between girlhood

and motherhood. We have seen, too, that this gap tends to be filled

with money-earning work which demands a certain preparation of its

own. That point aside, however, the very existence of the gap in

question, no matter how it may be filled, means that if we give a

minute and elaborate preparation of home-making to girlhood we may

wait five years, ten years, fifteen years, twenty years, before we see

wifehood and motherhood put that preparation to use.

Anybody who proposed to give a boy a minute and elaborate preparation

for civil engineering a possible twenty years before he became a civil

engineer and in contempt of the possible contingency of his not

becoming a civil engineer at all, would hardly deserve to be called

practical. Yet, in the name of practical education, we are sometimes

asked to tolerate a correspondingly complete preparation for wifehood

and motherhood at an age when both of those estates are mere

prospects, distant and indefinite. We cannot believe that so extreme a

demand will ever be acceded to by educators who have fully considered

the modern postponement of marriage. Home economics, in schools and

colleges, except for girls who are going to become teachers of it or

who in other ways are going to make it their immediate money-earning

work, must stop with its broad applications to daily human living. So

will it be useful, in different degrees, to both sexes and clash

neither with general academic preparation nor with the preparation for

self-support.

There will remain, unlearned, a great deal that modern science and

modern sociology have to offer to the wife and mother. Let that great

deal, in its more technical teachings, be learned when it can be

carried forward into action.

The machinery of home economics instruction for adults is even now

being erected, is even now being operated.

The Chicago School of Domestic Arts and Science, after much teaching

of young girls, has established a "Housekeepers' Association." The

members of that association are adult practicing housekeepers. The

same school will soon establish a course in the study of the Care of

Children. The pupils enrolled in that course will be mothers.

The fact is that science and sociology are so constantly amending and

enlarging their teachings that a knowledge of what they taught twenty

years ago is inadequate and a knowledge of the minutiae of what they

taught twenty years ago is futile. The housekeeper of the future will

have to keep on studying while housekeeping.

Several hundred housekeepers come each winter to the University of

Wisconsin to attend the "Women's Course in Home Economics." They hear

Professor Hastings talk about the "Production and Care of Milk." They

hear Dr. Evans talk about the "Prevention of Infant Mortality." They

hear Professor Marlatt talk about "Diets in Disease." In each case

they hear something very different from what they would have heard in

their girlhood. For this reason alone, even if the gap between

girlhood and motherhood did not exist, the machinery of home economics

instruction for adults would have become necessary.

[Illustration: ONE-WEEK COURSES IN HOME ECONOMICS, UNIVERSITY OF

WISCONSIN.]

It is for adults that the United States Government issues such

bulletins as "Modern Conveniences for the Farm Home." It is for adults

that Cornell University sends out its Farmers' Wives' Bulletins in

editions of twenty thousand. It is for adults that Columbia University

prints pamphlets like "The Feeding of Children in a Family with an

Income of $800 a Year."

For adults, again, are such institutions as the American School of

Home Economics, in Chicago, which, in the few years of its life, has

enrolled more than 10,000 pupils in its correspondence courses.

For adults, finally, are the Homemakers' Conferences held in

conjunction with Farmers' Institutes as well as the extension-course

lectures given to local groups in city and in country by teachers sent

out from state universities and agricultural colleges.

All this machinery, which here we do not attempt to describe but only

to indicate, will some day find its scattered units associated and

harmonized through the work of a Federal Bureau of Domestic Science

and Art. Bills for the establishment of such a bureau have already

been introduced into Congress. It will not be a cooking and sewing

school for children. It will be a technical continuation school for

adults. The National Congress of Mothers discerned one of its

functions when it said: "The time has come when every nation through

a special department should provide data concerning infants which may

be used by mothers everywhere."

At the end of chapter two of this book we asked whether or not, in the

field of education, the training for the home and the training for

self-support would impose a double burden on the girl pupil. If our

interpretation of the spirit of the home economics movement has been

correct we may now say that the training for the home is so largely a

training for life in general and is so distributed through different

life-periods that it will not be felt to be burdensome at all. We may

even go on to suggest that self-support and housekeeping, world and

home, and the trainings for them, will merge for the girl into a

progressive unified experience.

First. That part of home economics which can profitably be taught to

the mass of pupils in elementary and high school and in the colleges,

with its manual arts, its Right Living and its money-sense, will be

helpful, much of it, to boys as well as to girls and will actually,

since it develops the whole personality of the pupil, be part of the

training for self-support itself.

[Illustration: MARRIED WOMEN AND WOMEN WHO WORK DURING THE DAY ATTEND THE

EVENING COOKERY CLASSES IN THE ST. LOUIS HIGH SCHOOLS.]

Second. The years spent in self-support, in learning the world, will

be part of the training for the home, because hereafter, as the Mary

of our first chapter remarked, the mother who does not know the world

cannot wisely rear boys up into it.

Third. After the period of self-support, when marriage comes, what

further technical instruction the housekeeper and mother may need will

be furnished to her by a system of adult education limitless in its

possible growth.

IV.

The Wasters

It got talked around among Marie's friends that she didn't want

children.

This was considered very surprising, in view of all that her father

and husband had done for her.

Here is what they had done for her:

They had removed from her life all need, and finally all desire, to

make efforts and to accomplish results through struggle in defiance of

difficulty and at the cost of pain.

Work and pain were the two things Marie was on no account to be

exposed to. With this small but important reservation:

She might _work_ at _avoiding_ pain.

When the cook had a headache she took Getting Breakfast for it. When

Marie had a headache she worked not at breakfast but at the headache.

It was a social ceremony of large proportions, with almost

everybody among those present, from the doctor down through Mother

and Auntie to Little Sister. The decorations, which were very

elaborate, comprised, besides the usual tasteful arrangement of

thermometers, eau-de-Karlsbad, smelling-salts bottles, cracked ice,

and chocolate creams, a perfect shower of tourmaline roses, the odor

of which, alone among all the vegetable odors in the world, had

been found after long experimentation to be soothing to Marie on

such occasions. It was not thought that Marie could vanquish a

headache except after a plucky fight of at least one day's duration.

Actresses go on and do their turns day after day and night after night

with hardly a miss. Marie's troubles were no more numerous than

theirs. But they were much larger. Troubles are like gases. They

expand to fill any void into which they are introduced. Marie's spread

themselves through a vacuum as large as her life.

The making of that vacuum and the inserting of Marie into it cost her

father and her husband prodigious toil and was a great pleasure to

them. Marie belonged to the Leisure Class. Socially, she was therefore

distinctly superior to her father and her husband.

[Illustration: WORK? FOR MARIE? FOR MY DAUGHTER? SHOCKING!]

President Thomas of Bryn Mawr had Marie in mind when she said:

"By the leisured class we mean in America the class whose men work

harder than any other men in the excitement of professional and

commercial rivalry, but whose women constitute the only leisured

class we have and the most leisured class in the world."

Marie's father wasn't so very rich, either. He was engaged in a

business so vividly competitive that Marie's brother was hurried

through college as fast as possible and brought into the game at

twenty-two with every nerve stretched taut.

Nothing like that was expected of Marie. She was brought up to

think that leisure was woman's natural estate. Work, for any girl,

she regarded as an accident due to the unexpected and usually

reprehensible collapse of the males of the poor girl's family.

This view of the matter gave Marie, _unconsciously to herself_, what

morality she had. Hard drinking, "illegitimate" gambling, and

excessive dissipations of all sorts are observed commonly to have a

prejudicial effect on male efficiency and on family prosperity.

Against all "vices," therefore (although she didn't catch the

"therefore"), Marie was a Moral Force of a million angel-power.

Aside from "vices," however, all kinds of conduct looked much alike

to her. Ethics is the rules of the game, the decencies of the struggle

for existence. Marie had no part in the struggle. She violated its

decencies without being at all aware of it.

All the way, for instance, from stealing a place in the line in front

of a box-office window ahead of ten persons who were there before her,

up the tiny scale of petty aggressions within her narrow reach to the

cool climax of spending three months every summer in a pine-wood

mountain resort (thus depriving her city-bound husband of the personal

companionship which was the one best thing she had to give him in

return for what he gave her), she was as competent a little grafter as

the town afforded.

But she was a perfectly logical one. Her family had trained her to

deadhead her way through life and she did it. Finally she went beyond

their expectations. They hadn't quite anticipated all of the sweetly

undeviating inertia of her mind.

Nevertheless she was a nice girl. In fact, she was The Nice Girl. She

was sweet-tempered, sweet-mannered, and sweet-spoken--a perfect dear.

She never did a "bad" thing in her life. And she never ceased from her

career of moral forcing. She wrote to her husband from her mountain

fastness, warning him against high-balls in hot weather. She went

twice a month during the winter to act as librarian for an evening at

a settlement in a district which was inhabited by perfectly

respectable working people but which, while she passed out the books,

she sympathetically alluded to as a "slum."

It is hardly fair, however, to lay the whole explanation of Marie on

her father, her husband, and herself.

A few years ago, in the churchyard of St. Philip's Church at

Birmingham, they set up a tombstone which had fallen down, and they

reinscribed it in honor of the long-neglected memory of the man who

had been resting beneath it for a century and a half. His name was

Wyatt. John Wyatt. He had a good deal to do with making Marie what she

was.

What toil, what tossing nights, what sweating days, what agonized

wrenching of the imagination toward a still unreached idea, have gone

into the making of leisure--for other people!

Wyatt strained toward, and touched, the idea which was the real start

of modern leisure.

In the year 1733, coming from the cathedral town of Lichfield, where

the Middle Ages still lingered, he set up, in a small building near

Sutton Coldfields, a certain machine. That machine inaugurated, and

forever symbolizes, the long and glorious series of mechanical

triumphs which has made a large degree of leisure possible, not for a

few thousand women, as was previously the case, but for millions and

millions of them.

It was only about two feet square. But it accomplished a thing never

before accomplished. It spun the first thread ever spun in the history

of the world without the intervention of human fingers.

On that night woman lost her oldest and most significant title and

function. The Spinster ceased to be.

The mistress and her maid, spinning together in the Hall, their

fingers drawing the roving from the distaff and stretching it out as

the spindle twisted it, were finally on the point of separating

forever.

We all see what Wyatt's machine did to the maids. We all understand

that when he started his mill at Birmingham and hired his working

force of _ten girls_, he prophesied the factory "slum."

We do not yet realize what he did to the mistresses, how he utterly

changed their character and how he marvelously increased their

number.

The Women of Tomorrow · 第 5 / 8 段