Robespierre had said to a deputation from Aisne: "In the situation in

which it now is, gangrened by corruption, and without power to remedy

it, the Convention can no longer save the Republic: both will perish

together. The proscription of patriots is the order of the day. For

myself, I have already one foot in the tomb, in a few days I shall place

the other there; the rest is in the hands of Providence."

Nevertheless he began the attack, urged forward by men who had attached

their fortunes to his own, and by the disquietudes which agitated his

sour and dissatisfied spirit. He could no longer put up with advice even

from his most faithful friends, and the inflexible Saint-Just told him

to calm himself; "Empire is for the phlegmatic." A menacing petition

from the Jacobins preceded by a few hours a grand discourse from the

dictator. He always reckoned on the effect of his discourses, and all

the committees, one after another, had suffered from the asperity of his

attacks. "The accusations are all concentrated upon me," said he; "if

anyone casts patriots into prison in place of shutting up the

aristocrats there, it is said that Robespierre wills it. If the numerous

agents of the Committee of General Security extend their vexations and

rapine in all directions, it is said that Robespierre has sent them; if

a new law irritates the property-holders, it is Robespierre who is

ruining them; and meanwhile, in what hands are your finances? In the

hands of feuillants, of known cheats, of the Cambons, Mallarmes and

Ramels. Survey the field of victory, look at Belgium; dissensions have

been sown among our generals, the military aristocracy is protected,

faithful generals are persecuted, the military administration is

enveloped with a suspicious authority; they talk to you of war with

academic lightness, as if it cost neither blood nor labor. The truths

that I bring you are surely equal to epigrams.

"There exists a conspiracy against public liberty; it owes its force to

a criminal coalition which intrigues in the very bosom of the

Convention. That coalition has its accomplices in the Committee of

General Security, and in the _bureaux_, which they control. Some members

of the Committee of Public Safety are implicated in this plot; the

coalition thus formed seeks to ruin patriots and the country. What is

the remedy for this evil? To punish the traitors, to purify the

Committee of General Security, and subordinate it to the Committee of

Public Safety; to purify this committee itself, and constitute it the

Government under the authority of the National Convention, which is the

centre of authority and the chief judicial power. Thus would all the

factions be crushed by raising on their ruins the power of justice and

liberty. If it is impossible to advocate these principles without being

set down as ambitious, I shall conclude that tyranny reigns among us,

but not that I ought to hold my tongue; for what can be objected to a

man who is right, and who knows how to die for his country? I am put

here in order to combat crime, not to govern it. The time has not yet

come when good men can serve their country with impunity."

They listened in silence; no applause, no complaint had interrupted the

orator. For a long time the Convention had been unaccustomed to see the

masters of their fortunes and their lives making appeal to their supreme

authority. Their _role_ had long been limited to taking part in

oratorical tournaments and voting decrees. They did not yield, however,

to the seduction, and their faces remained grave and sombre. No one rose

to speak, but they began to exchange a few remarks, and a murmur ran

from bench to bench. The glove was thrown down, but as yet no champion

advanced to take it up. At length, and as if the courage of all was

reanimated at once by the same resolution, Vadier, Cambon, and

Billaud-Varennes rose together to mount the tribune. Cambon had been

wounded in his just pride as a financier and an honest man; he could

scarcely wait his turn.

"It is time," cried he, "to speak the entire truth. Is it I who need to

be accused of making myself master in any respect? The man who has made

himself master of everything, the man who paralyzes our will, is he who

has just spoken--Robespierre." At the same moment and from all lips came

the same cries. "It is Robespierre," said Billaud-Varennes. "It is

Robespierre," repeated Panis and Vadier. "Let him give an account of the

crimes of the deputies whose death he demanded from the Jacobins." And

as he hesitated, troubled by the vehemence of the attacks, "You who

pretend to have the courage of virtue, have the courage of truth," cried

Charlier to him; "name, name the individuals." In the midst of a growing

confusion the Assembly revoked the order to print the discourse of

Robespierre. It was to the two committees, filled with his enemies, that

the denunciation of the dictator was referred.

Robespierre took refuge with the Jacobins; he was troubled by the

opposition he had encountered, without being able to draw from it new

forces for the struggle. He redelivered his discourse, this time

welcomed with loud applause. "My friends," said he, "that which you have

just heard is my dying testament. I have seen to-day that the league of

the wicked is too strong for me to hope to escape it. I am ready to

drink the hemlock."

"I will drink it with thee," cried David. The men of action were less

resigned. Henriot spoke of marching on the Convention, but Robespierre

still wished to speak; it was the course of May 31st that he wanted to

follow. The hall was crowded; people entered without tickets.

"Name thy enemies," they shouted to Robespierre; "name them; we will

deliver them to thee." Collot d'Herbois arrived, attempting a few

protestations of devotion; he was hooted and constrained to retire.

Hesitation and doubt still troubled every spirit and paralyzed every

hand. Collot and Billaud-Varennes returned to the Committee of Public

Safety. There they found Saint-Just, who had to read a report, but he

had not brought it with him. The two new-comers apostrophized him with

violence. "Thou art the accomplice of Robespierre; the project of your

infamous triumvirate is to assassinate us all, but if we succumb you

will not long enjoy the fruit of your crimes--the people will tear you

in pieces; thy pockets are full of denunciations against us; produce thy

lists." They advanced menacingly; Saint-Just shrank back, very pale. As

he went out he promised to read his report next day. Neither of the two

parties had as yet taken any effectual measure; they had contracted the

habit of being very prodigal of words. Tallien had endeavored to gain

over all that remained of the Left; three times he was repulsed by

Boissy d'Anglas and his friends. As he returned once more to the charge,

"Yes," they at length replied, with an ingenuousness almost cynical,

"yes, if you are the strongest." Tallien was intrusted to direct the

attack in the Convention.

Saint-Just had just entered; he had not appeared at the Committee of

Public Safety. "You have blighted my heart," he wrote to his colleagues,

"I am about to open it at the National Assembly." He presented himself,

however, as reporter of the Committee. In seeing him pass, Tallien,

occupied in assembling his forces, said loudly, "It is the moment; let

us enter." Saint-Just commenced: "I am not of any faction; I fight

against all. The course of events has brought it about that this tribune

should be perhaps the Tarpeian rock to him who shall come to tell you

that the members of the Government--" Tallien did not leave him time to

finish; he demanded leave to speak upon a motion of order. "Nor I

either; I am not of any faction; I only belong to myself and to

liberty. It is I who will make you hear the truth: no good citizen can

restrain his tears over the unfortunate condition of public affairs.

Yesterday a member of the Government was here alone and denounced his

colleagues: to-day another comes to do as much by him; these dissensions

aggravate the evils of our country. I demand that the veil be torn

away." Applause echoed from all parts of the hall.

Saint-Just wished to continue his speech. "Thou art not reporter,"

shouted the members. He remained motionless in the tribune, while

Billaud-Varennes came and stood beside him. He cast his eyes over the

hall. "I see here," said he, "one of the men who yesterday, at the

Jacobins, promised the massacre of the National Convention; let him be

arrested." The officers obeyed. "The Assembly is at the present time in

danger of massacre on every hand," continued Billaud; "it will perish if

it is feeble." The contagion of courage spread from man to man; all the

deputies stood up waving their hats. "Be tranquil," they cried to the

orator; "we will not give way." "You will tremble when you see in what

hands you are," continued Billaud; "the armed force is confided to

parricidal hands. The chief of the National Guard is an infamous

conspirator, the accomplice of Hebert; Lavalette was a noble, driven out

of the Army of the North and saved by Robespierre, whom he obeys. The

Revolutionary Tribunal is in his hands; everywhere he has made his will

supreme, and has sought to render himself absolute master; he has

dismissed the best Revolutionary Committee of Paris, he has ceased to

frequent the Committee of Public Safety since the day after the decree

of the 22d Prairial, which has been so disastrous to patriots. He

excites the Jacobins against the Assembly." A few feeble protestations

were now heard. "There is some murmuring, I think," said the speaker,

insolently.

He was about to continue the course of his accusations; but beside him

in the tribune Robespierre had replaced Saint-Just. His natural pallor

had become livid, rage sparkled in his glance. "I demand liberty to

speak," he cried. A single shout echoed through the hall. "Down with the

tyrant! Down with the tyrant!" "I demand liberty to speak," Robespierre

violently repeated. Tallien dashed into the tribune. "I demand that the

veil be torn away immediately," he cried; "the work is accomplished,

the conspirators are unmasked. Yesterday, at the Jacobins, I saw the

army of the new Cromwell formed, and I have come here armed with a

poignard to pierce his heart if the Assembly has not the courage to

decree his accusation. I demand the arrest of Henriot and his staff.

There will be no May 31st, no proscription; national justice alone will

strike the miscreants."

"I demand that Dumas be arrested," added Billaud-Varennes, "as well as

Boulanger [formerly lieutenant of Ronsin in the Vendee]; he was the most

ardent yesterday night at the Jacobins."

Meanwhile Robespierre was still in the tribune. Several times he strove

to begin speaking, but the same cry drowned his voice, "Down with the

tyrant!" The little group of those who were faithful to him, close

pressed together, followed him with their eyes without speaking, without

seconding his efforts; the mass of the Assembly, so docile a few days

before, was agitated with a violence that became more and more hostile.

Barere hesitated no longer. It is said that he had prepared two

statements; one favorable to and the other hostile to Robespierre. He

proposed to abolish the grade of commandant-general, and to call to the

bar the mayor Fleuriot and the National agent Payan, to answer there for

public tranquillity. The decree was voted; on all sides arose

accusations against Robespierre, everyone hastening to denounce him. "I

demand liberty to speak, to bring back this discussion to its true end

and aim," said Tallien. Robespierre raised his head; "I shall know well

how to bring it there," said he, in those imperious accents which

formerly cowed the Assembly. Tallien continued without noticing the

interruption. "The conspiracy is quite complete in the discourse read

and reread yesterday. It is there that I find arms to strike down this

man, whose virtue and patriotism have been so much vaunted; this man,

who appeared three days only after August 10th; this man, who has

abandoned his post at the Committee of Public Safety, in order to come

and calumniate his colleagues. It is not necessary to discuss in any

particular detail of the tyrant's career; his whole life condemns him."

Robespierre clutched at the tribune with both hands. He no longer sought

aid from the "Mountain," henceforth roused against him; he turned his

face toward the "Plain." "It is to you pure and virtuous men that I

address myself; I don't talk with scoundrels." "Down with the tyrant!"

responded the "Plain." Thuriot, who presided, rang his bell. "President

of assassins," cried Robespierre, "yet once more I demand liberty to

speak." His voice grew feebler. "The blood of Danton is choking him,"

cried Gamier de l'Aude. "Will this man long remain master of the

Convention?" asked Charles Duval. "Let us make an end! A decree, a

decree!" shouted Lasseau, at length. "A tyrant is hard to strike down,"

said Freron, in a loud voice. Robespierre remained in the tribune,

turning in his hands an open knife, alone, exposed to the vengeful anger

of them all. "Send me to death!" he cried to his enemies. And the voices

replied: "Thou hast merited it a thousand times. Down with the tyrant!"

The decree was voted in the midst of tumult. "I ask to share the lot of

my brother," cried the younger Robespierre. "It is understood," said

Lanchet, "that we have voted the arrest of the two Robespierres, of

Couthon, and Saint-Just." "I ask to be comprised in the decree,"

protested Lebas, faithfully devoted to Saint-Just. "The triumvirate of

Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint-Just," said Freron, "recalls the

proscriptions of Sylla. Couthon is a tiger thirsting for the blood of

the National representatives; he has dared to speak at the Jacobins of

five or six heads of the Convention; our corpses were to be the steps

for him to mount the throne!" The paralytic made a gesture of bitter

disdain. "I _mount_ the throne!" said he.

Thuriot proclaimed the decree; the acclamations that re-echoed were

furious, intoxicated with the joy of triumph. "Long live liberty! Long

live the Republic! Down with the tyrants; to the bar with the accused."

The officers, still bewildered with such an abrupt and sudden change,

had not dared to lay a hand upon the fallen dictator; rage broke forth

in the ranks of the Assembly. Robespierre and his brother, Saint-Just,

Lebas, descended slowly to the place lately reserved for their enemies.

Couthon had just placed himself there. The decree of arrest dispersed

them in different prisons; they had set out when the Assembly suspended

its sitting for an instant. "Let us go out together," said Robespierre.

The crowd, like the Assembly, gazed on them without acclamations and

without manifesting any sympathy for them; their army was re-forming

elsewhere.

The Commune of Paris and the club of the Jacobins had not laid down

their arms. An officer was sent to the Hotel de Ville to announce the

decree, which dismissed Henriot and summoned the Mayor to appear at the

bar. He naively demanded a receipt for his message. "On a day like this

we don't give receipts," replied the Mayor. "Tell Robespierre to have no

fear, for we are here."

The Commune, in fact, was active, while the Committees of the

Convention, stupefied at their own victories, were letting precious time

slip past. Already Henriot, half drunk, galloping along the streets,

stirred up the people, crying out that their faithful representatives

were being massacred, delivering over to insults Merlin de Thionville,

and sending to death the convoy of victims for the day. These the

inhabitants of the Faubourg St. Antoine set about delivering, from

compassion and from a vague instinct that the arrest of Robespierre

necessarily brought about a cessation of executions. The General Council

had sent to the jailers of the prisons an order to refuse to aid in the

incarceration of the accused. Robespierre and his friends were

successively brought to the Mairie. They found themselves again free at

the head of an insurrection precipitately got up, but directed by

desperate men, who felt their lives in danger if power escaped from

them. Henriot, arrested for a moment, and conducted to the Committee of

General Security, had been delivered by Coffinhal at the head of a

handful of men. He was again on horseback, and was menacing in the hall

of their sittings the Assembly, which had again come together.

The tocsin rang forth a full peal; the gates of Paris were closed. The

rising tumult of the insurrection reached the ears of the deputies; each

minute some inauspicious news arrived. It was said that the gunners of

the National Guard, seduced by Henriot, were coming to direct their

artillery against the palace. Collot d'Herbois mounted slowly to the

chair and seated himself there. "Representatives," said he, with a firm

voice, "the moment has come for us to die at our posts; miscreants have

invaded the National palace." All had taken their places; while the

spectators fled from the galleries with uproar and confusion. "I

propose," said Elie Lacoste with a loud voice, "that Henriot be

outlawed." At the same moment the dismissed commandant ordered his men

to fire.

Fearful and troubled, the gunners still hesitated. A group of

representatives went forth from the hall and cried, "What are you doing,

soldiers? That man is a rebel, who has just been outlawed." The gunners

had already lowered their matches, while Henriot fled at full gallop.

Barras had just been named commandant of the forces in his place; seven

representatives accompanied him. "Outlaw all those who shall take arms

against the Convention or who shall oppose its decrees," said Barere;

"as well as those who are eluding a decree of accusation or arrest." The

decree was voted; an officer of the Convention boldly accepted the duty

of bearing it to the Commune. The National agent, Payan, seized it from

him, and for bravado read it with a loud voice before the crowd that was

thronging in the hall of the Hotel de Ville. He added these words which

were not in the decree, "and all those found at this moment in the

galleries." The spectators disappeared as if struck with terror at the

name of the law. Times were changed. The mobile waves of public opinion

no longer upheld the tyrants overthrown by the accomplices who had now

become their enemies.

It was, without saying it, and possibly without knowing it, the feeling

of this public abandonment and reprobation which paralyzed the energy of

the five accused. Robespierre had arrived pale and trembling in all his

limbs; he had been tranquillized with difficulty. When Couthon, who

alone was retained for a time in the prison of La Bourbe, was at last

brought to the Hotel de Ville, he found the Council solely occupied with

the attack on the Convention, without making any efforts for rousing the

populace or for the vigorous resumption of power. "Have the armies been

written to?" he asked. "In the name of whom?" said Robespierre,

disheartened but calm. "Of the Convention which exists wherever we are;

the rest are but a handful of factious men, who are about to be

dispersed by armed force." Robespierre reflected; he shook his head. "We

must write in the name of the French people," said he. The words "_Au

nom du peuple_" were found in his handwriting on a sheet of paper.

It was also in the name of the people that Barras and his companions

reunited the battalions of the sections which slowly assembled; some had

recalled their men from the Hotel de Ville. The new military school, the

Ecole de Mars, had not appeared well disposed toward Lebas, who had

written to the Commandant Labreteche to hinder his pupils from ranging

themselves under the banners of the Convention; the young men marched

willingly at the request of Barras. The gunners collected on the Place

de Greve permitted Leonard Bourdon to approach. "Go!" said Tallien to

him, "and let the sun when it rises find no more traitors living." The

crowd dispersed on hearing the proclamation which outlawed the Commune

of Paris. The gunners abandoned their pieces; a few hours later they

came to seek them to protect the Convention. "Is it possible," cried

Henriot, as he came forth from the Hotel de Ville, "that these

scoundrels of gunners have abandoned me? Presently they will be

delivering me to the Tuileries!" He ran to announce the desertion to the

assembled Council-General. Coffinhal, indignant at his cowardice, seized

him by the shoulder and pushed him out by the window. The agents of the

police arrested him in a sewer.

Meanwhile the section of the Gravilliers had put itself in marching

order, commanded by Leonard Bourdon and by a gendarme named Meda,

intelligent and devoted, and who had acquired an ascendency over those

around him. He advanced toward the Hotel de Ville without encountering

any obstacle. Meda cried, in mounting the flight of steps, "Long live

Robespierre!" He penetrated into the hall, obstructed by the crowd; the

club of the Jacobins was deserted, Legendre had had the door closed; all

the leaders of the Revolution were assembled round the proscribed

representatives. They were discussing and vociferating, without ardor,

however, and without any true hope. Robespierre was seated at a table,

his head on his left hand, his elbow supported by his knee.

Meda advanced toward him, pistols in hand. "Surrender, traitor!" he

cried. Robespierre raised his head. "It is thou who art a traitor," he

said, "and I will have thee shot." At the same instant the gendarme

fired, fracturing the lower jaw of Robespierre. As he fell, his brother

opened the window, and, passing along the cornice, leaped out upon the

Place. He was dying when they came to pick him up.

Saint-Just, leaning over toward Lebas, said, "Kill me." Lebas, looking

him in the face, replied: "I have something better to do," pressing the

trigger of his pistol. He was dead when a fresh report resounded from

the staircase; Meda, who pursued Henriot, had just drawn on Couthon; his

bearer fell grievously wounded. The prisoners, formerly all-powerful,

now dying or condemned, were collected in the same room; thither

Robespierre and Couthon had been brought; the corpse of Lebas lay on the

floor; the crowd who besieged the gates wanted to throw the wounded into

the river. Couthon had great difficulty in making it understood that he

was not dead; Robespierre could not speak, and was carried on a chair to

the door of the Convention. A feeling of horror manifested itself in the

Assembly, "No, not here! not here!" was the cry. A surgeon came to

attend to the wounded man in the hall of the Committee of Public Safety;

he recovered from his swoon, and walked alone toward his chair; until

then he had been extended upon a table, a little deal box supporting his

wounded head. The blood flowed slowly from his mouth, and at times he

made a movement to wipe it away; his clothes and his face were smeared

with it. Robespierre appeared insensible to the injuries of those who

surrounded him; he made no complaint, inaccessible and alone in death as

in life. They carried him to the Conciergerie, where Saint-Just and

Couthon had just arrived. All had been outlawed; no procedure, no delay,

retarded their execution. Saint-Just, looking at a table of the _Rights

of Man_ hanging in the hall, said, "It is I, however, who have done

that."

The Conciergerie slowly filled; with Dumas, Fleuriot, Payan, Lavalette,

a large proportion of the members of the Council-General had been

arrested. The prisoners already retained here were pressing to the bars

of their windows, curious as to the noise that reached their ears, and

the vague rumors which had already excited mortal fears among the

informers. Before the room where were imprisoned Madame de Beauharnais

and Madame de Fontenay (afterward Madame Tallien), a woman appeared,

who, in a marked manner, held up a stone (_pierre_), enveloped it in her

dress (_robe_), and then made a gesture of beheading. The prisoners

comprehended, a thrill of joy pervaded their gloomy abode; all the

oppressed believed themselves already delivered.

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