THE EFFECTS OF IMMIGRATION. CONDITIONS OF EMBARKATION AND TRANSPORTATION
It was remarked in an earlier paragraph that the effects of immigration
were largely a matter of the future. This may have seemed like too
sweeping a statement. Yet it will prove true upon consideration. In the
case of the old immigration there are, to be sure, certain immediate and
superficial effects which may be postulated with a fair degree of
certainty. As an example, we may be reasonably sure that the old
immigration has increased the proportion of Irish, German, and
Scandinavian blood in the composite American people. But as to the
ultimate effects of this movement upon the social, religious, moral, and
economic aspects of our national life, we can, at best, hazard only a
forecast. The reason is that the effects have not transpired as yet.
“One of the commonest errors of writers on sociological topics is to
allow too little time for the action of social forces. We are inclined
to think that the effects of a certain social phenomenon, which we are
able to detect in our lifetime, are the permanent and final effects. We
forget that these matters may require many generations to work
themselves out. No better illustration of this could be asked for than
that furnished by the case of the negroes in the United States. The
importation of these people began many generations ago. To our ancestors
it undoubtedly seemed a perfectly natural thing to do, and for centuries
it did not occur to anybody to even question its rightfulness or its
expediency. When objections began to be raised, they were feeble and
easily put aside. But at last the presence of this peculiar class of
people in the country involved the nation in a terrible and bloody
conflict, which worked irreparable injury to the American stock by the
annihilation of the flower of southern manhood, and left us a problem
which is probably the greatest one before the American people to-day—one
which we have hardly begun to solve. There is much of similarity between
the case of the negroes and that of the modern immigrants. To be sure,
the newcomers of to-day are for the most part white-skinned, instead of
colored, which gives a different aspect to the matter. Yet in the mind
of the average American, the modern immigrants are generally regarded as
inferior peoples—races which he looks down on, and with which he does
not wish to associate on terms of social equality. Like the negroes,
they are brought in for economic reasons, to do the hard and menial work
to which an American does not wish to stoop.”[132]
Even in the case of the old immigration, then, the effects are largely
in the future; in the case of the new immigration they are almost wholly
so. We have seen that in regard to racial stock the new immigration has
been predominant for scarcely half a generation. There are a number of
circumstances besides this which make the immigration problem
practically a new one. Certain of the most important factors which
condition it, and many of the aspects which it presents to the public
mind, are new to the men of this generation. The verification of this
statement is to be found in the following pages; in the present
connection it must suffice merely to suggest the circumstances in which
these differences may be looked for. These may be grouped under six main
heads, as follows: (1) the racial stock of the immigrants; (2) the
volume of the immigration current; (3) the distribution of immigrants in
the United States; (4) the economic conditions of this country; (5) the
native birth rate; (6) the quality of the immigrants.
If the effects of immigration are mainly in the future, the discussion
of them must be, for the most part, theoretical. It is a discussion of
something which is going to happen, or which is likely to happen, not of
something that has happened. This gives it an element of uncertainty and
speculation which is not wholly desirable in a scientific study. Yet
this is the phase of the subject which is by far the most interesting
and important to the average American citizen who wants to know how this
great sociological phenomenon is going to affect him, and his country,
and his relatives and friends. His attitude toward the question will
depend upon what he believes these effects will be. If it appears to him
that immigration will benefit himself, his country, the immigrants, or
humanity in general, he will favor it; if his belief is to the contrary,
his attitude will be one of opposition. Since there is no certainty as
to what the effects will be, the arguments about immigration are largely
composed of attempts to prove that certain effects have transpired, or
to demonstrate that they will transpire. As a consequence, it comes
about that the discussion of the effects of immigration practically
resolves itself into a consideration of the arguments for and against
immigration, and it will be so treated, for the most part, in the
following chapters.
There are three classes of effects of immigration which may be clearly
distinguished, and which will interest different persons in different
degrees. These are the effects upon the United States, the effects upon
the countries of source, and the effects upon the immigrants themselves.
The second and third of these interest the American citizen only as he
is open to broad humanitarian considerations; the first touches him
directly, and may have an intimate bearing on his personal and selfish
interests and pursuits. If a seemingly disproportionate space is given
in this volume to effects in general, and effects upon the United States
in particular, it is because this is the vital and imperative part of
the whole subject to the people of this nation.
Although the effects of immigration are largely a matter of speculation
and debate, one step may be taken which will help to make the deductions
arrived at as reliable as is possible under the circumstances. This is a
careful investigation of the actual conditions which surround
immigration at the present time, and a comparison of them with those of
the past. Only upon a solid basis of such facts can any trustworthy
predictions be made as to what may be expected to come about in the
future. Accordingly, in preparation for the discussion of effects, we
will attempt to get a clear picture of the circumstances which surround
the immigrant on his journey from the old world to the new; of his
condition when he arrives; of the character of his life and labor in his
new home. In general, the plan followed will be to take up each set of
conditions in turn, and having ascertained the facts, to try to
determine what bearing these seem likely to have upon the final effects
of immigration. This will at times involve a departure from the strictly
logical method of treatment, but this is unavoidable in such a
complicated discussion.
With the sources of our present immigration we are already familiar. We
have seen how they have shifted from the north and west of Europe to the
south and east. It has been stated that the movement is essentially a
European one. This is still emphatically true. In 1912, 85.8 per cent of
all our immigrants came from Europe, and if we exclude Turkey in Asia
(which really is a part of Europe in the ethnical sense), British North
America, Mexico, and the West Indies, there is very little left of the
non-European portion. So it is still correct, for all important
purposes, to regard immigration to the United States as having its
origin in Europe. How long this will continue, it is of course
impossible to say. There are vast reservoirs of population in Asia, to
say nothing of the other continents, which we have scarcely as yet
tapped, and which may reach the point of emigration with advancing
civilization. Whether or not we are to receive large contingents from
these countries in the future will depend largely upon the attitude of
our government. So far, we have put up the bars before the Chinese, and
unless they are lowered, which hardly seems likely, we need not
anticipate any considerable number of arrivals of this race. Up to 1900
there were only a comparatively few Japanese in this country. Since
then, the rising tide of immigration from Japan, which threatened to
reach large proportions, has been checked, partly by “a series of
measures which permits the greater part of the administrative problem to
rest with the Japanese government,”[133] which is avowedly opposed to
the emigration of its laboring population, and partly by a presidential
order from the White House on March 14, 1907,[134] denying admission to
Japanese and Korean laborers, who had received passports to go to
Canada, Mexico, or Hawaii, and were using them to secure admittance to
continental United States. While the new treaty between this country and
Japan contains no specific prohibition of immigration, it is understood
that the Japanese government agrees to prevent the emigration of
laborers from that country to this. A new problem has recently appeared
in the Pacific coast states in the form of an East Indian immigration.
The manifestly undesirable character of this immigration, however, has
led the immigration officials in the Pacific seaports to apply the law
to members of this race with the greatest strictness, so that most, if
not all, of the Hindu laborers applying for admission have been debarred
on the grounds of belief in polygamy, liability to become a public
charge, or some other provision of the statutes. A similar attitude on
the part of the Canadian immigration officials has been of assistance in
stopping at the outset what might have grown into a very important
current of immigration.[135]
Whatever the future may bring forth, then, our immigration at present
springs from European sources.[136] Every country on the continent
furnishes its contingent, large or small. From the cities, towns, and
villages, most of all from the rural sections, even to the most remote
corners of the back districts, they come, inspired with great hopes by
the emigration agents and the labor contractors, aided by friends or
relatives or future employers on the other side. Homes and property are
mortgaged, the labor of their bodies—even their very souls—are pledged,
to pay their passage. Wives, children, and sweethearts are left behind.
On foot, on donkey back, in rude carriages and wagons, they travel till
the nearest railroad station is reached. The way is made as easy as
possible for them, through the agency of interested parties, who profit
by their coming. The prepaid ticket avoids much confusion and
perplexity. Friends are awaiting them on the other side. In every large
group there are almost certain to be some who have been over the road
before. All the emigrant needs to do is to allow himself to be passed
along submissively from one stage to another—provided he has the money
to pay. For those who make the way easy must have an ample recompense.
As the seacoast and the port of embarkation draw near, the groups of
emigrants increase in size by constant additions. In the important
emigration ports they arrive by thousands during the busy season. The
provisions for their entertainment, while awaiting the sailing of the
vessel upon which they are to embark, differ in different ports. In many
ports they are required to put up in the cheap hotels and lodging
houses, which, in such cases, abound in the neighborhood of the harbor.
In other ports, the steamship companies maintain extensive emigrant
stations, where emigrants are lodged and cared for while awaiting
transportation. Probably the most elaborate of these is the emigrant
village of the Hamburg-American Line, at Hamburg. This is located on the
left bank of the Elbe, completely segregated from the city, and is
designed to receive only immigrants from countries where the standard of
health is low. It consists of about twenty-five buildings, and
accommodates 5000 persons. Among the buildings are a large inspection
building, a simple hotel, and a number of living pavilions, each
consisting of a dormitory, living room, baths, etc. There is one large
dining hall, with a special section for Jews, for whom also a separate
kitchen is provided. The religious needs of the emigrants are provided
for by a synagogue, a Catholic church, and a Protestant church.[137]
The provision of the United States law, which requires an examination
and medical inspection at the port of embarkation, is observed with
different degrees of care in different countries and by different lines.
It is to the advantage of the steamship company to refuse transportation
to any individuals who are manifestly inadmissible to the United States,
as their refusal involves their return at the expense of the company,
and in many instances an additional fine of $100. On the other hand, if
there is a fair chance that the immigrant may succeed in passing the
examination, there is a strong temptation for the steamship company to
take him, for the sake of his passage money. There is a practice,
believed to be quite extensive, among the transportation companies, of
compelling an alien who seems in danger of being debarred, to deposit
with the foreign agent from whom he purchases his ticket a sum
sufficient to cover the cost of his return in case he is refused
admission. This is in direct violation of the United States law, but the
difficulty of securing evidence has prevented the authorities from
putting an effective stop to the practice.[138] Large numbers of
would-be emigrants are nevertheless turned back before embarkation, as a
result of the examination by the steamship company. The proportion of
those detained in this manner to those debarred at the ports of arrival
in the United States is at least four to one.[139] Some companies have
had such a bitter experience in the matter of having their passengers
refused as to lead them to exercise great caution. The Austro-American
Company, which carries a large share of the Greek traffic, had over 300
emigrants refused at the United States port on one of their early
voyages, and returned to Europe. Since then, they have adopted the
system of having physicians provided for their forty subagencies in
various parts of Greece, who inspect applicants for tickets, and pass
upon them before any document is issued to them by the agent. If this
physician accepts an emigrant, he is given a medical certificate, makes
a deposit toward his ticket, and has space reserved for him on the
steamer. He is then sent on to the port of embarkation, where the final
examination takes place.[140] In this way large numbers of inadmissible
immigrants are kept from leaving their native village, and are spared
the expense and disappointment of the trip to the port of embarkation.
The examination at the port of embarkation is differently conducted at
different seaports. As a rule the medical examination is made by a
physician employed by the steamship company, either the ship’s doctor,
or a specially engaged physician. But at some ports the American consul
chooses the physician, though the steamship company pays him. At Naples,
Palermo, and Messina, by a special arrangement between the two
governments, the examination is made by officers of the United States
Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, who examine steerage
passengers and recommend the rejection of those who are likely to be
refused admission to the United States. Their action is unofficial, but
their suggestions are always complied with. Under the quarantine law of
the United States the American consular officers are also required to
satisfy themselves of the sanitary condition of passengers and ships
sailing for United States ports. In addition to the medical examination,
a long list of questions is put to the immigrant, in accordance with the
requirements of the United States law. His answers are recorded on the
manifest, which is later put into the hands of the inspecting officer at
the port of arrival, who repeats the same questions and notes whether
the answers tally. Vaccination and the disinfection of the passenger’s
baggage are important parts of the preparation of emigrants for the
journey to America. The differing degree of care exercised in this
examination at the different ports is indicated by the fact that the
proportion of immigrants refused at the port of arrival for medical
causes, to the total number embarked from the different ports, varies
from 1 to 163 at the Piræus and 1 to 165 at Bremen, to 1 to 565 at
Antwerp and 1 to 597 at Fiume.
A large amount of transatlantic traffic passes through Germany from
neighboring states, and to protect herself against having large numbers
of foreign emigrants refused at her ports, and left in a destitute and
helpless condition in her territory, Germany has compelled the steamship
companies to establish control-stations on the German-Russian and
German-Austrian borders. There are fourteen of these stations, thirteen
on the frontier, and one near Berlin. All emigrants from eastern Europe
who are intending to pass through German territory to ports of
embarkation are examined at these stations, and those who do not comply
with the German law, or who are evidently inadmissible to the United
States, are turned back. This is a wise and humane provision, for the
condition of the emigrant, who, having spent his all to pay his passage
to America, and traveled a long distance to the seaboard, finds himself
refused at the port of embarkation, is often pitiable in the
extreme.[141]
The governments of most European countries do not regard a large
emigration with favor, partly because of the withdrawal of men from
military service, partly because of the economic loss resulting from the
departure of so large a part of the laboring class. Most of them
exercise some control over emigration, and, in particular, endeavor to
combat the activities of the emigration agents, which, however, they are
as powerless to check as is the United States. Nevertheless, there is
practically no effort to prohibit emigration altogether, as it is
recognized as a natural and irresistible movement. Italy exercises the
greatest care for the welfare of her immigrants of any European nation.
Practically all of the immigrants who are crossing for the first time,
and probably a majority of those who have made the trip before, travel
in the steerage. The second cabin is patronized by the more prosperous
of the immigrants who have been in the United States previously, and by
others who know themselves to be inadmissible, and hope in this way to
avoid a searching inspection. The great bulk of the emigrants, however,
having passed their preliminary examination, flock up the steerage
gangway into the ship which is to convey them to America. At the top of
the ladder stands a ship’s officer who examines their tickets and their
certificates of vaccination (sometimes a little purple mark stamped on
the wrist), and in certain cases searches them for concealed weapons.
They are then allowed to proceed to the interior of the ship, and find
their way to such berths as suit their fancy, and are not already
occupied, within the limits of the section of the ship assigned to them.
Steerages are usually divided into three compartments, more or less
completely separated from each other; one is for men without wives,
another for women traveling alone, and the third for families.
Steerages on the transatlantic vessels are divided into two main
classes, designated by the Immigration Commission as the old-type or old
steerage, and the new-type or new steerage. The former class
predominates on the Mediterranean lines; the latter is found on some of
the better ships of the north Atlantic service. Some ships are equipped
with both kinds. The old-type steerage is still the typical one, and is
found on the majority of vessels bringing immigrants to the United
States. It is in such a steerage that the average immigrant gets his
first introduction to America—for everything after he leaves the port of
embarkation is closely identified with America in his mind. It is in
this type of steerage that the student of immigration is primarily
interested.
Steerages of this type all bear a general resemblance to each other, and
once seen can never be forgotten. Imagine a large room, perhaps seven
feet in height, extending the entire breadth of the ship, and about one
third of its length. The floor and ceiling are sometimes of iron, but
more often of wood. Through the center of the room, very probably,
descends the shaft to the hold. This room is filled with a framework of
iron pipes, with only sufficient space left to serve as aisles or
passageways. This framework is so constructed as to form a series of
berths or bunks, adjoining each other laterally, and in two tiers
vertically. The dimensions of these berths are usually about six feet by
two, with approximately two and one half feet between berths, and about
the same space between the lower berth and the deck below, and the upper
berth and the deck above. In each berth a network of strap iron serves
for the support of a coarse mattress, upon which a pillow and a cheap
blanket are the only bedding. Often a life-preserver takes the place of
the pillow. Thus the room is filled with a double layer of beds, with
only space enough between for the passengers to reach them. On some of
the older ships wooden bunks may still be found. Such a room will
sometimes accommodate as many as three hundred passengers, and is
duplicated in other parts of the ship, and on the successive decks upon
which immigrants are carried.
In their provisions for steerage passengers most transportation lines
aim to trim as close to the minimum requirements of the law as possible.
The immigrant-carrying business is a purely money-making enterprise, and
humanitarian considerations have no place in it. The good effects which
might result from free competition are practically eliminated by the
recent agreement dividing territory, which has been mentioned
above.[142] There is no other force to compel transportation companies
to go one whit beyond the legal requirements in an effort to make their
steerage passengers comfortable.
The open deck space reserved for steerage passengers is usually very
limited, and situated in the worst part of the ship, subject to the most
violent motion, to the dirt from the stacks and the odors from the hold
and galleys. The only provisions for eating are frequently shelves or
benches along the sides or in the passageways of sleeping compartments.
Some ships have separate rooms, used for dining and recreation purposes,
but these are usually wholly inadequate to accommodate all the steerage
passengers. Frequently, too, they are planned without the least regard
to cleanliness, as when the dining table, upon which the dishes remain
set, is placed directly below an open grating, through which the filth
and dirt may fall from the shoes of passers-by. Toilet rooms are wholly
inadequate in number, are poorly designed, and often wholly uncared for
during most of the voyage. The resulting conditions are almost
unbelievable. Toilets are sometimes placed directly alongside the only
passages leading to the steerage quarters, so that one must pass them,
and breathe their horrible stench, every time he passes in or out. The
law requires separate wash rooms for men and women, but this is a
distinction which is frequently ignored, men and women using the same
rooms promiscuously. The provisions for washing are wholly inadequate.
There are only a few taps, and usually the only water provided is cold
salt water, which must be used for all purposes, including the washing
of dishes. The law requires that hospitals for steerage passengers be
provided, but as they are not open to seasick passengers, they fail of
their greatest usefulness.
The arrangements for feeding steerage passengers differ on different
vessels, but there are two main systems. In the first, each passenger is
furnished a cheap set of eating utensils at the beginning of the voyage,
which remain in his possession till the close, and sometimes
permanently. At meal time the passengers form in line, and pass before
stewards who have large kettles of food, and serve out the rations to
each. Passengers may eat at tables if there are any and they can find
places; otherwise, wherever they can. After the meal, they must wash
their own dishes, and stow them away for future use. Under the second
system, the women and children receive slightly better attention, being
given first place at such tables as there are. The most essential
utensils are placed by stewards, and washed by them afterwards. The food
is served in large pans, one for each table, which are passed along a
line of stewards from the galley, in the manner of a bucket brigade.
This is all the table service there is. The men receive even less
attention. They are divided into groups of six, and each group is given
two large tin pans, and tin plates, tin cups, and cutlery enough for
all. Each man takes his turn at going after the food, and in caring for
the dishes. The men eat wherever they can find a place.
Life under such circumstances must of necessity be disgusting and
degrading, whatever the character or desires of the individual. The only
part of the whole ship which the steerage passenger has a right to call
in any sense his own is the few square feet contained in his berth. Here
he must keep all of his personal belongings. His hand baggage must be
stored in it, or hung from the pipes above his head. If there are eating
utensils committed to his keeping, they must be concealed in some corner
of the bunk when not in use. This is the only place to which he may
retire in the search of even the semblance of privacy. It is the only
place where he can recline during the daytime, except upon the open
deck. The berths receive absolutely no attention from the stewards from
the beginning of the voyage to the end. Is it any wonder that they
become untidy, mussed, and ill smelling? The blankets provided are
usually wholly inadequate for cold weather, so that passengers are
absolutely compelled to sleep in their day clothing for warmth.
The ventilation of the steerage is almost always inadequate, growing
worse the farther down one goes. The congestion is intense, and even if
every provision were made for cleanliness, the air would inevitably
become foul. Unfortunately such provision is not made. There are no
sick-cans provided for the use of steerage passengers, and the vomitings
of the seasick are allowed to lie unattended to for hours. Sometimes a
steward comes around with a can of sawdust or sand, but that is of
little avail. Add to this the odors of bodies not too clean, the reek of
food, and the awful stench of the toilet rooms, and the atmosphere of
the steerage becomes such that it is a marvel that human flesh can
endure it. It is a fact that many of the passengers lie in their berths
for the greater part of the voyage, in a stupor caused by breathing the
vitiated air, indifferent to everything around them, unless it be to
their meals. If one attempts to better things by going on deck, and
remains above for any length of time, he finds it almost impossible to
go below again. There are practically only two alternatives; either to
go below for only a few hours of sleep, and spend practically all the
time on deck, or to spend all the time below.
Even if the immigrants desired to keep personally clean, there is
practically no opportunity, owing to the inadequacy of the wash rooms,
the absence of towels, soap, etc., and the absolute lack of privacy.
Only one who was trained to make the very most of such facilities could
maintain his decency under such conditions; the bulk of the immigrants
lack even the elements of such training.
The food served to steerage passengers is, according to almost all
investigators, usually sufficient in quantity, and originally of good
quality. But in the majority of cases it is so poorly cooked and served
in such an unappetizing way as to render it most unsatisfactory. An
average menu reads very well; it is only when one actually undertakes to
eat the food, as served to the immigrants, that the real quality
appears. There is usually a canteen, or bar, where drinks, candy, fruit,
etc., may be secured by those who can pay for them, and stewards
sometimes turn an extra penny by securing food from the second cabin for
steerage passengers who make the arrangement with them.
One of the worst conditions prevailing in the steerage, upon which the
investigators of the Immigration Commission lay great stress, is the
indecent and immoral attitude and conduct of the men, including the crew
as well as the passengers, toward the women. The stories which are told
of the constant persecution of immigrant women,—unprovided as they are
with any means of privacy,—even by those whose duty it is to protect
them, are almost unbelievable, but are well substantiated. As one
investigator wrote, only a set of instantaneous photographs could give
an adequate idea of the demoralizing attentions to which women and girls
are subjected, until even the most self-respecting of them sometimes
weaken under the strain. The United States law, of course, aims to
prevent these abuses, but it is powerless, without better machinery for
enforcement than is provided.
All of these conditions are naturally aggravated by crowding, and are
usually more pronounced on the westward than on the eastward trip, since
the steerage is ordinarily more congested coming to the United States.
It is a marvel that even the ignorant, uncultured, stolid peasants of
Europe can find life tolerable under such conditions. Yet they do, and
manage to get some enjoyment out of it besides. There are songs and
games and dances to while away the time. Especially when the ship stops
at any intermediate port the deck throngs with immigrants, men, women,
and children, seeking recreation in their own way.
On the whole, the old-type steerage is the poorest possible introduction
to, and preparation for, American life. It inevitably lowers the
standards of decency, even of the immigrants, and often breaks down
their moral and physical stamina. It shatters their bright visions of
American life, and lands them cynical and embittered. One of the first
steps in the improvement of the immigration situation should be the
abolition of the old-type steerage.
The new-type steerage, which is found on some lines carrying immigrants
from north Europe, was the result of competition for the traffic, which
led certain companies to improve their facilities. The traffic agreement
above referred to, by eliminating this competition, has prevented the
extension of this type of steerage to other lines, and other ships. In
general, the new-type steerage is a modified second cabin, with simpler
and plainer accommodations, and less attendance. Separate staterooms are
provided, having from two to eight berths in each; in some cases the
berths are of the old steerage type. The blankets are adequate, and
towels, mirrors, etc., are provided. On some lines the stewards are
responsible for the care of the berths and staterooms. There are regular
dining rooms, properly cared for; the food is abundant, and when
carefully prepared, of good quality. Facilities for washing and toilet
are superior to the old steerage, and greater segregation of the sexes
is secured. The air is still bad, but not so absolutely intolerable, and
most of the flagrant abuses of the old-type steerage are avoided. Old
and new steerages are sometimes found on the same vessel, in which case
the latter is known as third class. The difference in price between the
two does not at all correspond to the wide difference in accommodations;
in general, the price of steerage passage is much nearer to that of
second cabin than the relative service would seem to warrant. This tends
to disprove the claim sometimes made that the steamship companies cannot
afford to furnish better accommodations to steerage passengers without
materially raising the price, as does the fact that passengers are
actually being carried in the new-type steerage, with a profit, at a
moderate charge.
Throughout their long journey from their native villages to the portals
of America, the immigrants are very much at the mercy of those into
whose hands they have committed themselves for transportation. Their
treatment differs with different companies, but all too often they are
handled like so many cattle, or even worse, like so many articles of
inanimate freight.[143]
The Immigration Commission recommends that a law be passed requiring
United States government officials, both men and women, to be placed on
all ships carrying third class or steerage passengers, at the expense of
the companies, and that inspectors in the guise of immigrants should
occasionally be sent across in the steerage. This ought certainly to
bring about a decided improvement in conditions, for at present there is
no provision, on the part of this government, for enforcing the steerage
laws, or looking after the welfare of passengers on the voyage. Ships
are subject to inspection after they arrive in port, but conditions are
very different then from what they are in mid-ocean. As the ship
approaches shore, toilet rooms and wash rooms are cleaned up,
disinfectants are used, and everything is made to appear more proper and
orderly. That such supervision and inspection is capable of producing
beneficial results is proved by the fact that on ships carrying an
Italian royal commissioner, conditions are very much superior to those
on others.