No wonder that Malgaigne says of him, "Never since Hippocrates has

medicine heard such language filled with so much nobility and so full of

matter in so few words."

Chauliac was in every way worthy of his great contemporaries and the

period in which his lot was cast. Ordinarily we are not apt to think of

the early fourteenth century as an especially productive period in human

history, but such it is. Dante's Divine Comedy was entirely written

during Chauliac's life. Petrarch was born within a few years of Chauliac

himself; Boccaccio in Italy, and Chaucer in England, wrote while

Chauliac was still alive. Giotto did his great painting, and his pupils

were laying the deep, firm foundations of modern art. Many of the great

cathedrals were being finished. Most of the universities were in the

first flush of their success as moulders of the human mind. There are

few centuries in history that can show the existence of so many men

whose work was to have an enduring influence for all the after time as

this upon which Chauliac's career shed so bright a light. The preceding

century had seen the origin of the universities and the rise of such

supremely great men as Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, Thomas Aquinas, and

the other famous scholars of the early days of the mendicant orders, and

had made the intellectual mould of university training in which men's

minds for seven centuries were to be formed, so that Chauliac, instead

of being an unusual phenomenon is only a fitting expression of the

interest of this time in everything, including the physical sciences

and, above all, medicine and surgery.

For some people it may be a source of surprise that Chauliac should

have had the intellectual training to enable him to accomplish such

judicious work in his specialty. Many people will be apt to assume that

he accomplished what he did in spite of his training, genius succeeding

even in an unfavorable environment, and notwithstanding educational

disadvantages. Those who would be satisfied with any such explanation,

however, know nothing of the educational opportunities provided in the

period of which Chauliac was the fruit. He is a typical university man

of the beginning of the fourteenth century, and the universities must be

given due credit for him. It is ordinarily assumed that the universities

paid very little attention to science and that scientists would find

practically nothing to satisfy in their curricula. Professor Huxley in

his address on "Universities, Actual and Ideal," delivered as the

Rectorial Address at Aberdeen University in 1874, declared that they

were probably educating in the real sense of the word better than we do

now. (See quotation in "The Medical School at Salerno.")

In the light of Chauliac's life it is indeed amusing to read the

excursions of certain historians into the relationship of the Popes and

the Church to science during the Middle Ages. Chauliac is typically

representative of medieval science, a man who gave due weight to

authority, yet tried everything by his own experience, and who sums up

in himself such wonderful advance in surgery that during the last twenty

years the students of the history of medicine have been more interested

in him than in anyone who comes during the intervening six centuries.

Chauliac, however, instead of meeting with any opposition, encountered

encouragement, liberal patronage, generous interest, and even enjoyed

the intimate friendship of the highest ecclesiastics and the Popes of

his time. In every way his life may be taken as a type of what we have

come to know about the Middle Ages, when we know them as we should, in

the lives of the men who counted for most in them, and do not accept

merely the broad generalizations which are always likely to be deceptive

and which in the past have led men into the most absurd and ridiculous

notions with regard to a wonderful period in human history.

That Guy de Chauliac was no narrow specialist is abundantly evident from

his book, for while the "Great Surgery" treats of the science and art of

surgery as its principal subject, there are remarks about nearly

everything else relating to medicine, and most of them show a deep

interest, a thorough familiarity, and an excellent judgment. Besides we

have certain expressions with regard to intellectual matters generally

which serve to show Guy as a profound thinker, who thoroughly

appreciated just how accumulations of knowledge came to men and how far

each generation or member of a generation should go and yet how limited

must, after all, be the knowledge obtained by any one person. With

regard to books, for instance, he said, "for everyone cannot have all

the books, and even if he did have them it would be too tiresome to read

them all and completely, and it would require a godlike memory to

retain them all." He realized, however, that each generation, provided

it took the opportunities offered it, was able to see a little bit

farther than its predecessor, and the figure that he employs to express

this is rather striking. "Sciences," he said, "are made by additions. It

is quite impossible that the man who begins a science should finish it.

We are like infants, clinging to the neck of a giant; for we can see all

the giant sees and a little more."

One of the most interesting features of the history of Guy de Chauliac

is the bibliography of his works which has been written by Nicaise. This

is admirably complete, labored over with the devotion that characterized

Nicaise's attitude of unstinted admiration for the subject. Altogether

he has some sixty pages of a quarto volume with regard to the various

editions of Guy's works.

The first manuscript edition of Guy de Chauliac was issued in 1363, the

first printed edition in 1478. Even in the fourteenth century Guy's

great work was translated into all the languages generally used in

Europe. Nicaise succeeded in placing 34 complete manuscripts of the

"Great Surgery": 22 of these are in Latin, 4 are in French, 3 are in

English, 2 only in Provencal, though that was the language spoken in the

region where much of Chauliac's life was passed, and one each in

Italian, in Low Dutch, and in Hebrew. Of the English manuscripts, one is

number twenty-five English of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; a

second is number 3666 English of the Sloane collection in the British

Museum, and a third is in the Library of the University of

Cambridge.[26]

Paulin Paris, probably one of the best of recent authorities on the age

and significance of old manuscripts, says in the third volume of his

"Manuscrits Francais," page 346, "This manuscript [of Guy de Chauliac's

"Great Surgery"] was made, if not during the life, then certainly very

shortly after the death of the author. It is one of the oldest that can

be cited, and the fact that an English translation was made so near to

the time of the original composition of the book attests the great

reputation enjoyed by Guy de Chauliac at this time, and which posterity

has fully confirmed."

The Sloane copy in the British Museum contains some medical recipes at

the end by Francis Verney. It was probably written in the fifteenth

century. Its title is:

"The inventorie or the collectorie in cirurgicale parte of

medicine compiled and complete in the yere of our Lord 1363,

with some additions of other doctours, necessary to the

foresaid arte or crapte (crafte?)."[27]

What we find in the period of manuscripts, however, is as nothing

compared to the prestige of Guy de Chauliac's work, once the age of

printing began. Nicaise was able to find sixty different printed

editions of the "Great Surgery." Nine others that are mentioned by

authors have disappeared and apparently no copies of them are in

existence. Besides there are sixty editions of portions of the work, of

compendiums of it and commentaries on it. Altogether 129 editions are

extant. Of these there are sixteen Latin editions, forty-three French,

five Italian, four Low Dutch, five Catalan, and one English. Fourteen

appeared in the fifteenth century, thirty-eight in the sixteenth

century, and seventeen in the seventeenth century. The fourteen editions

belonging to the _incunabula_ of printing, issued, that is, before the

end of the fifteenth century, show what lively interest there was in the

French surgeon of the preceding century, since printing presses at this

precious time were occupied only with the books that were considered

indispensable for scholars. The first edition of the "Great Surgery" was

printed in 1478 at Lyons. Printing had only been introduced there five

years before. This first edition, _primus primarius_ or _editio

princeps_, was a French translation by Nicholas Panis. In 1480 an

Italian edition was printed at Venice. The first Latin edition was

printed also in Venice in 1490.

It would be only natural to expect that the successors of Guy de

Chauliac, and especially those who had come personally in contact with

him, would take advantage of his thorough work to make still further

advances in surgery. As matter of fact, decadence in surgery is noted

immediately after his death. Three men taught at the University of

Montpellier at the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the

fifteenth century, John de Tornamira, Valesco de Taranta, and John

Faucon. They cannot be compared, Gurlt says, with Guy de Chauliac,

though they were physicians of reputation in their time. Faucon made a

compendium of Guy's work for students. Somehow there seemed to be the

impression that surgery had now reached a point of development beyond

which it could not advance. Unfortunate political conditions, wars, the

withdrawal of the Popes from Avignon to Rome, and other disturbances,

distracted men's minds, and surgery deteriorated to a considerable

extent, until the new spirit at the time of the Renaissance came to

inject fresh life into it.

XII

MEDIEVAL DENTISTRY--GIOVANNI OF ARCOLI

If there is one phase of our present-day medicine and surgery that most

of us are likely to be quite sure is of very recent development it is

dentistry. Probably most people would declare at once that they had

every reason to think that the science and art of dentistry, as we have

it now, developed for the first time in the world's history during the

last generation or two. It is extremely interesting to realize then, in

the light of this almost universal persuasion, founded to a great extent

on the conviction that man is in process of evolution and that as a

consequence we must surely be doing things now that men never did

before, to find that dentistry, both as an art and science, is old; that

it has developed at a number of times in the world's history, and that

as fortunately for history its work was done mainly in indestructible

materials, the teeth themselves and metal prosthetic apparatus, we have

actual specimens of what was accomplished at a number of periods in the

olden times. Surprising as it will seem to those who hear of it for the

first time, dentistry reached high perfection even in what we know as

ancient history. It is rather easy to trace scientific and craftsmanlike

interest in it during the medieval period and in the magnificent

development of surgery that came just at the end of the Middle Ages,

dentistry shared to such degree that some of the text-books of the

writers on surgery of this time furnish abundant evidence of

anticipations of many of the supposedly most modern developments of

dentistry.

There are a number of historical traditions with regard to dentistry and

the treatment of the teeth in Egypt that can be traced back to good

authorities in Egyptology of a generation or more ago, but it is rather

hard to confirm the accounts we have by actual specimens; either none

were found or for some reason those actually discovered are now not

readily available for study. Among the Phenicians however, though we

have good reasons to think that they learned their arts and crafts from

the Egyptians, there is convincing evidence of a high development of

dentistry. M. Ernest Renan, during an exploring expedition in Phenicia,

found in the old necropolis at Sidon a set of teeth wired together, two

of which were artificial. It was a striking example of bridgework, very

well done, and may now be seen in the Louvre. It would be more than a

little surprising, from what we know of the lack of inventiveness on the

part of the Phenicians and their tendency to acquire their arts by

imitation, if they had reached such a climax of invention by themselves.

Since they adapted and adopted most of their arts and crafts from Egypt,

with which they were in close commercial relations, it has been argued

with some plausibility that the Egyptians may have had many modes of

dental prosthesis, but removed all artificial teeth and dental

appliances from the mouth of corpses before embalming them, in

preparation for the next world, because there was some religious

objection to such human handiwork being left in place for the hereafter,

as they hoped for it.

There is a well-authenticated tradition of intimate intercourse in a

commercial way between the old Etruscans who inhabited the Italian hill

country and the Phenicians, so that it is no surprise to find that the

oldest of Etruscan tombs contain some fine examples of bridgework. An

improvement has come over Phenician work however, and bands of gold

instead of wire are used for holding artificial teeth in place. Guerini,

whose "History of Dentistry" is the standard work on the subject, on a

commission from the Italian government, carefully studied these

specimens of Etruscan dental work in the museums of Italy, and has made

some interesting observations on them. In one specimen, which is

especially notable, two incisor teeth are replaced by a single tooth

from a calf. This was grooved in such a way as to make it seem like two

separate teeth. Guerini suggests a very interesting and quite unexpected

source for this. While examining the specimen he wondered where the old

Etruscan dentist had obtained a calf's tooth without a trace of wear on

it. He came to the conclusion that he must have cut into the gums of a

young calf before the permanent tooth was erupted in order to get this

structure absolutely unworn for his purpose. A number of examples of

bridgework have been found in the old Etruscan tombs. The dates of their

construction are probably not later than 500 B.C., and some of them are

perhaps earlier than 700 B.C.

The Etruscans affected the old Romans in the matter of dentistry, so

that it is easy to understand the passage in the "Laws of the Twelve

Tables," issued about 450 B.C., which, while forbidding the burial of

gold with corpses, made a special exception for such gold as was

fastened to the teeth. Gold was rare at Rome, and care was exercised not

to allow any unnecessary decrease of the visible supply almost in the

same way as governments now protect their gold reserves. It may seem

like comparing little things with great, but the underlying principle is

the same. Hence this special law and its quite natural exception.

In Pope Julius' Museum in Rome there is a specimen of a gold cap made of

two plates of gold riveted together and also riveted to bands of metal

which were fastened around the neighboring teeth in order to hold the

cap in place. This is from later Republican times at Rome. At the end of

the Republic and the beginning of the Empire there appear to have been

many forms of dental appliances. Martial says that the reason why one

lady's teeth--whose name he does not conceal--are white and

another's--name also given--were dark, was that the first one bought

hers and the second still had her own. In another satiric poem he

describes an elderly woman as so much frightened that when she ran away

her teeth fell out, while her friends lost their false hair. Fillings of

many kinds were used, dentrifices of nearly every kind were invented,

and dentistry evidently reached a high stage of development, though we

have nowhere a special name for dentist, and the work seems to have been

done by physicians, who took this as a specialty.

While in the Middle Ages there was, owing to conditions, a loss of much

of this knowledge of antiquity with regard to dentistry, or an

obscuration of it, it never disappeared completely, and whenever men

have written seriously about medicine, above all about surgery in

relation to the face and the mouth, the teeth have come in for their

share of scientific and practical consideration. Aetius, the first

important Christian writer on medicine and surgery, discusses, as we

have seen in the sketch of him, the nutrition of the teeth, their

nerves, "which came from the third pair and entered the teeth by a small

hole existing at the end of the root," and other interesting details of

anatomy and physiology. He knows much about the hygiene of the teeth,

discusses extraction and the cure of fistula and other details. Paul of

AEgina in the next century has much more, and while they both quote

mainly from older authors there seems no doubt that they themselves had

made not a few observations and had practical experience.

It was from these men that the Arabian physicians and surgeons obtained

their traditions of medicine, and so it is not surprising to find that

they discuss dental diseases and their treatment rationally and in

considerable detail. Abulcasis particularly has much that is of

significance and interest. We have pictures of two score of dental

instruments that were used by them. The Arabs not only treated and

filled carious teeth and even replaced those that were lost, but they

also corrected deformities of the mouth and of the dental arches.

Orthodontia is sometimes said to be of much later origin and to begin

many centuries after Abulcasis' time, yet no one who knows of his work

can speak of Orthodontia as an invention after him. In this, however, as

in most of the departments of medicine and surgery, the Arabs were

merely imitators, though probably they expanded somewhat the practical

knowledge that had come to them.

When the great revival in surgery came in the twelfth and thirteenth

centuries it is not surprising that there should also have been an

important renewal of interest in dentistry. A detailed review of this

would take us too far afield, but at least something may be said of two

or three of the great representative surgical writers who touched on

this specialty.

About the middle of the fourteenth century that prince of surgeons, and

model of surgical writers, Guy de Chauliac, wrote his great text-book of

surgery, "Le Grande Chirurgie." An extremely interesting feature of this

work is to be found in the chapters that treat of diseases of the teeth.

These are not very comprehensive, and are evidently not so much the

result of his experience, as the fruit of his reading, yet they contain

many practical valuable ideas that are supposed to be ever so much later

than the middle of the fourteenth century. His anatomy and physiology at

least are not without many errors. His rules for the preservation of the

teeth show that the ordinary causes of dental decay were well recognized

even as early as this. Emphasis was laid on not taking foods too hot or

too cold, and above all not to follow either hot or cold food by

something very different from it in temperature. The breaking of hard

things with the teeth was recognized as one of the most frequent causes

of such deterioration of the enamel as gives opportunity for the

development of decay. The eating of sweets, and especially the sticky

sweets--preserves and the like--was recognized as an important source of

caries. The teeth were supposed to be cleaned frequently, and not to be

cleaned too roughly, for this would do more harm than good. We find

these rules repeated by succeeding writers on general surgery, who touch

upon dentistry, or at least the care of the teeth, and they were not

original with Guy de Chauliac, but part of the tradition of surgery.

As noted by Guerini in his "History of Dentistry," the translation of

which was published under the auspices of the National Dental

Association of the United States of America,[28] Chauliac recognized the

dentists as specialists. Besides, it should be added, as is evident from

his enumeration of the surgical instruments which he declares necessary

for them, they were not as we might easily think in the modern time mere

tooth pullers, but at least the best among them treated teeth as far as

their limited knowledge and means at command enabled them to do so, and

these means were much more elaborate than we have been led to think, and

much more detailed than we have reason to know that they were at

certain subsequent periods.

In fact, though Guy de Chauliac frankly confesses that he touches on the

subject of dentistry only in order to complete his presentation of the

subject of surgery and not because he has anything of his own to say

with regard to the subject, there is much that is of present-day

interest in his brief paragraphs. He observes that operations on the

teeth are special and belong to the _dentatores_, or dentists, to whom

doctors had given them over. He considers, however, that the operations

in the mouth should be performed under the direction of a physician. It

is in order to give physicians the general principles with which they

may be able to judge of the advisability or necessity for dental

operations that his short chapters are written. If their advice is to be

of value, physicians should know the various methods of treatment

suitable for dental diseases, including mouth washes, gargles,

masticatories, anointments, rubbings, fumigations, cauterizations,

fillings, filings, and the various manual operations. He says that the

_dentator_ must be provided with the appropriate instruments, among

which he names scrapers, rasps, straight and curved spatumina,

elevators, simple and with two branches, toothed tenacula, and many

different forms of probes and canulas. He should also have small

scalpels, tooth trephines, and files.

Chauliac is particularly emphatic in his insistence on not permitting

alimentary materials to remain in cavities, and suggests that if

cavities between the teeth tend to retain food material they should even

be filed in such a way as to prevent these accumulations. His

directions for cleansing the teeth were rather detailed. His favorite

treatment for wounds was wine, and he knew that he succeeded by means of

it in securing union by first intention. It is not surprising, then, to

find that he recommends rinsing of the mouth with wine as a precaution

against dental decay. A vinous decoction of wild mint and of pepper he

considered particularly beneficial, though he thought that dentifrices,

either powder or liquid, should also be used. He seems to recommend the

powder dentifrices as more efficacious. His favorite prescription for a

tooth powder, while more elaborate, resembles to such an extent, at

least some, if not indeed most of those, that are used at the present

time, that it seems worth while giving his directions for it. He took

equal parts of cuttle bone, small white sea-shells, pumice stone, burnt

stag's horn, nitre, alum, rock salt, burnt roots of iris, aristolochia,

and reeds. All of these substances should be carefully reduced to powder

and then mixed. His favorite liquid dentifrice contained the following

ingredients,--half a pound each of sal ammoniac and rock salt, and a

quarter of a pound of sacharin alum. All these were to be reduced to

powder and placed in a glass alembic and dissolved. The teeth should be

rubbed with it, using a little scarlet cloth for the purpose. Just why

this particular color of cleansing cloth was recommended is not quite

clear.

He recognized, however, that cleansing of the teeth properly often

became impossible by any scrubbing method, no matter what the dentifrice

used, because of the presence of what we call tartar and what he called

hardened limosity or limyness (_limosite endurcie_). When that condition

is present he suggests the use of rasps and spatumina and other

instrumental means of removing the tartar.

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