dispatches were sent from the Secretary of War, addressed to the
Governors of the several States, designating the quotas assigned to each
State, under this proclamation. The Executives of the slaveholding
States, with the exception of Maryland and Delaware, peremptorily
refused to comply with this requisition. Governor Ellis, of North
Carolina, replied, “I regard the levy of troops made by the
Administration for the purpose of subjugating the States of the South as
in violation of the Constitution, and a usurpation of power. I can be no
party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this
war upon the rights of a free people. You can get no troops from North
Carolina.” Governor Jackson, of Missouri, answered, “There can be, I
apprehend, no doubt but these men are intended to form part of the
President’s army to make war upon the people of the seceding States.
Your requisition, in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional and
revolutionary in its objects, altogether inhuman and diabolical, and
cannot be complied with. Not one man will Missouri furnish to carry on
such an unholy crusade.” Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied, “In
answer, I say emphatically, that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the
wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States.” Governor
Letcher, of Virginia, answered, “I have only to say that the militia of
Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such
use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the
Southern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an object—an
object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution, or
the Act of 1795—will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate
civil war, and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined
as the Administration has exhibited toward the South.” Governor Harris,
of Tennessee, refused, in terms equally explicit, to comply with the
requisition of the Government. In his Message to the Legislature, dated
April 25, he takes strong ground against the action of the
Administration, which he says is designed for the subjugation of the
Southern States. He recommended the immediate passage of an Act of
Secession, and an Act for the union of Tennessee with the Southern
Confederacy, both to be submitted separately to the people at an early
day. He also recommended an appropriation for arming the State, and the
creation of a large military fund, to be placed under the direction of a
special board.
The position of Virginia is of the greatest importance to a thorough
understanding of the difficulties in which the country was placed. At
the breaking out of hostilities, the State Convention was in session. A
resolution was passed, expressing an earnest desire for the
re-establishment of the Union in its former integrity: an amendment,
declaring that Virginia ought not to accept a form of adjustment which
would not be acceptable to the seceding States, was rejected.
Commissioners were appointed to wait on the President, and ascertain the
policy which he intended to pursue. An amendment, denying the right of
the Federal Government to deal with the question of secession, was
rejected. A resolution was adopted, expressing a willingness that the
independence of the seceding States should be acknowledged. An
amendment, declaring that Virginia would secede in case the proposed
amendments to the Constitution were rejected by the non-slaveholding
States, was lost. And resolutions were adopted, opposing any action on
the part of the Federal Government for retaining or retaking forts in
the seceding States, and affirming, that any measures of the Government,
tending to produce hostilities with the Confederate States, would leave
Virginia free to determine her own future policy. When the proclamation
of the President, calling for troops, was issued, the Convention went
into secret session, on the 17th of April, passed an ordinance to repeal
the ratification of the Constitution of the United States, by the State
of Virginia, and to resume all the rights and powers granted under such
Constitution.
When the proclamation was received at Montgomery, President Davis issued
a proclamation, dated on the 17th of April, inviting all persons to
apply for letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of
the Confederate States. President Lincoln thereupon, on the 19th, issued
a proclamation, announcing the blockade of all the ports of the seceding
States, and that a competent force would be stationed to prevent the
entrance and exit of vessels at these ports. On the 27th, the President
issued a proclamation extending the blockade to the ports of North
Carolina and Virginia. It was announced that the blockade would be
maintained by at least fifty vessels of war, accompanied by a fleet of
steam transports, capable of conveying an army of 20,000 men. On the 3d
of May the President issued another proclamation, calling into service
42,000 volunteers to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner
discharged; ordering that the regular army should be increased by 22,714
men; and directing the enlistment, for the naval force of the United
States, of 18,000 seamen, for a period of not less than one or more than
three years.
The Congress of the Confederate States met at Montgomery on the 29th of
April. The message of President Davis announced that the permanent
Constitution had been ratified by a sufficient number of States to
render it valid, and that it only remained to elect officers under its
provisions. The message of President Lincoln, calling for volunteers,
was characterized as a declaration of war, which will render it
necessary to adopt measures to replenish the treasury of the
Confederation, and provide for the defence of the country. Proposals had
been issued, inviting subscriptions for a loan of five millions; more
than eight millions was subscribed for, none under par. The whole amount
had been ordered to be accepted; and it was now necessary to raise a
much larger sum. The Confederate States had in the field, at Charleston,
Pensacola, and different forts, 19,000 men, and 16,000 were on route for
Virginia. It was proposed to organize and hold in readiness an army of
100,000 men. “We seek no conquest,” says Mr. Davis, “no aggrandizement,
no concession from the Free States. All that we ask is to be let alone;
that none shall attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will, and must,
resist to the direst extremity. The moment this pretension is abandoned,
the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into
treaties of amity and commerce mutually beneficial.” In the meanwhile
warlike and aggressive measures had been pushed forward with all
possible activity. The forces besieging Fort Pickens had been augmented,
and new batteries had been constructed against it. Vessels belonging to
the government and to individuals had been seized. Among these was the
steamer Star of the West, which had been dispatched to Indianola, Texas,
to bring away the United States troops collected at that port. The
vessel was lying at anchor, awaiting the arrival of the troops. At
midnight, of the 19th of April, the steamer Rusk approached, and the
captain of the Star of the West was informed that she had on board 320
United States troops, which were to be embarked.
Every assistance was given for the reception of the supposed soldiers,
who, however, proved to be Texan troops. As soon as they were on board
they took possession of the steamer, which was taken to New Orleans, the
crew being detained as prisoners of war. Shortly after, 450 of the
United States troops attempted to make their escape from Indianola on
board of two sailing vessels. They were pursued by two armed steamers,
manned by the Texans, overtaken, and made prisoners.
The loyal States had not only been patriotic in sending troops to the
capital, but in supplying money also. The Legislature of New York
appropriated three millions of dollars for arming and equipping troops;
Connecticut appropriated two millions; Vermont one million; New Jersey
two millions, and other States in proportion. The Common Council of the
city of New York appropriated one million. Besides the public
appropriations, in every considerable town and city private
subscriptions were made for the same purposes, and to support the
families of volunteers. The aggregate of the sums thus furnished was
estimated at twenty-five millions—all raised in a few days.
Meantime the Confederate government had adjourned on the 20th of May to
meet in Richmond, Virginia, on the 20th of July, or some other
convenient place to be selected by the President.
On the 6th of May an act was passed “recognizing the existence of war
between the United States and the Confederate States, and concerning
letters of marque, prizes, and prize goods.” This act gave the President
of the Confederate States authority to use the whole land and naval
forces of the Confederacy to meet the war thus commenced, and to issue
letters of marque and reprisal against the vessels and property of the
United States and their citizens, with the exception of the States
belonging to the Confederation or expected to join it.
An act was passed prohibiting the export of cotton or cotton yarn from
any of the Confederate States except through the sea-ports. It was
proposed in Congress that the cotton planters should be invited to put
their crops in the hands of the government, receiving bonds for its
value, the government to dispose of it in Europe for cash. The
Postmaster-General, on the 1st of June, took charge of the transmission
of the mails in the Confederate States; and the Postmaster-General of
the United States announced that on that day postal communication would
close with the seceding States, with the exception of some counties in
Western Virginia. All letters for these States were sent to the Dead
Letter Office at Washington.
Two more States—Arkansas and North Carolina—had formally seceded from
the Union, and joined the Confederate States. In Arkansas the State
Convention, on the 18th of April, had passed an ordinance submitting the
question of secession to the people, at an election to be held on the 3d
of August. When the requisition of President Lincoln was received,
Governor Rector, on the 22d of April, replied to the Secretary of War,
“In answer to your requisition for troops from Arkansas to subjugate the
Southern States, I have to say that none will be furnished. The demand
is only adding insult to injury. The people of this Commonwealth are
freemen and not slaves, and will defend to the last extremity their
honor, lives and property against Northern mendacity and usurpation.” On
the same day the Governor gave orders for the seizure at Napoleon of a
large quantity of military supplies belonging to the United States. On
the 6th of May, the Convention, which had re-assembled, unanimously
passed an ordinance of secession.
Tennessee also virtually, though not in form, joined the Southern
Confederacy. The Legislature passed a Declaration of Independence, which
was to be submitted to the people on the 8th of June. Meanwhile a
military league had been formed with the Confederate government, in
virtue of which the forces of Tennessee were to be employed to aid the
Confederate States.
In Kentucky a determined effort was made to preserve a strict
neutrality. Governor Magoffin, as before noted, refused peremptorily to
comply with the President’s requisition for troops. On the 20th of May
he issued a proclamation declaring that every indication of public
sentiment in Kentucky showed a fixed determination of the people to take
neither side, but to maintain a posture of self-defence, forbidding the
quartering upon her soil of troops from either section, in the hope that
the State might yet become a mediator between the parties. He therefore
warned all States, whether separate or united, and especially the
Confederate and the United States, against any armed occupation within
the State of Kentucky, without the permission of the Legislature and
Executive authorities. All citizens of Kentucky were forbidden to make
any demonstration against either of the sovereignties, but were directed
to make prompt and efficient preparations for the defence of the State.
Of similar purport were the proceedings of the “Border States
Convention,” held at Frankfort. Virginia, North Carolina and Arkansas,
having joined the Southern Confederacy, of course sent no delegates;
none appeared from Maryland, and only one from Tennessee, and four from
Missouri. The remainder were from Kentucky. Senator Crittenden was
chosen President. Two addresses, one to the people of the United States,
and the other to the people of Kentucky, were adopted. The essential
point in the first address is the recommendation that Congress would
propose such Constitutional amendments as should secure the legal rights
of slaveholders; and if this should fail to bring about a pacification,
that a Convention be called composed of delegates from all the States,
to devise measures of peaceable adjustment.
The address to the people of Kentucky defended the action of the
Executive in refusing troops to the Federal Government, as called for by
the peculiar circumstances in which the State was placed. “In all
things,” says the address, “she is as loyal as ever to the
constitutional administration of the government. She will follow the
stars and stripes to the utmost regions of the earth, and defend it from
foreign insult. She refuses alliance with any who would destroy the
Union. All she asks is permission to keep out of this unnatural strife.
She has announced her intention to refrain from aggression upon others,
and she must protest against her soil being made the theatre of military
operations by any belligerent.” The address goes on to censure the
conduct of the States who have withdrawn from the Union, affirming that
there was in the Constitution a remedy for every wrong, and provisions
to check every encroachment by the majority upon the minority. In
withdrawing the States committed “a great wrong, for which they must
answer to posterity. But Kentucky remained true to herself, contending
with all her might for what were considered to be the rights of the
people, and although one after another of the States that should have
been by her side ungenerously deserted her, leaving her almost alone in
the field, yet she did not surrender her rights under the Constitution,
and never would surrender them. She would appear again in the Congress
of the United States, not having conceded the least atom of power to the
Government that had not heretofore been granted, and retaining every
power she had reserved. She would insist upon her constitutional rights
in the Union, and not out of it.” The address went on to say that if the
war should be transferred to Kentucky, her destruction would be the
inevitable result; “and even the institution to preserve or control
which the wretched war was undertaken, would be exterminated in the
general ruin.”
In Virginia the vote upon secession resulted in a large majority in its
favor. In the north-western part of the State the vote was largely in
favor of the Union. A Convention of the Western Counties convened at
Wheeling on the 13th of May, at which resolutions were passed
pronouncing the ordinance of secession null and void. The Convention
adjourned to meet on the 11th of June.
The position of Missouri was similar to that of Kentucky. The State
endeavored to avoid taking part in the war. Troops had been organized
with hostile designs against the Government. These were forced to
surrender by Captain Lyon, (afterward appointed General). At St. Louis
an attack was made by the populace, on the 10th of May, upon the United
States volunteers; they returned the fire, killing some twenty; an
_émeute_ on the next day resulted in the loss of several lives. General
Harney, who had been put in command of this district, entered into an
agreement with the State authorities, that was disapproved by the
Government, and he relieved from the command, which was then given to
General Lyon.
The attitude assumed by the great powers of Europe in relation to the
American war was important. That of England, indicated by the royal
proclamation issued on the 14th of May a determination to maintain a
strict neutrality in the contest between the contending parties. The
proclamation went on to forbid all British subjects from taking part in
any way in the contest, by enlisting in the army or navy of either
party; by fitting out or arming any vessel; by breaking any lawfully
established blockade, or carrying to either, troops or any articles
contraband of war. This proclamation, taken in connection with the
explanations of the Ministers and the speeches in Parliament, had an
unfriendly aspect toward the United States, recognizing, as it did, the
Confederate States as belligerents, and, by implication, entitled
equally to the right of carrying prizes into the ports of Great Britain.
In the House of Commons, Lord John Russell said that the character of
belligerency was not so much a principle as a fact; that a certain
amount of force and consistency acquired by any mass of population
engaged in war entitled them to be treated as a belligerent. A power or
a community which was at war with another, and which covered the sea
with its cruizers, must either be acknowledged as a belligerent or dealt
with as a pirate. The Government had come to the opinion that the
Southern Confederacy, according to those principles which were
considered just, must be treated as belligerent. In this critical
condition was the country when the Government prepared to advance its
armies into Virginia.
OCCUPATION OF ALEXANDRIA, Va.
ASSASSINATION OF COLONEL ELLSWORTH.
MAY 24, 1861.
The defenders of the Union had been gathering at Washington and in its
vicinity for more than a month, in answer to the call for troops, that
rang through the land clear as clarion notes. The arduous labor of
providing for and disciplining the large number of untrained recruits,
collected in such haste, had been met with energy and perseverance by
the officers of the government. Very much had been accomplished,
notwithstanding all the embarrassments incident to an extensive and
untried field of labor.
The heart of the country was beating restively at delay, and popular
feeling, as it found its voice through the press, thundered anathemas,
and clamored for a forward movement. Nothing but prompt and decisive
action would satisfy the people that the government was sturdily bending
its whole energies to strangle the monster treason in its youth. The
people had not yet learned the first great secret of success—how to
wait. They saw the ship of state struggling fiercely amid the rocks of
an untried ocean, and worshiping the flag at her mast-head, grew
clamorous for its protection. Every newspaper, and almost every
household, had its own ideas of how this was to be accomplished. The
government, unused to war, and anxious to gratify the spirit of
patriotism that had supported it so nobly, was ready to answer the rash
clamor; and so this long, loud cry of ignorant impatience became words
of fate, and ended in giving us the defeat of Bull Run.
The people, the generous loyal people, ever dissatisfied with anything
but lightning speed, in peace or war, clamored for action, and must be
appeased. Under this pressure, events forced each other on, culminating
in action.
Though an act of secession had been passed by a State Convention, held
at Richmond on the 17th of April, it was professedly to be submitted to
the people of the State of Virginia for their approval on the 23d of
May; and though it had been determined by the United States Government
to take possession of, and fortify the Virginia hills, in front of the
capital, it was deemed advisable to await that event before making any
military movement into that State which could be interpreted into an
attempt to influence or control the popular vote. The conspirators,
however, without waiting for any ratification of their secession act by
the people, immediately made a conveyance of the State to the
Confederate government, and claimed its protection; thus effectually
leaving the “mother of States” to associate with the disobedient
daughters.
In consequence of the action of Governor Letcher, Confederate troops
from Georgia, Mississippi, and other Southern States, were sent rapidly
into Virginia, and located at various points, where it was deemed that
they could be of the most use, and best serve the interests of the
Confederacy. The result of this movement could easily have been
foretold. The election was held under military _regime_ and terrorism,
and loyal men, having been warned of the penalty of voting against
secession, either feared to do so, or neglected to vote altogether; a
majority was secured for the ordinance, and Virginia, “mother of
Presidents,” had taken her second grand step in the downward path of
disunion.
The people of the city of Alexandria were generally infected with
disloyalty, and rebel flags floated boldly from many of the principal
buildings. A detachment of Confederate troops was at all times quartered
within its limits, and with the hope of capturing them and their
supplies, it was determined to occupy the city by a surprise movement.
The result of the election clearly foreshadowed, arrangements were made
for action—prompt and decisive action—to follow immediately upon the
closing of the polls, where disunionists had played a mere farce, and
disloyal bayonets had fettered the freedom of the ballot-box.
On the night of May 23d, orders were given for an advance to the troops
designed for this expedition, numbering in all about 13,000, and at ten
o’clock an advance guard of picked men moved cautiously over the bridge.
Sent to reconnoitre, their commands were imperative that if assaulted
they were to signalize for reinforcements, which would be speedily
furnished by a corps of infantry and a battery. At twelve o’clock the
regiment of infantry, the artillery and the cavalry corps began to
muster, and as fast as they were prepared, proceeded to the Long Bridge,
the portion of the force then in Washington being directed to take that
route. The troops quartered at Georgetown, comprising the Fifth, Eighth,
Twenty-eighth and Sixty-ninth New York, also proceeded across the Chain
Bridge, under the command of General McDowell.
At half-past one o’clock, six companies of District Volunteers,
including the National Rifles, and Turners, stepped from the Long Bridge
upon Virginia soil. To capture the enemy’s patrols by the means of boats
had been the original plan, but the bright moonlight prevented it. This
vanguard was commanded by Inspector-General Stone, under whom Captain
Smead led the centre, Adjutant Abbott the left, and Captain Stewart the
right wing. When within half a mile of Alexandria, they halted and
awaited the arrival of the main body.
The remainder of the army crossed in the following order: The Twelfth
and Twenty-fifth New York, First Michigan, and First, Second, Third, and
Fourth New Jersey; two regular cavalry corps of eighty men each, and
Sherman’s two batteries; next and last came the New York Seventh.
General Mansfield directed the movements of the troops. At a quarter to
four the last of the forces left, and fifteen minutes later
Major-General Sanford, accompanied by his staff, proceeded to Virginia
to assume the command.
The famous Sixty-ninth New York, after crossing the river below
Georgetown, took position on the Orange and Manassas Gap railroad, and
surrounded and captured the train from Alexandria, with a large number
of passengers, of which a few, known to be violent secession partizans,
were retained as prisoners.
As the Michigan regiment, accompanied by two guns of Sherman’s renowned
battery, and a company of regular cavalry, marched into the town, a
detachment of thirty-five rebel horsemen were found preparing to mount.
The battery came up the street towards them like a whirlwind, and they
soon surrendered.