ascertaining their situations, some valuable discoveries of stream
deposits occurred in a section of the state of North Carolina, hitherto
not suspected to be within the range of the gold region. In Burke
county, one of the most mountainous of the state, and one, two, or more
feet under the surface, a layer of sand and gravel is found, varying
from a few inches, sometimes to more than a foot, in thickness; in
this layer the virgin gold is found, generally in small particles
about the size of a pin’s head, and very often as large as a grain of
corn; it is separated, and collected from the accompanying matter, by
washing. Water is abundant; and the absence of clay and adhesive matter
in the auriferous layer, makes the process of washing exceedingly
easy. A number of these deposits have already been found, and some of
them have proved to be very productive. It may be here mentioned, that
in the adjoining county of Rutherford, gold in deposit has also been
found; but as yet, not much labour has been expended in that quarter.
One vein, which is very encouraging, has been worked regularly; another
vein of good expectations has been discovered.
In short the veins and places of deposit are very numerous, and
scattered over the whole country, with a few exceptions; and the gold
which is produced finds a market so readily, that it is difficult to
give a very correct estimate of the product of mines of the Carolinas,
Virginia, and Georgia; but it was said to amount to 500,000 dollars in
1830, from North Carolina alone. During that year, nearly the whole
gold coinage of the United States’ mint, was from native gold. The
coinage was 643,105 dollars in gold coin: of this, 125,000 was derived
from Mexico, South America, and the West Indies; 19,000 from Africa,
466,000 from the gold region of the United States, and about 33,000
from sources not ascertained. Of the gold of the United States above
mentioned, 24,000 may be stated to have come from Virginia, 204,000
from North Carolina, 26,000 from South Carolina, and 212,000 from
Georgia.
It may not be out of place here to remark, that hereafter the quantity
of domestic gold that will be received at the mint, will bear a
less proportion to the whole amount found, than has been the case
heretofore; the reason is this: hitherto, Philadelphia may be said
to have been nearly the only market for the article; goldsmiths and
merchants at New York, and other cities in the Union, were unacquainted
with it; and therefore for fear of deception, dealt but little in
it; this occasioned the greater part of the gold to be taken to
Philadelphia, where, if not sold to the goldsmiths or merchants, it was
deposited in the mint; so that at all events a portion of it always
contrived to reach that establishment. But now the case is different:
a market for the gold is opening in most of the cities of the United
States; goldsmiths and jewellers, having ascertained its comparative
purity, which is said to be greater than that of the gold of Mexico or
the Brazils, will generally become purchasers for their own use.
That there will be an increase in the products of the mines every
succeeding year, admits of very little doubt, when the gradual
enlargement of the gold region, extending through Virginia, North
and South Carolina, and Georgia—the number of persons turning their
attention to the business—the mills that are now erecting in various
places—the improvements in the mode of working and general management,
are made the subject of consideration.
The improvements in machinery have been considerable within the last
two years: it is believed, however, that as yet they are far from being
perfect. The defects in the present mode of extracting the gold are
well known to those most extensively engaged in the business; and some
of the miners, even at this time, are turning their attention towards
the introduction of other methods, promising more economy and greater
results. Grinding the ore in water with the vertical stone, which
is the method practised in Chili, is now the process most generally
used; but the liabilities of the vertical, or Chilian mill, to become
disordered—the waste of gold and quicksilver—the irregularity of
results from the same ores—the want of proper checks on the workmen,
together with minor objections, will probably, in a few years more,
cause these mills to be in a great measure discontinued, except in
small establishments, and for certain classes of ores in the larger
ones.
The auriferous veins of North Carolina and Virginia have not yet been
sufficiently developed. As yet not a single shaft in the whole range
of country (except at the Charlotte Mine, near a small town of that
name, worked under the direction of the Chevalier de Rivafinoli) has
been carried down to the depth of a hundred feet. Seventy to eighty
feet is the greatest depth yet attained; and thirty feet is more
than an average on the main excavation: as far, however, as these
experiments have gone, they furnish no reason to doubt the durability
of the mines; for thus far, the well-defined veins not only retain
their first size, but, in many cases, become larger, and more often
than otherwise, improve in richness. This circumstance has given rise
to an idea among the common workmen, that the vein grows richer about
the time it reaches water. On the whole, when it is considered, that
in Mexico, Saxony, and other great mining districts, veins have been
successfully followed downwards more than 2500 feet; the probability
that the veins in the United States will improve, is, at least, as
great as that they will become poorer.
Nor is it in the nature of things, that any considerable portion of
the whole number of veins existing there, much less all of them, have
already been discovered.
The usual way that discoveries are made, is to take some of the earth
or gravel lying on the top of the rocks, and wash it in an iron pan.
If any fine particles of gold are found, the vein is known to be
auriferous, and its degree of richness and value is judged of by a
variety of circumstances. This fine gold without doubt comes out of the
vein, the top of which had been disintegrated, and fallen to pieces.
There are many bold veins in every district, the tops of which show no
gold, whilst other indicating substances are abundant. The probability
is, that some of them at a greater depth may prove highly auriferous.
Reviewing all that has been said on the subject, it will be seen that
the whole business is yet in its infancy; and the only cause for wonder
is, that so much has been done in so short a time. Ignorance and
prejudice were to be overcome, and ridicule was liberally bestowed on
the few who engaged in the business.
If the work proceed as rapidly for some years to come, as it has
for the three years past, the changes in the appearance of things
will become very striking. There are some persons of intelligence,
mostly however at a distance, who seem to apprehend that the mines
of the United States will produce consequences similar to those that
followed to Spain and her colonies from the discovery of the mines of
South America and Mexico. Without stopping to inquire how far these
consequences were occasioned by the mines of the New World, it may be
remarked with truth, that no sort of analogy is to be found in the
condition and circumstances of the two countries; and that neither the
statesman nor the philosopher need anticipate that the results will be
similar.
That great effects will be produced is beyond question: and these will
show themselves in the increasing prosperity of the country. Among the
advantages that will follow from the developement of the mines, is
the encouragement they give to agriculture, in the withdrawal of some
of its surplus labour, and giving it new employment. They will create
home markets for the surplus products of the farmer; and this will
encourage him to improve his farm, and increase the productiveness of
his lands. As yet, this influence has not been much felt; but a close
observer may see that the improvement has commenced, though it will not
be generally perceptible until the division of labour more fully takes
place between the farmer and the miner. Mining and farming are two very
different pursuits; and farmers will soon see that it is prudent for
them to stick to the plough, and sell or let the auriferous veins to
the miner.
An important change will also take place (at a very distant period)
in the staples of the gold country; cotton will be less and less
cultivated in the mining districts; while the bread stuff, farinaceous,
succulent vegetables—and stock, will claim the chief attention. This
change in the staples of the agriculturist, will in itself produce
important results. The opening of the mines, and the prospect of
profitable employment, will in some degree check that spirit of
emigration which has been carrying off so many enterprising and useful
citizens, and will bring into the country men of wealth intelligence,
business habits, and general enterprise.
The opening of the mines has been attended with one primary and
bad effect; that of creating a mania for speculation. The usually
attendant failures and mishaps will co-operate with other causes, to
throw the mines into the hands of a distinct class of men, who, having
a knowledge of the business, and having capital at command, will
eventually conduct all the mining operations in the country.
Whether the effects be good or bad, their influence will not be
confined to North Carolina. It will be felt in Virginia, South
Carolina, and Georgia,—the people in the upper parts of these states
having far more interest in the mines than is generally supposed.
When the cheapness of obtaining the timber necessary for machinery,
the certainty of labour, and the security of property under such a
government as that of the United States, are deeply considered; these
mines might be far more worth the attention of an English company
than many a scheme in which English capital is already embarked.
Applications to government for charters will most probably be more
numerous in every succeeding year. The capital required to form a
company would not, I was informed, exceed 40,000_l_. or 50,000_l_.
* * * * *
No one can visit the United States without hearing of President
Jackson’s celebrated “veto” on internal improvements, and every
disinterested individual would, I humbly think, be ready to admit
that the sentiments it contains are just and valuable, because they
display a solid attachment to the letter of the constitution. By the
articles of the constitution, the powers of the federal government,
with reference to its expenditure of the national funds upon internal
improvements in the Union, are confined to the establishment of
post-offices and post-roads. On the 27th May, 1830, in the firm
persuasion that the words ‘post-roads’ could apply only to those which
might prove of general benefit to the citizens of the Union, and not
to those which conferred an advantage only upon the inhabitants of any
particular state, a bill entitled “An Act authorising a subscription
of stock in the Maysville, Washington, Paris, and Lexington turnpike
road Company,” was returned by the President to the house of
representatives, without having received his signature. In the veto
by which it was accompanied, he shows that “grants for internal
improvements from the national treasury, have been made professedly
under the control of the general principle, that the works which might
be thus aided should be of a general, not local—national, not state
character; and that a disregard of this distinction would of necessity
lead to the subversion of the federal system. The road in question had
no regard to any general system of improvements, and was exclusively
without the limits of the state; starting at a point on the Ohio
river, and running out sixty miles to an interior town, and even as
far as that state was concerned, of partial, not general advantage.”
In another part of the veto he adds, “that if it be the desire of the
people, that the agency of the federal government should be confined
to the appropriation of money in aid of such undertakings in virtue
of state authority; then the occasion, the manner, and the extent
of the appropriations, should be made the subject of constitutional
regulation.” In about three years, the national debt of the United
States will be paid off, and the government will find itself in
possession of a surplus revenue of ten or twelve millions of dollars.
To divide it amongst the states, will be unconstitutional, because
it will render the states too dependent on the favour of the federal
government; and as it is collected chiefly by means of the tariff, it
cannot cease to exist so long as the tariff remains in force.
Without a limited and defining authority, arising from a constitutional
adjustment of this power of distribution upon equitable principles, it
is beyond a doubt that neither Mr. Clay, nor any other person who may
be president, could give any thing like universal satisfaction amid the
“scramble for appropriations,”—as the veto has it,—which could not but
ensue upon the conflicting and uncontrollable variety of interest that
is annually increasing in the American community.
* * * * *
The progress of reform in England, and in Europe generally, is watched
with the most intense interest by the Americans. A deep feeling of
regard and sympathy for the mother country, as they term it, is still
general, and I think increasing; and though most of the Americans
believe their own country is the first in the world, they are still
reasonable enough to assign to Great Britain the second place in the
scale of nations. Those airs which it must be admitted so frequently
render an Englishman ridiculous, when travelling on the old continent,
would be entirely thrown away in the United States. All pretentions
to importance are disregarded, even without being canvassed, as
they might be in Europe; but so long as an Englishman behaves with
propriety, the Americans will entertain more respect for his name and
character, than they care to avow openly. They wish us well through
our troubles, and watch with sincere pity what they consider to be the
approaching downfal of our constitution: but at the same time their
national vanity receives something very like gratification from the
belief, that we shall be forced to adopt a form of government similar
to their own. That the American form of government is admirably adapted
to a new country, that that country has astonishing resources, and
that the Americans lose no time in making the most of them, (I speak
of America as a country, not of the Union, for America must thrive
come what will to the government) that it has thriven under its
institutions, and is at present enjoying an exemption from many evils
incidental to older countries, it would be an absurdity to deny. But
the natural causes of prosperity which the Americans so pre-eminently
enjoy, must not be mistaken, as they most fondly and frequently are,
for the positive effects, and little more than the positive effects, of
a good government, however good and well adapted that government may
be. The American constitution has never been tried. That it was nearly
a bankrupt at the close of the last war, was a trial of the resources
of the country, not of its institutions. Forty years is no time to
test the strength of a government like that of the United States,
when civilization is extended over so small a proportion of them. The
good is perceived at present; the evils are latent, and comparatively
little felt. But there are among the institutions of the Union, the
seeds of discord and confusion, whose growth is only stifled by the
bustle of commercial pursuits, and that panacea for every political
disease, a fine country abounding in resources, and of small population
in comparison to its extent. It is possible that the mischief will not
be felt, so long as there is no real motive for disaffection; so long
in fact as the people are not in want, which may not be the case while
ground yet remains to be cultivated.
In England and America universal suffrage would be alike only in name.
In America it is true, that almost every one can vote; but then it
is equally true, that excepting in the larger cities in which may
be always found, even in America, a certain proportion of persons
without any ostensible means of getting a livelihood, every one has
at least a prospective certainty of the acquisition of property. The
poor, comparatively speaking, are so few, that universal suffrage is,
at present, but a mere hydra in embryo. Were the present course of
improvement to proceed without interruption, from what the political
economists call the disturbing causes,—were luxury to be kept at a
distance, and a forced equality and contentment to be preserved by a
strong and universal exertion of the democratic principle,—it would be
demonstrable, that the American constitution would last for centuries;
or in other words, till the country became so thickly peopled as to
be subject to the evils resulting to England, and the older dynasties
of Europe. If a democracy be essentially the best form of government,
it would follow that a surplus population, that unhappy proof of its
excellence, would but be called the sooner into existence. Then will
come the real moment of trial, whether a democracy can exist under
the pressure of want—whether those that have any thing to lose, would
not be at the mercy of those that have not—whether an equality of
condition would not be considered as conferring a title to a community
of goods—whether, when such a state of things is apprehended, a
standing armed force, be it called by what name it may, would not be
necessary, not to repress foreign invasion, but to put down domestic
commotions—whether taxes must not be levied for its support—and whether
those taxes would not be found exceedingly troublesome. In an article
in the American Quarterly Review, (July 1831), evidently written in
a wantonness of spirit that savours of ambition, or disappointment,
or of both, and in which we are kindly told the easiest road to ruin,
it is remarked that “our forefathers were habituated to the European
system, but they built up the republican colonies with infinite ease.”
But may it not be here remarked, that as it is the boast, and justly
the boast, of the Americans, and of the New Englanders in particular,
that the tone of liberty which pervades their institutions is derived
through the blood of the Puritans, who did build up the colonies with
infinite ease, and whose descendants are still living; so it must not
be forgotten that the Hampdens, the Hazelrigs, the Cromwells, and
others, who were prevented from embarking for America by the order of
their obstinate and ill-fated monarch, were men of the same opinions
as the “forefathers” mentioned above; that they did remain behind—that
they did fight against the monarchy of England—that they did obtain
the victory—that they did enjoy the ascendancy to their hearts’
content—and that they did establish a commonwealth in England, not to
flourish for ever as an example to the world, but to be overthrown by
a military force, which brought back the son of the last king amid the
acclamations of every rank of society.
Supposing the blood to be shed, and the horrors to be passed through,
that must be shed and passed through before the experiment of a
commonwealth could be again tried in England, is it possible that it
could exist, situated as Great Britain is with reference to the other
powers of Europe, without an unemployed standing army? and then again,
is it possible that it could exist with one? Where in the annals of
the world can the compatibility of the one and the other be pointed
to? England is but paying the penalty necessarily consequent on her
career of prosperity. Her constitution can no more be blamed for the
existence of a standing army, than for a superabundant population, or
the enormous size of London.
By what then is it probable that the career of the Union will be
disturbed? Are not wealth and luxury to have their due weight? It is to
the credit of the Americans, that individual wealth has never yet been
employed for any unconstitutional purpose; but it is nevertheless true,
that an aristocracy is most undeniably springing up in every city of
the Union. In the course of time many large fortunes will be amassed,
and opulent families will be distributed throughout the country. It
will be but in the spirit of human nature, that a person in possession
of what in common American would be termed “an elegant location,”
should wish to have upon it a better house than his neighbours, and
that another should wish to have a still better; and is it to be
believed that the head of a rich and ambitious family will be for
ever, as now, restrained by the voice of public opinion from doing his
utmost to prevent a fine place from going out of his family? Can the
inclination remain in thraldom, and the man be said to enjoy liberty?
Will not one example be followed as a precedent by five hundred others?
and will not an hereditary aristocracy be produced in this manner?
The system of entails in England is considered by the Americans as
highly pernicious; but their idea of its extent is far beyond the
truth. On this head I have heard great ignorance displayed by them.
Some think that an entailed estate cannot be destroyed at all; but
that an entailed estate cannot, in any case, be destroyed without the
consent of the eldest son, is the more common error; one which is
prevalent with the uninitiated even in England, and is, of course,
still more so among the Americans, who are but little aware that an
estate cannot, in any case, be rendered unalienable for more than one
generation; or, technically speaking, for more than a life or lives in
being, and twenty-one years afterwards. This rule has been a favourite
with English lawyers, because, on the one hand, it prevents landed
property from being unavailable for commercial purposes for a longer
period than one generation; and, on the other, it makes reasonable
allowance for the English policy of keeping up the families of our
nobility and gentry. From whence then does the vulgar error principally
arise? From this circumstance: under the usual form of settlement, the
father has the present enjoyment of the estate, and the son has the
inheritance in tail in expectancy; and in this case the father and
son, as soon as the latter is of age, may do what they please with the
estate; and it is a very common arrangement for them to agree to make
a fresh settlement, which ties up the estate for another generation.
But this is only an exercise of their absolute power of disposal,
which they might, if they pleased, exercise by selling the estate, or
otherwise getting rid of it. If no fresh settlement has been made, and
the son outlives the father, he alone may do what he pleases with the
estate, without asking the consent of his eldest son or of any other
person. The Americans are little aware that there is not a nobleman’s
estate in the country, with the exception of Blenheim, Strathfieldsay,
and perhaps half a dozen others, where the reversion is in the crown
under some very old grant, which could not be absolutely disposed of,
_once, at least_, in every generation. That there is a power of making
unalienable entails in Scotland, (with irritant and resolutive clauses,
as the Scotch lawyers have it), where the person making them is not
indebted at the time, is a truth which I do not conceive could have
given rise to the error respecting those in England.
* * * * *
The proceedings at the next session of congress will be of the utmost
importance, and before this work be out of the press, the tariff
question will probably have given rise to as much angry discussion as
has ever been heard within the walls of the capitol.