In my way back to the city, I visited the Penitentiary of Pe

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

Small caps in the text is denoted by UPPERCASE.

Superscript text is denoted by text preceded by a caret.

Example: C^o.

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[Illustration:

G.T. Vigne delṭ

NIAGARA.

T.S. Engleheart.sculpṭ

]

SIX MONTHS

IN

AMERICA.

SIX MONTHS

IN

AMERICA.

BY

GODFREY T. VIGNE, ESQ.

OF LINCOLN’S INN, BARRISTER AT LAW.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

WHITTAKER, TREACHER, & CO.

AVE MARIA LANE.

1832.

LONDON:

Manning and Co., Printers, 4, London House Yard,

St. Pauls.

SIX MONTHS IN AMERICA.

READER,

I will not inflict upon you the penalty of preface or dedication, being

fully persuaded that you would care for neither; and therefore if

you are disposed to follow me to America, I will inform you at once,

that after having seen the greater part of Europe, I went on board

the packet, George Canning, on the 24th of March, 1831, and sailed

from Liverpool for New York, with my note-book, sketch-book, gun, and

fishing rod—alone, unbewifed and unbevehicled, as a man ought to

travel, and with the determination of being, as far as an Englishman

can be, unprejudiced; and of seeing all I could of the United States in

the space of about six months.

Having said this, I beg of you to remember that I do not profess to

tell you what may be seen in a year. I may be allowed to mention,

that the George Canning is one of the best of the twenty-six packets

that sail from Liverpool to different parts of North America. Every

possible comfort and every reasonable luxury is at the command of the

passenger; and, whether he be confined to his state-room from the

effects of sea-sickness, or indulging a most Atlantic appetite, and

quaffing champagne to the memory of Columbus, he cannot fail at the end

of his voyage to be loud in the praises of her excellent commander,

Captain Allyn. We saw an average number of young whales, but contrived

to miss the icebergs and the sea-serpent; and after an excellent

passage of twenty-three-days (the voyage from Liverpool, at this season

of the year, being scarcely ever less than thirty), we sailed through

the Narrows into the splendid bay of New York. The passage so named is

about three quarters of a mile in width, and defended by four or five

hundred pieces of cannon. The most prominent object is a diamond-shaped

fort, which appears to rise out of the water, and is called Fort La

Fayette, because it fired its first salute in honour of that General,

upon his arrival on the shores of America in 1824. The fort on the New

Jersey side, as if in opposition to its French-named antagonist, is

known by the very English name of Fort Tomkins.

On the Long Island beach is seen New Utrecht, a small sea-bathing

place, and celebrated as the spot where the British troops, under

the command of Sir Henry Clinton, were landed without opposition,

previously to their attack of New York in 1776. Numerous vessels of

different sizes that had been detained outside by contrary winds, were

working their way through the Narrows at the same time, and presented

a most animating spectacle. They were from all parts of the world; the

sun shone full upon their white sails; the broad bright pine-streak

reddened beneath his declining rays, and added a characteristic

elegance to the appearance of the American ships, which taken as a

class, are certainly handsomer than those of any other nation. That the

trim and figure of a British merchantman are usually inferior to those

of America, is owing to the circumstance of there being no tonnage-duty

in America; and therefore, their ships are constructed for the

carriage of a given number of tons with the greatest speed; but by the

British method of rating their ships, a merchantman can be constructed

so as to carry more than her legal tonnage without paying for it; of

which John Bull very properly takes advantage by swelling out his ships

as much as possible, so long as he can avoid the liability of being

charged at a higher rate.

We had scarcely entered the bay when the wind dropped; steam-boats

were plying in all directions, and one of them coming alongside, I

was glad to avail myself of her assistance, and arrived at New York

before sunset. Within two minutes after I had landed I found myself

in the Broadway, the principal street and promenade in the city. At

two o’clock on every fine day, all the fashion and too-gaily dressed

beauty of New York are to be seen there. It contains the finest shops,

and altogether has a very lively and city-like appearance, which,

nevertheless, suffers considerably on account of the houses being

mostly built of red brick. Its width, I should say, is about the same

as that of Oxford-street; in length it is, or rather will be when

finished, about three miles. The courts of justice hold their sittings

in the city-hall, a large and handsome building of Massachusetts white

marble and brown free-stone, which stands in the centre of what is

called the Park, a green open space on the side of the Broadway. The

prison, a gloomy-looking structure, is too conspicuous, and exceedingly

handy, being so near to it that a “ponte de ’i sospiri” might be thrown

across from one to the other with great effect. But it is not in the

contemplation of the most refined and magnificent works of art, that

the European traveller in the United States must expect to derive

his principal gratification. The public buildings in New York for

the different purposes of charity, education, and commerce, are very

numerous; but there are none that can lay claim to his particular

attention: in a few hours, with a little assistance from a cabriolet

or an omnibus, he might see all that is worth his notice in the city,

considered merely as a collection of buildings, containing 200,000

inhabitants. It is the extraordinary energy and urgency of commerce

that will chiefly attract his attention. The wharfs on the North

river are flanked by superb steam-boats, daily and hourly employed

in the conveyance of thousands; those on the East river, by double

and triple lines of the most beautiful merchantmen; while the three

streets which run successively parallel to them might be taken for

one enormous warehouse, the pavement being nearly blocked up with

merchandise from every country, and exhibiting a rattling and somewhat

dangerous confusion of carts and cranes, that is quite beyond a

“private gentleman’s belief,” till he has seen it. Although the actual

numerical tonnage of the trade of New York is four times less than that

of Liverpool, yet the appearance of bustle and business is far more

striking at New York: the reason is, that there is so much more retail

trade carried on in the latter city than in Liverpool, or any other

city in the world. Innumerable boats descend the North river, laden

with timber, or live and dead stock, and provisions for the markets of

New York, and carry back a petty and varied cargo of wearing apparel

and other necessaries that are wanted in the interior.

Although Philadelphia is a larger place, the balance of trade between

New York and that city is usually, if not always, in favour of New

York. Imported goods sold at Philadelphia, on account of the New York

merchants, are paid for in bills made payable at Philadelphia. The

banks at New York discount these bills, which as they become due are

satisfied on demand by payment in specie; so that there is a constant

flow of hard dollars from Philadelphia to New York.

In order to see the city in perfection, the North river must be

crossed, and a fine view is obtained from any of the rising grounds

on the opposite bank. But to include a distant view of the city and

the bay in the same drawing, I should recommend a station on Staten

Island, or on the opposite heights about Gowanus. On this head the

British public will soon be satisfied. Before I quitted America, I was

favoured with a sight of the most exact and admirable drawings to be

used as materials for the next view at the Colosseum in the Regent’s

Park, which I understood was to be that of New York and its environs.

It is singular that, as in London, they should all have been taken from

the top of St. Paul’s church. Unless I were anxious to write either an

almanack or a guide-book, I think I need not here say more about New

York; reserving for another place any remarks that apply generally to

one city as well as another. I will merely add, that I should strongly

recommend every one to visit the Museum before he commences a tour;

and that the city contains two excellent theatres, of which that in

the Park is the more fashionable: I heard the English version of the

“Cenerentola” performed in very good style: I was delighted with the

singing of our countrywoman. Mrs. Austin, and I laughed heartily at

the drolleries of Mr. Hackett, who is an unrivalled mimic of the

eccentricities of his countrymen. An Italian opera is confidently

expected by the next season. At present the first society in New

York, which is very good, is seldom to be seen at the theatre. In my

ignorance, I was very much astonished the first evening I went there,

at seeing a multitude of persons, who would have thought it a gross

mistake not to have been taken for gentlemen, sitting occasionally in

the front and almost always in the back seats of the dress circle,

with their hats on, in the presence of ladies, who were scattered in

different parts of the same box.

Now, New York, if not the most refined, is certainly, strictly

speaking, the most fashionable place in the Union, and it is not to be

wondered at, that foreigners who have just landed from Europe and who

very probably go to the theatre on the first evening of their arrival,

should thence imbibe strange and unjust ideas of the best American

manners. I have heard that common sense is the characteristic of the

Americans; and I think there is great truth in the remark; but I do not

like it when it is so _very_ common. These republican De Courcys are

very fond of wearing their hats: I never was at church in the United

States, without observing individuals (I do not say many), who would

evidently have been very sorry to have been thought guilty of any

impropriety, putting their hats on when the service was over, in the

very body of the church. These are no trifles when considered as part

of the national manners. But in the United States there is no standard

for manners: their political independence is oftentimes imperceptibly

identified with independence of behaviour that procures for individuals

an unfavourable opinion, of which the men and their minds are alike

unworthy.

It was the twenty-third of April, St. George’s day, when I left New

York to commence my tour; the members of the St. George’s Society were

going to dine together, and the huge banner of the saint was waving

from one of the upper windows of the City-hotel, as I emerged from

the gloomy recesses, in enormous establishments ycleped single-bedded

rooms, and proceeded to the wharf where the New Brunswick steamers are

to be found, and where it is coolly and most intelligibly intimated to

the traveller, in very large letters, that he can have “Transportation

to Philadelphia,” at a very trifling expense. These steam-boats are

necessarily very large; being frequently destined to carry three or

even four hundred passengers: they are constructed in the best manner

for obtaining the greatest proportionate space and a free circulation

of air. They may fairly be said to be three-deckers. The working-beam

is usually placed at a great height above the upper-deck, and the whole

of the engine is so much raised that no inconvenience arises from the

heat of the boilers. When one of these steamers is seen approaching

from a distance, the confusion of green and white galleries gives

it very much the appearance of a moving summer-house. The rapidity

with which we moved across the bay procured me a constant change of

scene: the banks were dotted with small villages, but I observed but

few gentlemen’s seats. At a distance, on the right, stands the town

of Newark, a considerable place, discernible by its white steeples.

We passed Perth Amboy at the mouth of the Rariton river; the first

British settlement in New Jersey. The governor’s house, the picquet and

guard-house, can be seen from the river. The governor’s house resembles

a Gloucestershire spinning mill. I was landed at New Brunswick, where

I found conveyances awaiting the arrival of the steamer in order to

carry its passengers across the country to Bordentown. Notwithstanding

that this road is one of the principal thoroughfares between New

York and Philadelphia, yet I was fairly and quickly jolted into the

conviction that although it was probable I should travel over many that

were as bad, yet that I could not by any possibility find one that was

worse. Allowances are to be made for the roads I afterwards saw, in the

back settlements; but the condition of this one was really disgraceful.

There was a great deal of wood on every side; but it can hardly be

called forest, being what is here termed second-growth wood. A great

part of these lands had been cleared by the earlier settlers, but were

allowed to remain uncultivated, and to be overgrown whenever a soil

of greater fertility and sufficiently protected, was discovered in the

interior of the country.

Bordentown, is a small, but neat and pretty, village on the banks of

the Delaware. On the outskirts is a large and rather irregular brick

building at the extremity of a court-yard, which is flanked by stabling

and other outhouses, with extensive gardens and pleasure grounds

behind them, laid out a l’Anglais. This is the residence of the Count

Survilliers, better known, in England at least, as Joseph Buonaparte.

I was provided with an introduction to his Excellency, and paid him

a morning visit. His reception of me was exceedingly courteous. The

instant he appeared, I was most forcibly struck with the very strong

resemblance he bore to the later portraits of Napoleon. His person, I

should say, was rather larger; the expression of the eye was the same,

though more subdued; the same hair, the same shaped head, and the same

contour of feature generally, with a darker complexion, and a good

set of teeth. I should say, the principal difference was observable

in the mouth, which seemed more inclinable to the jocose than the

sanguinary. After some conversation, which was carried on in French,

and turned chiefly on the subject of European travel, his Excellency

showed me his pictures, which are numerous and interesting. He has

several fine Murillos, and a most beautiful Madonna by Vandyke. He has

many portraits of his own family; among these is one of Napoleon in

his coronation robes, and the well-known picture of the First Consul

on horseback, crossing the Alps. I felt an emotion which I will not

attempt to describe, when, as we passed round the room, he paused

before the latter picture, and drew my attention to it, remarking

that it was the original, by David. The cabinet of statues and

mosaics is also very fine, and the collection altogether by far the

best in America. His Excellency occasionally mixes in society both at

New York and Philadelphia, and talks without reserve of his former

situation, “Quand j’etais roi d’Espagne.” “Dans mes belles affaires,”

are occasionally introduced in his conversation. By his advice I

subsequently mounted the observatory in his grounds. Thence I enjoyed

a very fine view of the country on the opposite side of the Delaware,

whose broad and rapid stream was flowing beneath me; on the left, the

river seemed to lose itself among the distant woods of Pennsylvania; on

the right, at a distance of about six miles, is Trenton, made notorious

by the daring passage of the Delaware, and the subsequent defeat and

capture, of a body of Hessians, by General Washington, on the night

of the 25th of December, 1776, during a violent storm, and when the

danger of the revolutionists was at its crisis.

Bordentown is about twenty-six miles from Philadelphia. The next day I

proceeded to that city in a steam-boat, which stopped for passengers

at every considerable village on the well-wooded, but flat and

uninteresting, banks of the river. At length Philadelphia makes its

appearance, stretching for nearly three miles along the western side of

a bend or angle of the river. This view is certainly a fine one, but

it would be much improved by the appearance of a few more steeples or

lofty structures. From the water two or three only are visible above

this immense assemblage of red houses; and yet the city contains nine

episcopal churches, a great number of public buildings, and charitable

institutions without end.

Great attention is paid to the education of the poorer classes: the

constitution of Pennsylvania declaring, “That the legislature shall, as

soon as convenient, provide by law for the establishment of schools, in

such manner that the poor may be educated without expense.”

Philadelphia has been often described. The streets cross each other

at right angles: those running parallel with the river are numbered,

second, third, fourth, &c.; the others usually bear the name of some

fruit or tree. The word street is usually omitted: in describing the

way, a person would tell you that the place you were looking for was in

Walnut, below fifth; Sassafras, above second; Mulberry, between seventh

and eighth, &c. These streets run over a distance of two miles, from

the Delaware to the Schuyllkill river, which enters the Delaware about

nine miles to the south of Philadelphia. The Bank of Pennsylvania is a

small building, but elegantly designed from the Temple of the Muses,

on the Ilyssus, near Athens.

The new Mint of the United States was unfinished, but promised to be a

chaste and beautiful building, on a larger scale, from the same model.

On the 4th of July, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was signed,

and afterwards read from the steps of the State-house, where the state

courts of justice are now held. The room in which this took place had

been fitted up for La Fayette in 1824, as the most appropriate place

for levee tenure; but when I saw it, it was occupied by workmen, who

had instructions to replace every thing as it was when it acquired its

present reputation.

The Academy of Fine Arts much exceeded my expectations. Although the

most conspicuous pictures were those of American academicians, yet here

and there the eye was attracted by a Vandyke, a Rubens, a Guercino,

and a Salvator Rosa, or some good copies from them. There were a few

landscapes by Ruysdael, and a fine Murillo: the subject was the Roman

daughter. The productions from the English school, were portraits

of John H. Powell, Esq. by Sir Thomas Lawrence, of John Kemble by

Sir M. A. Shee, and another of Dugald Stuart by Sir H. Raeburn. Any

person conversant with the pictures of this latter artist, would have

recognised this, by the usual green colouring in the back-ground. There

were five admirable portraits by Mr. Stewart, the American artist, of

the Presidents Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. The

best full-length portrait of Washington is that in the Fauneuil Hall

at Boston; but as a half-length this is, I believe, considered the

original. They were all remarkable for their easy and unsophisticated

attitudes. Mr. Stewart has been dead about five years. Mr. Hardinge

has also very great merit as a portrait painter; but Mr. Sully has the

reputation of being the first in America. A portrait of Sir Thomas

Lawrence, by that gentleman, is a most successful imitation of the

style of the late president. He exhibited also an excellent full-length

portrait of General La Fayette; and Mr. Tuman, a scarcely inferior

artist, is at present employed in painting another, of Mr. Penn, which

will occupy a place beside the General in the Hall of Independence. I

also observed a composition-landscape, by Mr. Fisher, which had very

great merit. It was well remarked in the preface to the catalogue,

that so many of the pictures did not need indulgence, in comparison

with that which had heretofore been cheerfully, and with justice,

conceded to them. This was very true of a large proportion of them,

but some nevertheless, needed it not a little; and in fact had no

business there. It is a pity that the Americans do not take warning

by the constant outcry that for so many years has been justly raised

against the swarm of portraits that annually cluster on the walls of

Somerset-house. They might well devote more of their time and talent to

historical painting. With the exception of the “Sortie from Gibraltar,”

by Colonel Trumbull, and another very indifferent picture, there were,

I think, no historical pieces in the room appropriated to modern

events. The Americans cannot plead a want of subjects: the revolution

is not half illustrated; besides, they may depend upon it, portrait

painting is a very aristocratical thing after all, and should not be

generally encouraged, on that account. In running over the walls of a

modern exhibition-room, the eye is fatigued by its endeavours to avoid

an encounter with the features of individuals in a new character, to

which many of them never had the slightest pretensions, except upon

canvass.

The water-works on the Schuyllkill are probably the finest in the

world: they can scarcely be praised too highly for beauty of design,

simplicity of construction, and real usefulness. A dam, sixteen hundred

feet in length, is thrown across the river, by which the stream is

backed up for several miles, and an enormous water-power thus created.

The solid rock has been excavated, in order to obtain what is termed a

race; and by means of huge double-forcing pumps, worked by four immense

wheels, the water is thrown up into an ample reservoir, fifty-six

feet above the highest ground in the city. It is calculated that each

wheel and pump could raise one million two hundred and fifty thousand

gallons in twenty-four hours, if allowed to play without intermission.

The rising ground in the neighbourhood of the water-works affords

the best and nearest general view of the city. Thence I visited the

botanical gardens of Mr. Pratt, containing a very fine orangery and

a choice collection of exotics, and delightfully situated on the

east side of the Schuyllkill, which spreads out to a great extent

immediately beneath them, with banks wooded to the water’s edge. In a

very few years this fine scene is destined to be unnatured. By this

time a rail-road is commenced, which will run from Philadelphia to

Columbia, a distance of eighty-two miles: it will there join the great

Pennsylvanian canal, which has been finished nearly all the way from

the eastern side of the Alleghany mountains. In order to pass these, a

rail-road on inclined planes, will be constructed; by which the rich

mineral productions on the western slope of the mountains, consisting

chiefly of iron and bituminous coal of the finest quality, will be

quickly forwarded to Philadelphia in any quantity. The greatest height

of the Alleghany mountains in Pennsylvania, is thirteen hundred feet.

The rail-road I have mentioned, will pass at a short distance from the

water-works; and therefore, in all probability, no very long period

will elapse before the vicinity will become a coal-yard.

The porcelain manufactory is not far off. I was told that the material

was little inferior to that of Sevres, but I found the painting

indifferent. French China is still preferred, and superiority cannot

yet be expected in this department.

In my way back to the city, I visited the Penitentiary of Pennsylvania.

This is the most extensive building in the United States. The front

is 670 feet in length—very handsome, and bearing a baronial and gloomy

appearance, in the style of our old English castles. Its area is a

square, with a tower at each angle of the prison wall. It is intended

that eight corridors should radiate from an observatory in the centre

of the area, but only three are in use at present. These contain the

cells, and command a free circulation of air, and a plentiful supply

of water. The only punishment adopted, is solitary confinement.

This Penitentiary is too young an establishment to afford a perfect

confidence in the opinions of those who are favourable to its system.

The reports of the inspectors are, however, extremely encouraging.

The first and present warder (Mr. Samuel R. Wood) was only appointed

in June 1829. This gentleman, who is well known as a kind of second

Howard in his way, has visited many of the principal prisons in

Europe; and now finds employment for his talents and his humanity

in, I believe, his native city. Every crime committed in the state

of Pennsylvania, on this side of the Alleghany mountains, that is

punishable by imprisonment at all for the space of one year or more, is

to be expiated by solitary confinement within this Penitentiary. That

at Pittsburg, on the Ohio, receives those whose crimes are committed

on the western side of the Alleghany. Every prisoner is allowed to

work at his trade; or if he have none, or one that he cannot follow

in his cell, he is allowed to choose one, and is instructed by one

of the overseers, who are all masters of different trades. Mr. Wood,

in his last report, gives it as his opinion, that a prisoner who

has two years or upwards to remain in prison, can, in his solitary

cell, earn sufficient to clear all his expenses from his admission

till his discharge. The Philadelphia system differs from that at

Sing-sing, in the state of New York. At Sing-sing, the prisoners are

brought out to work together, but are not allowed to speak to each

other. At Philadelphia they never work together; and from the time

of his admission, one prisoner never sees, or speaks with, another.

My English ideas were not a little startled at first, when I found

that high treason is expiable by solitary confinement for not less

than three, nor more than six years; and that the punishment for the

second offence was solitary confinement for ten years. Treason against

the state of Pennsylvania is here alluded to. By the articles of the

constitution, treason against the United States shall consist only in

levying war against them; or in adhering to their enemies, giving them

aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on

the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession

in open court. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of

treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or

forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. Treason

against the United States is a capital offence. Murder, in the second

degree, that is, murder committed in a sudden quarrel, but without

malice prepense, is punished by solitary confinement at labour for

three, and not more than six years; for the second offence, for a

period not exceeding ten years. The punishment for burglary is solitary

confinement for not less than two, nor more than ten years; for the

second offence, for a period not exceeding fifteen years. For robbery,

or being accessory thereto before the fact, the period is for not less

than one, nor more than seven years; for the second offence, for a

period not exceeding twelve years. Mayhem, kidnapping, horsestealing,

perjury, &c. are all punished by solitary confinement for different

periods. Almost every species of forgery, or aiding, abetting, or

commanding the perpetration of a forgery, whether it be of the coin

of the state, or have reference to the sale, utterance, or delivery,

or having in possession the metallic plate used in the forging of

any note of any bank incorporated in the state of Pennsylvania; or

forging, defacing, corrupting, or embezzling any charters, gifts,

grants, bonds, bills, wills, conveyances, or contracts; or defacing,

or falsifying any enrolment, registry, or record; or forging any

entry of the acknowledgment, certificate, or endorsement, whereby the

freehold or inheritance of any person or persons may be charged; or of

counterfeiting the hand or seal of another with intent to defraud; or

the privy or great seal of the state of Pennsylvania, is punished with

solitary confinement for a period of not less than one, nor more than

seven years; and for the second offence, for a period not exceeding ten

years. It is expected that few offenders will run the risk of solitary

confinement for a second time.

When first received, the prisoner is left alone, and it seldom happens

that he does not ask for a Bible, and work, after the lapse of a

few hours. A Bible and a few other religious books are allowed him.

In a few days the withdrawal of his employment is felt, and adopted

as a punishment, with the most obstinate and hardened. The chaplain

occasionally visits the prisoners, and on Sundays he takes a station

whence the words of prayer and exhortation can be heard by every

prisoner in his cell, as they echo along the vaulted roof of the

corridor.

If any punishment can be said to be dignified, that of solitary

confinement has a claim to that epithet. Justice to society is nobly

done, not only in the removal of the prisoner in the first instance,

but, secondly, by enabling him to return, as it were, to the world,

a wiser and a better man. The end of solitary confinement is the

reformation of the criminal, by obliging him to think who never thought

before. If reflection can be awakened, and conscience can obtain a

hearing, its advantages will be readily acknowledged. The prisoner is

forced to commune with his own soul: the all-powerful voice of ridicule

is absent and unheard; remorse is not stifled, and penitence is not

put to flight, by the sneers of a dissolute companion: with no one to

admire, and applaud his resolution to be “game”—to submit, is the only

alternative.

In England the system could not, generally, I think, succeed. The

effect of solitary confinement might be the same on the moral character

of the prisoner, but unless something like a permanent means of getting

a livelihood be secured to him, after his removal from the prison, the

principal and best object of the punishment would not be obtained.

This would be extremely difficult in a country of small extent, with

a superabundant population, and a supply of labour far exceeding

the demand. The regenerated offender might, perhaps, contrive to

avoid observation; but if necessity compelled him to labour for his

subsistence, it is probable that he would not find employment; and the

necessary consequence would be, that all his good resolutions would

vanish at the approach of want.

No country is so well adapted for the experiment as the United States

of America. Enterprise is abroad in every direction, and labour is

well paid. When the period of confinement is at an end, the criminal

may wander to any corner of that vast continent,—and go where he will,

the wages of industry are always at his command. He is in little fear

of being recognised by his fellow-prisoners, because no prisoner is

allowed to see another. His former associates in crime are dispersed,

or in prison, or in the grave; and the hope that attended him in his

cell is realised, by the facility of gaining a new character, and

friends who are ignorant of his crime. It should be added to this

notice of the Penitentiary, that every cell opens into a small paved

court-yard, in which the prisoner can take exercise; and that the

system has not been found prejudicial to health of mind or body, as had

been anticipated.

I visited the Museum at Philadelphia, which is said to be the best

in the United States. It contains a skeleton of the mammoth; a fine

collection of Indian curiosities and American animals: the most

extraordinary of these is, perhaps, a specimen of the gigantic raya

or ray, or devil-fish, measuring twelve feet in length, by fifteen in

breadth; and weighing more than 2000 lbs. In the gallery are arranged a

number of portraits, chiefly of distinguished Americans, which are said

to be admirable likenesses; but certainly not valuable as paintings.

I was much better pleased altogether with the museum belonging to the

Academy of Natural Sciences. It is much smaller than the other, but far

more scientifically arranged.

The Dock-yard at Philadelphia contained, when I visited it, a sixty-gun

frigate, nearly finished; and the Pennsylvania, a four decker, with

a round stern, also in an unfinished state, and destined to carry

one hundred and forty-four guns. This enormous vessel is two hundred

and twenty feet in length, and fifty-eight across the main-beam.

Her timbers seemed light, in proportion to her immense size; they

certainly do not appear to be thicker than those of an ordinary British

seventy-four. The great strength of the knees, however, are said to

compensate for the apparent weakness of her other timbers. There were

no workmen employed upon her, and saltpetre was strewed over her

wherever it would lie. She is larger than the old Santissima Trinidad,

destroyed at Trafalgar; but not so large as a Turkish ship of the line,

launched, I believe, since the battle of Navarino. All the guns of the

Pennsylvania will be thirty-two-pound carronades on the spar-deck, and

long guns on the others. Her anchor weighs more than 11,000 lbs. With

such a tremendous weight of metal, it is probable that she would not be

able to stand the wear and tear of the long blockades in which many of

our ships were employed during the war.

The timber of the live-oak, so called from its being an evergreen, is

supposed to be imperishable. This tree grows almost exclusively in the

Southern States; but is annually becoming more scarce and valuable, as

the extreme slowness of its growth cannot keep pace with the demand:

the Americans will probably find themselves obliged to plant it, before

another quarter of a century has elapsed.

The following treatment of the different kinds of timber used in the

American navy is recommended in the report of the Secretary of the Navy

for 1829. Live-oak should be immersed for twelve months in water, then

taken up and placed under cover to protect it against sun, rain, and

high winds. Its immersion is recommended by the fact that it renders

it less liable to split. White-oak which is inferior to the British

white, or navy-oak, should be docked about eighteen months in fresh,

or two years in salt water; then taken up and sawed into such sizes

as may be required, then placed under cover for about two or three

years. Yellow pine should be docked about twelve months; then taken up,

sawed, and covered for two years. Mast timber should be immersed and

covered in mud till wanted for use. All timber ought to be cut when

the greatest portion of sap is in circulation, at some time from the

first of November to the end of February; it should then be immersed in

water, and never taken out but early in the spring: and it was given as

an opinion, that if all timber underwent this process, the ships might

last double the time they otherwise would.

I went to both the principal theatres, but did not think that either

they or the performances were as good as at New York. I saw Mr.

Cooper, the famed American actor, in some old play, of which I forget

the name. His voice is extremely good: I remember that I thought him

dignified, but rather stiff, without however being the least awkward in

his acting. I also saw young Burke, as Doctor Pangloss. His acting I

thought admirable, and most humourous; and his violin playing is quite

extraordinary for his age. His tragedy is very little inferior to his

comedy.

* * * * *

The United States’ bank at Philadelphia is a beautiful building, being

a copy from the Parthenon, with such alterations as were absolutely

indispensable in order to render it fit for purposes of business. It

has no side columns; but the portico is a splendid specimen of the

Doric. The Ionic pillars in the interior, were brought from Italy.

The present United States’ bank, was incorporated by Act of Congress

on the 10th of April, 1816, and is chartered till the 3d of March,

1836. It paid a bonus to Government of 1,500,000 dollars. Its capital

is 35,000,000 dollars, divided into 350,000 shares of 100 dollars

each; 70,000 shares were subscribed by government, which therefore

became a proprietor of one fifth. After a thorough investigation of

the right of Congress to pass an act of incorporation, this bank was

first called into existence in the year 1791, when General Washington

was president; and its charter expired in the year 1811. The two

opposing parties of Federalist and Democrat had in effect began to

show themselves, though not exactly by those names, in 1787. In 1790,

Mr. Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, made his celebrated report

on the state of the public debts contracted during the revolutionary

war. He proposed that the debts of the continental Congress and those

incurred by the States individually, should be funded by the general

government, and that the interest should be paid by taxes on articles

of luxury and on ardent spirits. This, it was thought, would give too

much power to the Federal government, in opposition to the rights

of the States separately considered; and it was on account of their

conflicting opinions respecting this federal measure, that the two

parties who supported or opposed the new constitution, first acquired

the names of Federalist and Democrat. Their first differences under

these appellations, were on the bank question, which afterwards

became, and is now to a certain extent, a test of political principle.

Its establishment had been opposed on constitutional grounds by Mr.

Jefferson and Mr. Madison; by the former in the executive cabinet,

and by the latter in congress, and both distinguished Democrats. It

was asserted that congress had no power to create corporations. The

Federalist was in favour of a liberal construction of the articles of

the constitution, and an extension of the powers thereby vested in

the federal assembly or congress of the United States, in opposition

to what are termed state rights, or powers claimed separately by the

states in their individual capacity. The federalist was said to be

friendly to Great Britain, and to be indifferent to the principles of

the French revolution. He was in favour of the Alien law, by which the

president was enabled to compel suspected foreigners to leave the

country; and of the Sedition law, which provided for the prosecution

and punishment of false and malicious accusations against the president

and members of congress. In fact, these measures were passed by

congress during the administration of John Adams, who succeeded General

Washington, and was the second and last of the federal party elected to

the office of president. The democrat regarded the principles of the

federalist as far too aristocratical for the atmosphere of America.

He was a strict interpreter of the articles of the constitution, and

kept a careful watch, lest the federal government, in its united

capacity, should usurp any powers which he considered as the rights and

privileges of individual states. Under the overwhelming influence of

the democrat principles, which have been on the increase more and more

from the first year of Mr. Jefferson’s presidency, the federalist party

have experienced a great decrease in number, and their principles have

lost much of their rigidity. In fact, the two parties may be said to be

nearly extinct, even in name; the terms Federalist and Democrat being

rarely mentioned now.

The federalist was always the enemy of universal suffrage. He was for

imposing a substantial qualification on every voter; on the principle

that property, and not persons, should be represented. In Pennsylvania

for instance, the right of suffrage is possessed by every freeman of

the age of twenty-one years, who has resided in the state for two years

next preceding, and who within that time, has paid a state or county

tax, assessed at least six months before the election: and a poll tax

of fifty cents per annum, confers this right upon individuals who are

not in circumstances to pay any other. That corruption to a great

extent is generated by this system, is admitted on all hands; it is

obviously a matter of course that it should be so. Even in democratic

America there are to be found thousands who readily acknowledge the

real causes of their prosperity to be identified with those that have

prevented this system from figuring in its real colours; and who

freely admit that it proceeds from a comparative exemption from taxes;

an unbounded extent of country; an admirable spirit of enterprise; a

population not too large, and a consequent abundance of employment—not

from the existence of a peculiar political system.

But to return to the subject of the United States’ bank. When Mr.

Jefferson and the democrats came into power, the renewal of the bank

charter was discussed as a party question. At this period excitement

was at its height; and the federalists made themselves so conspicuous

by their indiscriminating opposition to those measures of commercial

restriction adopted by the democrats in power, against Great Britain,

in compliance with the policy of the new French government, that they

were considered by a large proportion of the American nation, as

the apologists for the conduct of a country already regarded in the

light of a public enemy. Yet such was the general opinion of the good

that had been diffused throughout the Union by the bank, that the

question of the renewal of its charter, was only lost by the casting

vote of the president of the senate, and by one vote in the house of

representatives. In less than three years after the expiration of the

charter in 1811, the war with Great Britain having taken place in the

mean time, the finances were in a state of incredible embarrassment;

and the re-establishment of the United States’ bank recommended by Mr.

Dallas, who was then secretary to the treasury, received the sanction

of Mr. Madison; and the measure passed both branches of congress during

the ascendency of that very party which was previously opposed to it.

In consequence of the non-renewal of the bank charter, bank credit

to the amount of 15,000,000 of dollars was withdrawn from the public

service, and a number of local banks immediately sprang up.

Freed from the salutary control of the United States’ bank, they

commenced a system of imprudent trading, and excessive issues, which

speedily disordered the currency of the country; and notwithstanding

all her resources, and all her patriotism, in the last year of the

last war, the United States were on the eve of bankruptcy, solely for

the want of some national institution that would have assisted the

exigences of government, and supported a circulating medium of general

credit throughout the Union. The loss of the United States during

the three years when there was no bank, was estimated at not less

than 46,000,000 of dollars, sustained exclusively by want of a sound

currency and an efficient system of finance.

The United States’ bank has established branch banks at twenty-two of

the principal commercial cities of the Union. When it was first opened

there were, as we have seen, but two parties in the country, both

acting from motives purely patriotic. The number is now increased, and

interest is not now, as it was then, left out of the question. The bank

charter does not expire till 1836; but the sentiments of the president

on the subject of its renewal, which so deeply involves the commercial

happiness of the Union, cannot but be speculated upon with peculiar

interest, even at this distance of time.

It is said that General Jackson is unfavourable to its renewal. In

his message of 1830 he expressed an opinion, that the bank had failed

in the great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency. This

is supposed to have reference merely to the circumstance of the

bank, not in all cases redeeming the bills issued by any one of its

branches indiscriminately at all the others. But it would be an obvious

injustice to oblige the bank to any such measure: the attempt would be

quite incompatible with its existence; as it is evident, that if the

exchange were unfavourable in one State, and favourable in another,

the flow of notes from the State where it is unfavourable, would

soon suspend or contract all the operations of the bank; and the very

evil of an inequality of the currency, which the establishment was

designed to remedy, would be increased by a vain attempt to perform

impossibilities. I need not, however, pursue this subject further;

but will only add, that all reasoning and experience seem to favour a

belief in the advantages which the banking establishment has conferred

on the country. It is, besides, in possession of a considerable surplus

fund, after deducting seven per cent., which will enable it to meet

any contingences that may arise. In lieu of the United States’ bank,

an establishment to be termed a national bank, founded on the credit

of the government and its revenues, has been proposed by General

Jackson and others. Five hundred agents are employed at the present

moment in transacting the affairs of the United States’ bank; but the

enormous increase of patronage which would accrue to the government

by the establishment of the proposed National bank, would be nothing

in comparison with the power that would be vested in it, from its

having under its control the dispensation of bank accommodations to

the amount of at least 50,000,000 of dollars. When these consequences

are considered, it is difficult to conceive how such a plan could find

support among the subjects of a government professing to be thoroughly

democratical.

The society of Philadelphia is, taken all together, the best in the

United States. The gay season is during the winter months. Balls and

concerts are then frequent and well attended: in this respect I was

unfortunate, as I was in that city in May—but I was partly recompensed

for my loss, by the promenade in Washington Square, which, although

shady enough, and prettily laid out, is not what the most fashionable

promenade in Philadelphia ought to be;—and I could not but remark, that

the display of beauty and elegance to be seen there about six o’clock

on the afternoon of a fine day, was most richly deserving of a better

place of parade. I cannot in conscience assert that, as far as it went,

I thought it equal, and yet I am scarcely willing to pronounce it

inferior, to the splendid cortège of Kensington gardens.

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Six months in America, vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 1 / 9 段