CHAPTER IV

THE GROWTH OF TERRORISM

When Mr. Lyttelton said that flogging must cease, flogging ceased on

the Rand, and the Oriental methods of torture were adopted instead.

But even this penal system--reminding one so strongly of the days of

Stephen, when the wretched, tortured peasantry openly said that Christ

and His saints slept, for Pity had veiled her face and Mercy had

forgotten--had to be practised with great secrecy owing to the force of

public opinion at home.

These methods were, however, unavailing to check the growing insolence

and insubordination of the Chinese slaves. No better idea of the

condition of the Rand during the last few months can be gathered

than from the new Ordinance, which was drafted at the beginning of

last October. This Ordinance took the power of punishing the Chinese

coolies from the hands of the resident magistrates and placed it

in the hands of the inspectors, thereby giving the welfare of the

Chinese slaves solely and entirely into the mercy of the Rand lords.

Before, an attempt had been made to cloak the slave Ordinance with a

pretence of law and justice as conceived by the British public. But the

draft Ordinance of August put an end to this piece of hypocrisy. The

superintendents and the inspectors of the Chinese, for all practical

purposes the servants of the mine owners, were to be not only the judge

and the jury, but the plaintiff. It conferred on the superintendents

and inspectors jurisdiction, in respect of offences against the

Ordinance, of a resident magistrate.

Clause I states--"This power will be granted provided such offences

are committed under the Ordinance and within the area of any mine or

mine compound where such labourer resides. The fines to be inflicted

in the case of conviction will be the same as those imposed by the

magistrates under the existing laws, and on conviction the labourer's

employer will be notified, and the amount of the fine will be deducted

from the labourer's wages and paid over for the benefit of the Colonial

Treasury."

Another clause states that--"For the purpose of confining prisoners

awaiting trial, it is provided that the employers of labourers shall

erect a lock-up on their properties, which lock-up shall be deemed to

be a jail."

Again, in the event of labourers on the mines organizing a conspiracy,

refusing to work, creating a disturbance, intimidating or molesting any

person on the mine, the superintendent or inspector is empowered to

impose a collective fine on the labourers.

Insomuch as this new Ordinance once and for all destroys the myth with

which Rand lords endeavoured to surround their slave-owning ideals, I

consider it to be a decided improvement upon the original Ordinance,

with its innumerable pleasures and pretences for the moral and

spiritual welfare of the Chinamen.

That unfortunate and much-deluded man the Colonial Secretary, once

declared in the House of Commons that the Chinaman would have just as

free access to a court of justice as any British subject. He certainly

now-a-days possesses free access to a court, if not to a court of

justice. Access is so easy to it that the court actually follows him

wherever he goes, watches him while he works in the mine, watches him

while he is in the compound, and is ready to punish and fine him, or to

lock him up in the compound prison, without any of those old-fashioned

formalities which, while they may embody the machinery of justice, are

at least guarantees of its purity and disinterestedness.

It would of course be very interesting to know how many of these fines

have ever reached the Colonial Treasury. Armed with such extraordinary

powers as these, it is highly probable that the Rand lords imposed

through their superintendents and inspectors unlimited fines which,

instead of benefiting the Colonial Revenue, merely reduced the wage

bill.

The last clause which I have quoted contains the phrase "organizing a

conspiracy." A conspiracy, of course, is anything in the nature of a

trade union.

I don't say that this new Ordinance was not justified. I think it was

fully justified. No efficiency can be obtained by half measures. The

ablest political trimmers are incapable of serving both God and Mammon.

If God is out of the question, a whole-hearted worship of Mammon is

really better. In short, it would have been far more in the interests

of the Transvaal if the Rand lords had from the first gone the whole

hog and insisted on having Chinese slaves in name as well as in fact.

The state of affairs in August last wanted extraordinary legislation.

But, of course, this must not be held to justify Chinese labour.

That was criminal. But once the principle of Chinese labour had been

accepted by the Government on behalf of an unwilling and protesting

nation, I fail to see how the unfortunate remnants of British subjects

in the Transvaal could be properly protected without these measures.

I don't see how, when once the Chinese had been brought into the

country, the brutalities that have been committed could have been

avoided. I think the superintendent and the inspector and the overseer

should have the right to shoot men down in cold blood. I think the

compounds should be surrounded by artillery. I think all the ideals

of Russian autocratic rule should be brought to bear upon these men.

The awful brutality with which they have been treated is justified.

The superintendent, the inspector and the overseer should be forced to

make a special study of the methods adopted by Hawkins and Magree.

The British Government wanted Chinese labour to be introduced into the

Transvaal, and if they had been efficient and sensible they should

have accumulated in their Ordinance the wisdom of all the slave-owning

traditions of centuries.

But from an unbiassed perusal of the Rand press one would have imagined

that all these extraordinary measures were unjustified.

The statements that the Chinese were committing outrages, were

insolent, were bestial, which have from time to time appeared in the

British press, were referred to by the Rand press as "more Chinese

lies," "Chinese canards," and such headings. They persistently

impressed upon their readers that the Chinese were leading an

industrious, idyllic life, that they were treated with kindness and

humanity by the overseers, that no happier community ever existed on

the face of the earth than the 40,000 odd Chinamen in their compounds

on the Rand.

Of course, they only kept up this pretence for a time. It was

impossible for long to pretend to be a newspaper at all and yet deny

facts which were personally known to the majority of their readers.

The object of this extraordinary legislation was, of course, that the

Chinese preferred to go to prison rather than pay fines.

At the beginning of August there were more than one thousand Chinamen

in jail undergoing various terms of imprisonment, rather than deduct

from their shilling a day, the amounts they were called upon to pay for

disobeying the laws laid down in the Ordinance.

The amended Ordinance now forced them to pay by withholding from them

a portion of their wage equal to the amount of the fine. It has been

found useless, in fact, to pretend that other than a reign of terror

pertains in the Transvaal. The Chinamen have broken loose, and only

their prompt deportation can prevent a very grave crisis. Neither fines

nor floggings have any terror for them, and from their earliest years

they have been accustomed to regard death without a semblance of fear.

I will relate some of the more notorious instances in which these

yellow slaves have figured in the last year. The list includes, murder,

rape, robbery with violence, and that class of criminal assault with

which we deal in England under the Criminal Law Amendment Act.

While working in the mines the Chinaman does exactly what he pleases.

The overseers dare not interfere. Their policy of putting the black

man on to the yellow man has resulted in murder. The Chinaman has a

short way with any white or black man who tries to interfere with his

sense of liberty. He kills the man. Every Chinaman belongs to a secret

society, and when he has determined to kill a white or a black man he

reports his decision to the society. He knows that the deed which he

meditates will be rewarded by his own death: but for this he cares

nothing. All his preparations are made beforehand. His secret society

probably consists of from four to five thousand members. All these

members contribute something like sixpence a-piece to make up a sum,

say of £100. When this amount is collected, it is sent over to his wife

and family in China. Having thus made all the necessary provision for

his wife and children, the Chinaman perpetrates the deed. He is then

arrested, sentenced and hanged. And he meets his end with a stoical

indifference, quite content that he has secured his revenge and set his

worldly affairs in order.

In the face of such sentiments compulsion is futile.

On Wednesday, September 13, a gang of Chinese coolies working at the

Geldenhuis Deep Mine decided to take a holiday. The management of the

mine were instructed to offer them extra pay if they would work. They

refused, and took their holiday. They promised, however, that they

would start their first shift at midnight on the following Sunday,

September 17. When midnight on Sunday, September 17, arrived, they

determined to keep their holiday up. The compound manager endeavoured

to use force. The Chinese met force by force. The police were called

in. The riot at that juncture had reached a most alarming state.

The police were ordered to fire: they obeyed, killing one Chinaman

and wounding another; but not before the compound manager had been

attacked and somewhat seriously injured. Finally the Chinamen were

driven to their work.

On the same Sunday the utter uselessness of the compound system

was proved. One hundred Chinamen bolted from the French Rand Mine.

Somebody, it is supposed, had spread among them the report that the

Boers were enlisting coolies at £4 a month to fight the English. In

vain has the number of police in the Witwatersrand district been

increased. Gangs of deserters are wandering about the country murdering

and looting.

"Last night," wrote a young South African policeman to his parents in

England, "I captured six Chinamen who had run away from the mines. They

are giving a lot of trouble--5000 of them started rioting last week,

and 100 foot police and 200 South African Constabulary had to go to

stop them, and a nice old job we had. They threw broken bottles and

stones when we charged them. Some of our fellows were very badly cut.

The Chinamen also made dynamite bombs and threw them at us, and we had

to shoot into the crowd to drive them back. We aimed low and wounded

a good many of them. They are nasty devils to tackle, and always show

fight when there are a lot of them together. The six I captured were

trekking across the veld. I chased them on horseback and they ran on

top of a kopje and commenced to roll rocks down. I managed to get a

shot at one with my revolver: the bullet struck him on the wrist. Then

they all put up their hands and surrendered. I managed to get some

niggers working in the mealie patch to escort them back to our camp.

The niggers were very proud of themselves. When they passed through the

other native kraals I think if I had not been there the Kaffirs would

have assegaied them. They hate the Chinamen like poison."

These are the sort of incidents that occur daily. All the measures

taken by the Government and the mine owners to prevent desertion have

proved ineffective. The country around the Witwatersrand Mines has

taken upon itself the aspect of the whole of the colony during the late

war. Mounted constables with loaded revolvers organize drives. The

whole district is patrolled, and every effort is made to bring back the

deserters to the compounds. But as soon as one lot has returned another

escapes. Every day you may see a mounted policeman riding down towards

the law courts, followed by a string of Chinese deserters.

The Johannesburger lives in a daily state of terror. He rarely meets a

Chinaman without immediately seeking the protection of the police and

insisting on an inquiry being held then and there, as to whether the

man has a permit to be at large in the Golden City.

Writing on October 2, the Johannesburg correspondent--one L. E. N.--of

a London morning paper gives a graphic account of the wonderful City

of Gold at that date. "Gold of the value of over £20,000,000 a year,"

he says, "is extracted from that stretch of dusty upland called

The Reef.... But look closer. The white workers on the mines carry

revolvers; the police are armed with ball cartridge and bayonet; camped

yonder at Auckland Park is a mobile column of mounted men ready to move

against an enemy at a moment's notice; the country folk on the other

side of the swelling rise are armed to the teeth, and live at night in

barricaded and fortified houses." What a beautiful commentary on life

as it is lived--under the British flag--in the commercial and political

hub of the great sub-continent!

The Boers, who through their political organization the Het Volk have

refused to take any active part in the management of the country,

determined with a sort of grim humour, since the British sought to

destroy the corrupt Government of their late President, they shall be

allowed to mismanage the country as they will, have been led to break

their political silence to petition the Government for more protection.

At a meeting held at Krugersdoorp at the beginning of October, they

decided to forward a resolution to the Imperial Government requesting

that the importation of Chinese coolies should be discontinued, and

those already in the country should be repatriated. Regret was further

expressed at the danger to life and property, and it was pointed

out that the policy of not allowing the Boers to carry firearms

prevented them from properly protecting the lives of their families.

[Illustration: GOOD SPORT.]

General Botha did not exaggerate the dangers which resulted from the

importation of Chinamen, and he voiced the common sentiment of Boer

and Briton when he asked that a Commission should be appointed to

investigate the treatment of the Chinese coolies, and ascertain the

cause of the disturbances.

The mine owners' press informed the public that there are very few

cases of desertion; that when any number of Chinamen do desert the

South African Constabulary deal with them efficiently. They are hunted

down, rounded up, and brought in by their pigtails for trial. At the

trial they are convicted, or were before the amendment of the Ordinance

in August last, and locked up.

Any one going through the Transvaal will see hundreds of these Chinese

convicts working in large batches on the roads. White men are placed

in charge of these convicts, and when the repairing and macadamizing

of the roads is not done to their liking, the Chinamen are flogged,

and flogged in the open. They are subjected to every kind of brutal

treatment; and it is probable that almost as many desert from the

convict prisons as desert from the slave compounds.

In "C" Court, Johannesburg, on October 3 (or 4, I am not sure of the

exact date), before Mr. Schuurman, several Chinese labourers were

prosecuted for wandering from the mines in which they were employed,

without possessing the necessary permission. They all pleaded guilty,

and were fined £1 each. When asked what excuse they had to offer, three

of them said they were homesick, and were on their way to China; two

others stated that they had only gone for a short walk, and were close

to the mine when arrested. The policeman, however, declared they were

twenty-five miles from the mine. A few of the accused stated that they

were ill-treated, and consequently deserted. The magistrate sapiently

advised them that in such a case, instead of absconding, they should

complain to the representative of the Labour Importation Association

when he called at the mine.

Under the new regulations, sixty-five Chinamen, including an alleged

professional robber, were arrested on October 18. A Johannesburg

correspondent describes them as "a band of 450 coolies of bad

character." What has Lieut.-Colonel W. Dalrymple, the Rand mining man

who lately at Tunbridge Wells denounced the "infamous lies" which were

circulated in this country about the Chinese labour question--what, I

repeat, has Lieut.-Colonel Dalrymple to say to _that_?

From the same telegram I learn that the measures which are now being

taken to prevent desertions are proving effective. The roll-call

of October 8--I am now quoting the immaculate Reuter--"showed 278

absentees, and during the following week 245 were captured and brought

back to work. Last night," adds the correspondent, meaning the night

of October 17, "nine coolies attempted to raid a homestead in the

Krugersdoorp district. The farmer fired through a window, and shot one

Chinaman dead; the others fled." I commend these statements, together

with those quoted hereafter, to the earnest attention of the editor of

a certain yellow-covered weekly journal, devoted to the interests of

South Africa--the organ of the Rand lords in London--which persistently

pooh-poohs the "yellow slavery" cry.

Meanwhile gangs of escaped Chinamen are wandering over the country

spreading terror everywhere. The Boer farmer goes to bed at night in

his lonely farmhouse on the veld as if he were still at war with Great

Britain. Long hidden rifles are brought out from the hay-ricks and

other hiding-places and got ready. Windows are boarded up, doors are

double locked. Every preparation is made to warn off the ever expected

attack of the yellow desperadoes.

At the beginning of October two homesteads in the Boksburg district

were attacked by a party of Chinese, who attempted to gain an entrance

by breaking in the back doors and windows. In both cases, however, the

farmers had made every preparation for such an attack, and fired on

the marauders, one of whom was wounded in the chest and another in the

abdomen. The remainder made off.

A similar outrage occurred in the middle of November. A lonely

farmhouse near Germiston, occupied by an Englishman and his wife,

was attacked by a band of Chinese, who were armed with crowbars and

stones. The farmer opened fire, seriously wounding one of the Chinamen

in the jaw, and the rest decamped without entering. The injured man

was captured, but the whereabouts and identity of the others were not

discovered.

In Johannesburg the talk is of nothing but murders and assaults by

gangs of ten or fourteen escaped labourers. House after house away on

the veld has been broken into and looted, and the inhabitants murdered

if they showed any signs of resistance; they have indeed in some cases

been murdered without showing any sign of resistance at all.

Quite recently the Legislative Council of the Transvaal has re-amended

for about the tenth time the Ordinance. It has proposed to offer £1 a

head for the recapture of these yellow hooligans, an amendment which

would have placed the very much-bepatched Ordinance on a level with

the laws that prevailed in the Southern States of America before

the abolition of slavery. It is charged, however, with that strange

spirit of hypocrisy which has characterized all the proceedings of the

Rand lords into a reimbursement to the capturer of his out-of-pocket

expenses. This of course is only another way of offering £1 for

every recaptured Chinaman, for it may be taken for granted that the

capturer's expenses will always include the wear and tear of horseflesh

and moral damages and other matters which can only be estimated in the

abstract. According to the schedule of fees payable in respect of the

capture of Chinese deserters, which was published early in October,

they ranged from 1s. per mile for one or two arrests to 3s. for eight

or more.

Here is a letter from another member of the South African Constabulary

to his people at home which emphasizes the state of affairs which exist

at present on the Rand.

"The Chinese have been causing a lot of trouble. There was a whole

family murdered about a month ago. Several places have been broken

into. Last Sunday there was a storekeeper murdered about ten miles from

where I am staying. We have orders on no account to go out on patrol

without a revolver. The people are seeking police protection, and

are frightened out of their wits. I believe it is as much as a South

African Constabulary man's life is worth to be seen at some places on

the Rand in uniform. I am determined that if I meet any Chinamen, and

they show fight, I will shoot the first one dead."

This is the spirit abroad--a spirit which every right-minded man

must regard as the inevitable result of the criminal action of the

Government in sanctioning the Chinese Labour Ordinance.

Here is another case which has never been reported in the press:--

At Germiston railway station twelve Chinamen were waiting on the

platform for a train. A white woman happened to pass by, and as she

passed the Chinamen hurled some bestial insult at her. One of the

railway officials immediately called a policeman, who tried to take

the offending Chinaman into custody. He was promptly knocked down.

Three more policemen were hurried to the scene. These met with like

treatment, and even when two other comrades came to their assistance

they were utterly unable to effect the arrest. After twenty minutes'

violent fighting, during which the gang of Chinamen were absolutely

unhurt, six policemen were taken on stretchers to the hospital.

Here are two or three more instances taken at random from the

"Butcher's Bill" of a Johannesburg correspondent, whose letter appeared

in the _Daily Mail_ a few weeks ago:--

"_Sept. 5._--Chinese attack Kaffirs in the Lancaster Mine. They throw

one Kaffir in front of a train of ore, so that he is cut to pieces. A

second Kaffir dies of his injuries.

"_Sept. 8._--Homestead at Rand Klipfontein attacked and looted, and

£150 in money taken. The Chinese try to fire the house by throwing a

fire-ball through the window.

"_Sept. 16._--Band of Chinese rush a Kaffir kraal at Wilgespruit, on

the West Rand. Native woman's head nearly severed. Chinese armed with

knives 2 feet 6 inches long, made by a Sheffield firm.

"_Sept. 18._--Riot Geldenhuis Deep. Compound manager assaulted. Mounted

police attacked by 1500 coolies armed with drills, stones, bottles,

etc., and forced to fire their revolvers. One Chinaman killed and a

number wounded."

And so on and so forth. One more instance to show to what length

the Chinamen will go. A gang of the breed employed at the Van Ryn

Mine, where there had previously been a number of disturbances,

struck work and attacked the whites underground. A white man pulled

the signal cord, and police, galloping up, descended the shaft and

saved the whites. The ringleaders were arrested, and, adds the

correspondent somewhat ingenuously--"This phase of attacks underground

is disquieting." From the adjacent colony of Natal, too, come words

of complaint about Chinese stragglers; and it is significant in this

connection that "over a thousand rifles" were issued to the farmers in

the Transvaal at the end of September last. These are facts which Mr.

Reyersbach, of Messrs. H. Eckstein & Co., would be well advised to put

in his pipe and ponder.

Of course the immediate cause which leads to the Chinese committing the

above-recorded acts of violence is the result of bad treatment.

The murder of Mr. Joubert in the Bronkhorst Spruit Mine--for which, on

November 20, four Chinamen were executed in Pretoria jail--who received

some fifty stabs before succumbing, was due to starvation. The men

wanted to find food. They were not allowed to eat apparently, and so,

maddened by ill-treatment, overwork, and starvation, they committed

murder. Perhaps the most tragic part of the whole business is that one

cannot completely blame them for such an awful act. They have grown to

hate the white man. It is small wonder.

There are now nearly 50,000 Chinamen on the Rand, and in the breasts of

all these men there seems to have been imbued a hatred and detestation

of the white man. It seems almost as if these slaves considered it fair

game to commit any outrage, however brutal, on white men and white

women whenever the opportunity occurs. They are treated outrageously

themselves. They get little justice from magistrates, so it is small

wonder that they are indulging themselves in a sort of blood carnival

of revenge.

Discussing this question the other day with a representative of the

London journal _South Africa_, Dr. Corstorphine seriously declared

that the difficulties attendant on the Chinese labour question had

been magnified out of all proportion to the main facts. "We must

expect to find a few black sheep amongst the Chinese," sagely observed

the doctor. Ye gods!--a _few_. It would be interesting to know

what constitutes a "few" in the mind of the worthy geologist. Dr.

Corstorphine would probably indignantly deny the existence of yellow

slavery on the Rand. But possibly he would admit its existence under

another name, just as Sir Edward Grey did at Alnwick the other night.

Addressing his constituents, Sir Edward said he had never said that the

working of the mines by the Chinese in South Africa was slavery; but

the question he would put to those who said it was not, would be--"Was

it _Freedom_?" That is a question that I would put to Dr. Corstorphine,

Mr. Fricker, Mr. E. P. Mathers, and others of their kidney. If Chinese

labour on the Rand isn't slavery, what is it--is it _Freedom_? I pause

for a reply.

John Chinaman on the Rand · 第 4 / 6 章