It would be easy to multiply examples of this stage of thought among

Aryans and savages. But we have probably brought forward enough for

our purpose, and have expressly chosen instances from the most widely

separated peoples. These instances, it will perhaps be admitted,

suggest, if they do not prove, that the Greeks had received from

tradition precisely the same sort of legends about the heavenly bodies

as are current among Eskimo and Bushmen, New Zealanders and Iowas. As

much, indeed, might be inferred from our own astronomical

nomenclature. We now give to newly discovered stars names derived from

distinguished people, as _Georgium Sidus_, or _Herschel_; or, again,

merely technical appellatives, as _Alpha_, _Beta_, and the rest. We

should never think when 'some new planet swims into our ken' of

calling it _Kangaroo_, or _Rabbit_, or after the name of some hero of

romance, as _Rob Roy_, or _Count Fosco_. But the names of stars which

we inherit from Greek mythology--the _Bear_, the _Pleiades_, _Castor_

and _Pollux_, and so forth--are such as no people in our mental

condition would originally think of bestowing. When Callimachus and

the courtly astronomers of Alexandria pretended that the golden locks

of Berenice were raised to the heavens, that was a mere piece of

flattery constructed on the inherited model of legends about the

crown (_Corona_) of Ariadne. It seems evident enough that the older

Greek names of stars are derived from a time when the ancestors of the

Greeks were in the mental and imaginative condition of Iowas, Kanekas,

Bushmen, Murri, and New Zealanders. All these, and all other savage

peoples, believe in a kind of equality and intercommunion among all

things animate and inanimate. Stones are supposed in the Pacific

Islands to be male and female and to propagate their species. Animals

are believed to have human or superhuman intelligence, and speech, if

they choose to exercise the gift. Stars are just on the same footing,

and their movements are explained by the same ready system of

universal anthropomorphism. Stars, fishes, gods, heroes, men, trees,

clouds, and animals, all play their equal part in the confused dramas

of savage thought and savage mythology. Even in practical life the

change of a sorcerer into an animal is accepted as a familiar

phenomenon, and the power of soaring among the stars is one on which

the Australian Biraark, or the Eskimo Shaman, most plumes himself. It

is not wonderful that things which are held possible in daily practice

should be frequent features of mythology. Hence the ready invention

and belief of star-legends, which in their turn fix the names of the

heavenly bodies. Nothing more, except the extreme tenacity of

tradition and the inconvenience of changing a widely accepted name, is

needed to account for the human and animal names of the stars. The

Greeks received from the dateless past of savage intellect the myths,

and the names of the constellations, and we have taken them, without

inquiry, from the Greeks. Thus it happens that our celestial globes

are just as queer menageries as any globes could be that were

illustrated by Australians or American Indians, by Bushmen or Peruvian

aborigines, or Eskimo. It was savages, we may be tolerably certain,

who first handed to science the names of the constellations, and

provided Greece with the raw material of her astronomical myths--as

Bacon prettily says, that we listen to the harsh ideas of earlier

peoples 'blown softly through the flutes of the Grecians.'

This position has been disputed by Mr. Brown, in a work called _The

Law of Kosmic Order_. Mr. Brown's theory is that the early Accadians

named the zodiacal signs after certain myths and festivals connected

with the months. Thus the crab is a figure of 'the darkness power'

which seized the Accadian solar hero, Dumuzi, and 'which is constantly

represented in monstrous and drakontic form.' The bull, again, is

connected with night and darkness, 'in relation to the horned moon,'

and is, for other reasons, 'a nocturnal potency.' Few stars, to tell

the truth, are diurnal potencies. Mr. Brown's explanations appear to

me far-fetched and unconvincing. But, granting that the zodiacal signs

reached Greece from Chaldaea, Mr. Brown will hardly maintain that

Australians, Melanesians, Iowas, Amazon Indians, Eskimo, and the rest,

borrowed their human and animal stars from 'Akkadia.' The belief in

animal and human stars is practically universal among savages who have

not attained the 'Akkadian' degree of culture. The belief, as Mr.

Tylor has shown,[154] is a natural result of savage ideas. We

therefore infer that the 'Akkadians,' too, probably fell back for

star-names on what they inherited from the savage past. If the Greeks

borrowed certain star-names from the 'Akkadians,' they also, like the

Aryans of India, retained plenty of savage star-myths of their own,

fables derived from the earliest astronomical guesses of early

thought.

The first moment in astronomical science arrives when the savage,

looking at a star, says, like the child in the nursery poem, 'How I

wonder what you are!' The next moment comes when the savage has made

his first rough practical observations of the movements of the

heavenly body. His third step is to explain these to himself. Now

science cannot offer any but a fanciful explanation beyond the sphere

of experience. The experience of the savage is limited to the narrow

world of his tribe, and of the beasts, birds, and fishes of his

district. His philosophy, therefore, accounts for all phenomena on the

supposition that the laws of the animate nature he observes are

working everywhere. But his observations, misguided by his crude

magical superstitions, have led him to believe in a state of equality

and kinship between men and animals, and even inorganic things. He

often worships the very beasts he slays; he addresses them as if they

understood him; he believes himself to be descended from the animals,

and of their kindred. These confused ideas he applies to the stars,

and recognises in them men like himself, or beasts like those with

which he conceives himself to be in such close human relations. There

is scarcely a bird or beast but the Red Indian or the Australian will

explain its peculiarities by a myth, like a page from Ovid's

_Metamorphoses_. It was once a man or a woman, and has been changed to

bird or beast by a god or a magician. Men, again, have originally been

beasts, in his philosophy, and are descended from wolves, frogs, or

serpents, or monkeys. The heavenly bodies are traced to precisely the

same sort of origin; and hence, we conclude, come their strange animal

names, and the strange myths about them which appear in all ancient

poetry. These names, in turn, have curiously affected human beliefs.

Astrology is based on the opinion that a man's character and fate are

determined by the stars under which he is born. And the nature of

these stars is deduced from their names, so that the bear should have

been found in the horoscope of Dr. Johnson. When Giordano Bruno wrote

his satire against religion, the famous 'Spaccio della bestia

trionfante,' he proposed to banish not only the gods but the beasts

from heaven. He would call the stars, not the _Bear_, or the _Swan_,

or the _Pleiades_, but Truth, Mercy, Justice, and so forth, that men

might be born, not under bestial, but moral influences. But the beasts

have had too long possession of the stars to be easily dislodged, and

the tenure of the _Bear_ and the _Swan_ will probably last as long as

there is a science of Astronomy. Their names are not likely again to

delude a philosopher into the opinion of Aristotle that the stars are

animated.

This argument had been worked out to the writer's satisfaction when he

chanced to light on Mr. Max Mueller's explanation of the name of the

_Great Bear_. We have explained that name as only one out of

countless similar appellations which men of every race give to the

stars. These names, again, we have accounted for as the result of

savage philosophy, which takes no great distinction between man and

the things in the world, and looks on stars, beasts, birds, fishes,

flowers, and trees as men and women in disguise. Mr. Mueller's theory

is based on philological considerations. He thinks that the name of

the _Great Bear_ is the result of a mistake as to the meaning of

words. There was in Sanskrit, he says,[155] a root _ark_, or _arch_,

meaning 'to be bright.' She-stars are called _riksha_, that is, bright

ones, in the Veda. 'The constellations here called the Rikshas, in the

sense of the "bright ones," would be homonymous in Sanskrit with the

Bears. Remember also that, apparently without rhyme or reason, the

same constellation is called by Greeks and Romans the Bear.... There

is not the shadow of a likeness with a bear. You will now perceive the

influence of words on thought, or the spontaneous growth of mythology.

The name _Riksha_ was applied to the bear in the sense of the bright

fuscous animal, and in that sense it became most popular in the later

Sanskrit, and in Greek and Latin. The same name, "in the sense of the

bright ones," had been applied by the Vedic poets to the stars in

general, and more particularly to that constellation which in the

northern parts of India was the most prominent. The etymological

meaning, "the bright stars," was forgotten; the popular meaning of

Riksha (bear) was known to every one. And thus it happened that, when

the Greeks had left their central home and settled in Europe, they

retained the name of Arktos for the same unchanging stars; but, not

knowing why those stars had originally received that name, they ceased

to speak of them as _arktoi_, or many bears, and spoke of them as the

Bear.'

This is a very good example of the philological way of explaining a

myth. If once we admit that _ark_, or _arch_, in the sense of 'bright'

and of 'bear,' existed, not only in Sanskrit, but in the undivided

Aryan tongue, and that the name Riksha, bear, 'became in that sense

most popular in Greek and Latin,' this theory seems more than

plausible. But the explanation does not look so well if we examine,

not only the Aryan, but all the known myths and names of the Bear and

the other stars. Professor Sayce, a distinguished philologist, says we

may not compare non-Aryan with Aryan myths. We have ventured to do so,

however, in this paper, and have shown that the most widely severed

races give the stars animal names, of which the _Bear_ is one example.

Now, if the philologists wish to persuade us that it was decaying and

half-forgotten language which caused men to give the names of animals

to the stars, they must prove their case on an immense collection of

instances--on Iowa, Kaneka, Murri, Maori, Brazilian, Peruvian,

Mexican, Egyptian, Eskimo, instances. It would be the most amazing

coincidence in the world if forgetfulness of the meaning of their own

speech compelled tribes of every tongue and race to recognise men and

beasts, cranes, cockatoos, serpents, monkeys, bears, and so forth in

the heavens. How came the misunderstood words always to be

misunderstood in the same way? Does the philological explanation

account for the enormous majority of the phenomena? If it fails, we

may at least doubt whether it solves the one isolated case of the

Great Bear among the Greeks and Romans. It must be observed that the

philological explanation of Mr. Mueller does not clear up the Arcadian

story of their own descent from a she-bear who is now a star. Yet

similar stories of the descent of tribes from animals are so

widespread that it would be difficult to name the race or the quarter

of the globe where they are not found. Are they all derived from

misunderstood words meaning 'bright'? These considerations appear to

be a strong argument for comparing not only Aryan, but all attainable

myths. We shall often find, if we take a wide view, that the

philological explanation which seemed plausible in a single case is

hopelessly narrow when applied to a large collection of parallel cases

in language of various families.

Finally, in dealing with star-myths, we adhere to the hypothesis of

Mr. Tylor: 'From savagery up to civilisation,' Akkadian, Greek, or

English, 'there may be traced in the mythology of the stars a course

of thought, changed, indeed, in application, yet never broken in its

evident connection from first to last. The savage sees individual

stars as animate beings, or combines star-groups into living celestial

creatures, or limbs of them, or objects connected with them; while at

the other extremity of the scale of civilisation the modern astronomer

keeps up just such ancient fancies, turning them to account in useful

survival, as a means of mapping out the celestial globe.'[156]

FOOTNOTES:

[142] The attempt is not to explain the origin of each separate name,

but only of the general habit of giving animal or human names to

stars.

[143] Mr. Herbert Spencer believes that the Australians were once more

civilised than at present. But there has never been found a trace of

pottery on the Australian continent, which says little for their

civilisation in the past.

[144] See C. O. Mueller (_Prolog. zur Mythol._, Engl. transl., p. 17):

'Callisto is just nothing else than Artemis and her sacred animal

comprehended in one idea.' See also pp. 201-4. Mueller (C. O.) very

nearly made the discovery that the gods of Greece may in some cases

have a bestial ancestry.

[145] Brugsch, _History of Egypt_, i. 32.

[146] Brough Smyth.

[147] _Amazonian Tortoise Myths_, p. 39.

[148] Sahagun, vii. 3.

[149] Grimm, _D. M._, Engl. transl., p. 716.

[150] Hartt, _op. cit._, p. 40. For a modern sun-man and his myth in

the Cyclades, see J. T. Bent, in the _Athenaeum_, Jan. 17, 1885.

[151] Kaegi, _Der Rig Veda_, p. 217.

[152] _Mainjo-i-Khard_, 49, 22, ed. West.

[153] _Op. cit._, p. 98.

[154] _Prim. Cult._, i. 357.

[155] _Lectures on Language_, pp. 359, 362.

[156] Ideler (_Untersuchungen ueber den Ursprung der Sternnamen_) may

also be consulted.

_MOLY AND MANDRAGORA._

'I have found out a new cure for rheumatism,' said the lady beside

whom it was my privilege to sit at dinner. 'You carry a potato about

in your pocket!'

Some one has written an amusing account of the behaviour of a man who

is finishing a book. He takes his ideas everywhere with him and broods

over them, even at dinner, in the pauses of conversation. But here was

a lady who kindly contributed to my studies and offered me folklore

and survivals in cultivated Kensington.

My mind had strayed from the potato cure to the New Zealand habit of

carrying a baked yam at night to frighten away ghosts, and to the old

English belief that a bit of bread kept in the pocket was sovereign

against evil spirits. Why should ghosts dread the food of mortals when

it is the custom of most races of mortals to feed ancestral ghosts?

The human mind works pretty rapidly, and all this had passed through

my brain while I replied, in tones of curiosity: 'A potato!'

'Yes; but it is not every potato that will do. I heard of the cure in

the country, and when we came up to town, and my husband was

complaining of rheumatism, I told one of the servants to get me a

potato for Mr. Johnson's rheumatism. "Yes, ma'am," said the man; "but

it must be a _stolen_ potato." I had forgotten that. Well, one can't

ask one's servants to steal potatoes. It is easy in the country, where

you can pick one out of anybody's field.' 'And what did you do?' I

asked. 'Oh, I drove to Covent Garden and ordered a lot of fruit and

flowers. While the man was not looking, I stole a potato--a very

little one. I don't think there was any harm in it.' 'And did Mr.

Johnson try the potato cure?' 'Yes, he carried it in his pocket, and

now he is quite well. I told the doctor, and he says he knows of the

cure, but he dares not recommend it.'

How oddly superstitions survive! The central idea of this modern folly

about the potato is that you must pilfer the root. Let us work the

idea of the healing of magical herb backwards, from Kensington to

European folklore, and thence to classical times, to Homer, and to the

Hottentots. Turning first to Germany, we note the beliefs, not about

the potato, but about another vegetable, the mandrake. Of all roots,

in German superstition, the Alraun, or mandrake is the most famous.

The herb was conceived of, in the savage fashion, as a living human

person, a kind of old witch-wife.[157]

Again, the root has a human shape. 'If a hereditary thief who has

preserved his chastity gets hung,' the broad-leafed, yellow-flowered

mandrake grows up, in his likeness, beneath the gallows from which he

is suspended. The mandrake, like the moly, the magical herb of the

Odyssey, is 'hard for men to dig.' He who desires to possess a

mandrake must stop his ears with wax, so that he may not hear the

deathly yells which the plant utters as it is being dragged out of the

earth. Then before sunrise on a Friday, the amateur goes out with a

dog, 'all black,' makes three crosses round the mandrake, loosens the

soil about the root, ties the root to the dog's tail, and offers the

beast a piece of bread. The dog runs at the bread, drags out the

mandrake root, and falls dead, killed by the horrible yell of the

plant. The root is now taken up, washed with wine, wrapped in silk,

laid in a casket, bathed every Friday, 'and clothed in a little new

white smock every new moon.' The mandrake acts, if thus considerately

treated, as a kind of familiar spirit. 'Every piece of coin put to her

over night is found doubled in the morning.' Gipsy folklore, and the

folklore of American children, keep this belief in doubling deposits.

The gipsies use the notion in what they call 'The Great Trick.' Some

foolish rustic makes up his money in a parcel which he gives to the

gipsy. The latter, after various ceremonies performed, returns the

parcel, which is to be buried. The money will be found doubled by a

certain date. Of course when the owner unburies the parcel he finds

nothing in it but brass buttons. In the same way, and with pious

confidence, the American boy buries a marble in a hollow log, uttering

the formula, 'What hasn't come here, _come!_ what's here, _stay_

here!' and expects to find all the marbles he has ever lost.[158] Let

us follow the belief in magical roots into the old Pagan world.

The ancients knew mandragora and the superstitions connected with it

very well. Dioscorides mentions _mandragorus_, or _antimelon_, or

_dircaea_, or _Circaea_, and says the Egyptians call it _apemoum_, and

Pythagoras 'anthropomorphon.' In digging the root, Pliny says 'there

are some ceremonies observed, first they that goe about this worke,

look especially to this that the wind be not in their face, but blow

upon their backs. Then with the point of a sword they draw three

circles round about the plant, which don, they dig it up afterwards

with their face unto the west.' Pliny says nothing of the fetich

qualities of the plant, as credited in modern and mediaeval Germany,

but mentions 'sufficient it is with some bodies to cast them into

sleep with the smel of mandrago.' This is like Shakespeare's 'poppy

and mandragora, and all the drowsy syrups of the world.' Plato and

Demosthenes[159] also speak of mandragora as a soporific. It is more

to the purpose of magic that Columella mentions 'the _half-human_

mandragora.' Here we touch the origin of the mandrake superstitions.

The roots have a kind of fantastic resemblance to the human shape;

Pliny describes them as being 'of a fleshy substance and tender.' Now

it is one of the recognised principles in magic, that things like each

other, however superficially, affect each other in a mystic way, and

possess identical properties. Thus, in Melanesia, according to Mr.

Codrington,[160] 'a stone in the shape of a pig, of a bread-fruit, of

a yam, was a most valuable find,' because it made pigs prolific, and

fertilised bread-fruit trees and yam-plots. In Scotland, too, 'stones

were called by the names of the limbs they resembled, as "eye-stane,"

"head-stane." A patient washed the affected part of his body, and

rubbed it well with the stone corresponding.'[161] In precisely the

same way, the mandrake root, being thought to resemble the human body,

was credited with human and superhuman powers. Josephus mentions[162]

a plant 'not easily caught, which slips away from them that wish to

gather it, and never stands still' till certain repulsive rites are

performed. These rites cannot well be reported here, but they are

quite familiar to Red Indian and to Bushman magic. Another way to dig

the plant spoken of by Josephus is by aid of the dog, as in the German

superstition quoted from Grimm. AElian also recommends the use of the

dog to pluck the herb aglaophotis, which shines at night.[163] When

the dog has dragged up the root, and died of terror, his body is to be

buried on the spot with religious honours and secret sacred rites.

So much for mandragora, which, like the healing potato, has to be

acquired stealthily and with peril. Now let us examine the Homeric

herb moly. The plant is thus introduced by Homer: In the tenth book of

the _Odyssey_, Circe has turned Odysseus's men into swine. He sets

forth to rescue them, trusting only to his sword. The god Hermes meets

him, and offers him 'a charmed herb,' 'this herb of grace' (~pharmakon

esthlon~), whereby he may subdue the magic wiles of Circe.

The plant is described by Homer with some minuteness. 'It was black

at the root, but the flower was like to milk. "Moly," the gods call

it, but it is hard for mortal men to dig, howbeit with the gods all

things are possible.' The etymologies given of 'moly' are almost as

numerous as the etymologists. One derivation, from the old 'Turanian'

tongue of Accadia, will be examined later. The Scholiast offers the

derivation '~molyein~, to make charms of no avail'; but this is

exactly like Professor Blackie's etymological discovery that Erinys is

derived from ~erinyein~: 'he might as well derive _critic_ from

_criticise_.'[164] The Scholiast adds that moly caused death to the

person who dragged it out of the ground. This identification of moly

with mandrake is probably based on Homer's remark that moly is 'hard

to dig.' The black root and white flower of moly are quite unlike the

yellow flower and white fleshy root ascribed by Pliny to mandrake.

Only confusion is caused by regarding the two magical herbs as

identical.

But why are any herbs or roots magical? While some Scholars, like De

Gubernatis, seek an explanation in supposed myths about clouds and

stars, it is enough for our purpose to observe that herbs really have

medicinal properties, and that untutored people invariably confound

medicine with magic. A plant or root is thought to possess virtue, not

only when swallowed in powder or decoction, but when carried in the

hand. St. John's wort and rowan berries, like the Homeric moly, still

'make evil charms of none avail';

Rowan, ash, and red threed

Gar the witches tyne their speed,

says the Scotch rhyme. Any fanciful resemblance of leaf or flower or

root to a portion of the human body, any analogy based on colour, will

give a plant reputation for magical virtues. This habit of mind

survives from the savage condition. The Hottentots are great

herbalists. Like the Greeks, like the Germans, they expect

supernatural aid from plants and roots. Mr. Hahn, in his _Tsui Goam,

the Supreme Being of the Khoi Khoi_ (p. 82), gives the following

examples:--

Dapper, in his description of Africa, p. 621, tells us: 'Some

of them wear round the neck, roots, which they find far

inland, in rivers, and being on a journey they light them in

a fire or chew them, if they must sleep the night out in the

field. They believe that these roots keep off the wild

animals. The roots they chew are spit out around the spot

where they encamp for the night; and in a similar way, if

they set the roots alight, they blow the smoke and ashes

about, believing that the smell will keep the wild animals

off.

'I had often occasion to observe the practice of these

superstitious ceremonies, especially when we were in a part

of the country where we heard the roaring of the lions, or

had the day previously met with the footprints of the king of

the beasts.

'The Korannas also have these roots as safeguards with them.

If a Commando (a warlike expedition) goes out, every man will

put such roots in his pockets and in the pouch where he keeps

his bullets, believing that the arrows or bullets of the

enemy have no effect, but that his own bullets will surely

kill the enemy. And also before they lie down to sleep, they

set these roots alight, and murmur: "My grandfather's root,

bring sleep on the eyes of the lion and leopard and the

hyena. Make them blind, that they cannot find us, and cover

their noses, that they cannot smell us out." Also, if they

have carried off large booty, or stolen cattle of the enemy,

they light these roots and say: "We thank thee, our

grandfather's root, that thou hast given us cattle to eat.

Let the enemy sleep, and lead him on the wrong track, that he

may not follow us until we have safely escaped."

'Another sort of shrub is called _abib_. Herdsmen,

especially, carry pieces of its wood as charms, and if cattle

or sheep have gone astray, they burn a piece of it in the

fire, that the wild animals may not destroy them. And they

believe that the cattle remain safe until they can be found

the next morning.'[165]

Schweinfurth found the same belief in magic herbs and roots among the

Bongoes and Niam Niams in 'The Heart of Africa.' The Bongoes believe,

like the Homeric Greeks, that 'certain roots ward off the evil

influences of spirits.' Like the German amateurs of the mandrake, they

assert that 'there is no other resource for obtaining communication

with spirits, except by means of certain roots' (i. 306).

Our position is that the English magical potato, the German mandrake,

the Greek moly, are all survivals from a condition of mind like that

in which the Hottentots still pray to roots.

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