Herodotus tells us (i. 146) that some of the old Ionian colonists

'brought no women with them, but took wives of the women of the

Carians, whose fathers they had slain. Therefore the women made a law

for themselves, and handed it down to their daughters, that they

should never sit at meat with their husbands, and _that none should

ever call her husband by his name_.' In precisely the same way, in

Zululand the wife may not mention her husband's name, just as in the

Welsh fairy tale the husband may not even know the name of his fairy

bride, on pain of losing her for ever. These ideas about names, and

freakish ways of avoiding the use of names, mark the childhood of

languages, according to Mr. Max Mueller,[74] and, therefore, the

childhood of Society. The Kaffirs call this etiquette 'Hlonipa.' It

applies to women as well as men. A Kaffir bride is not called by her

own name in her husband's village, but is spoken of as 'mother of so

and so,' even before she has born a child. The universal superstition

about names is at the bottom of this custom. The Aleutian Islanders,

according to Dall, are quite distressed when obliged to speak to their

wives in the presence of others. The Fijians did not know where to

look when missionaries hinted that a man might live under the same

roof as his wife.[75] Among the Turkomans, for six months, a year, or

two years, a husband is only allowed to visit his wife by stealth.

The number of these instances could probably be increased by a little

research. Our argument is that the widely distributed myths in which a

husband or a wife transgresses some 'custom'--sees the other's face or

body, or utters the forbidden name--might well have arisen as tales

illustrating the punishment of breaking the rule. By a very curious

coincidence, a Breton sailor's tale of the 'Cupid and Psyche' class is

confessedly founded on the existence of the rule of nuptial

etiquette.[76]

In this story the son of a Boulogne pilot marries the daughter of the

King of Naz--wherever that may be. In Naz a man is never allowed to

see the face of his wife till she has born him a child--a modification

of the Futa rule. The inquisitive French husband unveils his wife,

and, like Psyche in Apuleius, drops wax from a candle on her cheek.

When the pair return to Naz, the king of that country discovers the

offence of the husband, and, by the aid of his magicians, transforms

the Frenchman into a monster. Here we have the old formula--the

infringement of a 'taboo,' and the magical punishment--adapted to the

ideas of Breton peasantry. The essential point of the story, for our

purpose, is that the veiling of the bride is 'the custom of women,' in

the mysterious land of Naz. 'C'est l'usage du pays: les maris ne

voient leurs femmes sans voile que lorsqu'elles sont devenues meres.'

Now our theory of the myth of Urvasi is simply this: 'the custom of

women,' which Pururavas transgresses, is probably a traditional Aryan

law of nuptial etiquette, _l'usage du pays_, once prevalent among the

people of India.

If our view be correct, then several rules of etiquette, and not one

alone, will be illustrated in the stories which we suppose the rules

to have suggested. In the case of Urvasi and Pururavas, the rule was,

not to see the husband naked. In 'Cupid and Psyche,' the husband was

not to be looked upon at all. In the well-known myth of Melusine, the

bride is not to be seen naked. Melusine tells her lover that she will

only abide with him _dum ipsam nudam non viderit_.[77] The same taboo

occurs in a Dutch _Maerchen_.[78]

We have now to examine a singular form of the myth, in which the

strange bride is not a fairy, or spiritual being, but an animal. In

this class of story the husband is usually forbidden to perform some

act which will recall to the bride the associations of her old animal

existence. The converse of the tale is the well-known legend of the

Forsaken Merman. The king of the sea permits his human wife to go to

church. The ancient sacred associations are revived, and the woman

returns no more.

She will not come though you call all day

Come away, come away.

Now, in the tales of the animal bride, it is her associations with her

former life among the beasts that are not to be revived, and when they

are re-awakened by the commission of some act which she has

forbidden, or the neglect of some precaution which she has enjoined,

she, like Urvasi, disappears.

* * * * *

The best known example of this variant of the tale is the story of

Bheki, in Sanskrit. Mr. Max Mueller has interpreted the myth in

accordance with his own method.[79] His difficulty is to account for

the belief that a king might marry a frog. Our ancestors, he remarks,

'were not idiots,' how then could they tell such a story? We might

reply that our ancestors, if we go far enough back, were savages, and

that such stories are the staple of savage myth. Mr. Mueller, however,

holds that an accidental corruption of language reduced Aryan fancy to

the savage level. He explains the corruption thus: 'We find, in

Sanskrit, that Bheki, the frog, was a beautiful girl, and that one

day, when sitting near a well, she was discovered by a king, who asked

her to be his wife. She consented, _on condition that he should never

show her a drop of water_. One day, being tired, she asked the king

for water; the king forgot his promise, brought water, and Bheki

disappeared.' This myth, Mr. Mueller holds, 'began with a short saying,

such as that "Bheki, the sun, will die at the sight of water," as we

should say that the sun will set, when it approaches the water from

which it rose in the morning.' But how did the sun come to be called

Bheki, 'the frog'? Mr. Mueller supposes that this name was given to the

sun by some poet or fisherman. He gives no evidence for the following

statement: 'It can be shown that "frog" was used as a name for the

sun. Now at sunrise and sunset, when the sun was squatting on the

water, it was called the "frog."' At what historical period the

Sanskrit-speaking race was settled in seats where the sun rose and set

in water, we do not know, and 'chapter and verse' are needed for the

statement that 'frog' was actually a name of the sun. Mr. Mueller's

argument, however, is that the sun was called 'the frog,' that people

forgot that the frog and sun were identical, and that Frog, or Bheki,

was mistaken for the name of a girl to whom was applied the old saw

about dying at sight of water. 'And so,' says Mr. Mueller, 'the change

from sun to frog, and from frog to man, which was at first due to the

mere spell of language, would in our nursery tales be ascribed to

miraculous charms more familiar to a later age.' As a matter of fact,

magical metamorphoses are infinitely more familiar to the lowest

savages than to people in a 'later age.' Magic, as Castren observes,

'belongs to the lowest known stages of civilisation.' Mr. Mueller's

theory, however, is this--that a Sanskrit-speaking people, living

where the sun rose out of and set in some ocean, called the sun, as he

touched the water, Bheki, the frog, and said he would die at the sight

of water. They ceased to call the sun the frog, or Bheki, but kept the

saying, 'Bheki will die at sight of water.' Not knowing who or what

Bheki might be, they took her for a frog, who also was a pretty wench.

Lastly, they made the story of Bheki's distinguished wedding and

mysterious disappearance. For this interpretation, historical and

linguistic evidence is not offered. When did a Sanskrit-speaking race

live beside a great sea? How do we know that 'frog' was used as a name

for 'sun'?

* * * * *

We have already given our explanation. To the savage intellect, man

and beast are on a level, and all savage myth makes men descended from

beasts; while stories of the loves of gods in bestial shape, or the

unions of men and animals, incessantly occur. 'Unnatural' as these

notions seem to us, no ideas are more familiar to savages, and none

recur more frequently in Indo-Aryan, Scandinavian, and Greek

mythology. An extant tribe in North-West America still claims descent

from a frog. The wedding of Bheki and the king is a survival, in

Sanskrit, of a tale of this kind. Lastly, Bheki disappears, when her

associations with her old amphibious life are revived in the manner

she had expressly forbidden.

* * * * *

Our interpretation may be supported by an Ojibway parallel. A hunter

named Otter-heart, camping near a beaver lodge, found a pretty girl

loitering round his fire. She keeps his wigwam in order, and 'lays his

blanket near the deerskin she had laid for herself. "Good," he

muttered, "this is my wife."' She refuses to eat the beavers he has

shot, but at night he hears a noise, '_krch, krch_, as if beavers were

gnawing wood.' He sees, by the glimmer of the fire, his wife nibbling

birch twigs. In fact, the good little wife is a beaver, as the pretty

Indian girl was a frog. The pair lived happily till spring came and

the snow melted and the streams ran full. Then his wife implored the

hunter to build her a bridge over every stream and river, that she

might cross dry-footed. 'For,' she said, 'if my feet touch water, this

would at once cause thee great sorrow.' The hunter did as she bade

him, but left unbridged one tidy runnel. The wife stumbled into the

water, and, as soon as her foot was wet, she immediately resumed her

old shape as a beaver, her son became a beaverling, and the brooklet,

changing to a roaring river, bore them to the lake. Once the hunter

saw his wife again among her beast kin. 'To thee I sacrificed all,'

she said, 'and I only asked thee to help me dry-footed over the

waters. Thou didst cruelly neglect this. Now I must remain for ever

with my people.'

* * * * *

This tale was told to Kohl by 'an old insignificant squaw among the

Ojibways.'[80] Here we have a precise parallel to the tale of Bheki,

the frog-bride, and here the reason of the prohibition to touch water

is made perfectly unmistakable. The touch magically revived the

bride's old animal life with the beavers. Or was the Indian name for

beaver (_temakse_) once a name for the sun?

A curious variant of this widely distributed _Maerchen_ of the animal

bride is found in the mythical genealogy of the Raja of Chutia Nagpur,

a chief of the Naga, or snake race. It is said that Raja Janameja

prepared a _yajnya_, or great malevolently magical incantation, to

destroy all the people of the serpent race. To prevent this

annihilation, the supernatural being, Pundarika Nag, took a human

form, and became the husband of the beautiful Parvati, daughter of a

Brahman. But Pundarika Nag, being a serpent by nature, could not

divest himself, even in human shape, of his forked tongue and venomed

breath. And, just as Urvasi could not abide with her mortal lover,

after he transgressed the prohibition to appear before her naked, so

Pundarika Nag was compelled by fate to leave his bride, if she asked

him any questions about his disagreeable peculiarities. She did, at

last, ask questions, in circumstances which made Pundarika believe

that he was bound to answer her. Now the curse came upon him, he

plunged into a pool, like the beaver, and vanished. His wife became

the mother of the serpent Rajas of Chutia Nagpur. Pundarika Nag, in

his proper form as a great hooded snake, guarded his first-born child.

The crest of the house is a hooded snake with human face.[81]

Here, then, we have many examples of the disappearance of the bride or

bridegroom in consequence of infringement of various mystic rules.

Sometimes the beloved one is seen when he or she should not be seen.

Sometimes, as in a Maori story, the bride vanishes merely because she

is in a bad temper.[82] Among the Red Men, as in Sanskrit, the taboo

on water is broken, with the usual results. Now for an example in

which the rule against using _names_ is infringed.[83]

This formula constantly occurs in the Welsh fairy tales published by

Professor Rhys.[84] Thus the heir of Corwrion fell in love with a

fairy: 'They were married on the distinct understanding that the

husband was not to know her name, ... and was not to strike her with

iron, on pain of her leaving him at once.' Unluckily the man once

tossed her a bridle, the iron bit touched the wife, and 'she at once

flew through the air, and plunged headlong into Corwrion Lake.'

A number of tales turning on the same incident are published in

_Cymmrodor_, v. i. In these we have either the taboo on the name, or

the taboo on the touch of iron. In a widely diffused superstition iron

'drives away devils and ghosts,' according to the Scholiast on the

eleventh book of the _Odyssey_, and the Oriental Djinn also flee from

iron.[85] Just as water is fatal to the Aryan frog-bride and to the

Red Indian beaver-wife, restoring them to their old animal forms, so

the magic touch of iron breaks love between the Welshman and his fairy

mistress, the representative of the stone age.

In many tales of fairy-brides, they are won by a kind of force. The

lover in the familiar Welsh and German _Maerchen_ sees the swan-maidens

throw off their swan plumage and dance naked. He steals the

feather-garb of one of them, and so compels her to his love. Finally,

she leaves him, in anger, or because he has broken some taboo. Far

from being peculiar to Aryan mythology, this legend occurs, as Mr.

Farrer has shown,[86] in Algonquin and Bornoese tradition. The Red

Indian story told by Schoolcraft in his _Algic Researches_ is most

like the Aryan version, but has some native peculiarities. Wampee was

a great hunter, who, on the lonely prairie, once heard strains of

music. Looking up he saw a speck in the sky: the speck drew nearer and

nearer, and proved to be a basket containing twelve heavenly maidens.

They reached the earth and began to dance, inflaming the heart of

Wampee with love. But Wampee could not draw near the fairy girls in

his proper form without alarming them. Like Zeus in his love

adventures, Wampee exercised the medicine-man's power of

metamorphosing himself. He assumed the form of a mouse, approached

unobserved, and caught one of the dancing maidens. After living with

Wampee for some time she wearied of earth, and, by virtue of a 'mystic

chain of verse,' she ascended again to her heavenly home.

Now is there any reason to believe that this incident was once part of

the myth of Pururavas and Urvasi? Was the fairy-love, Urvasi,

originally caught and held by Pururavas among her naked and struggling

companions? Though this does not appear to have been much noticed, it

seems to follow from a speech of Pururavas in the Vedic dialogue[87]

(x. 95, 8, 9). Mr. Max Mueller translates thus: 'When I, the mortal,

threw my arms round those flighty immortals, they trembled away from

me like a trembling doe, like horses that kick against the cart.'[88]

Ludwig's rendering suits our view--that Pururavas is telling how he

first caught Urvasi--still better: 'When I, the mortal, held converse

with the immortals who had laid aside their raiment, like slippery

serpents they glided from me, like horses yoked to the car.' These

words would well express the adventure of a lover among the naked

flying swan-maidens, an adventure familiar to the Red Men as to

Persian legends of the Peris.

To end our comparison of myths like the tale of 'Cupid and Psyche,' we

find an example among the Zulus. Here[89] the mystic lover came in

when all was dark, and felt the damsel's face. After certain rites,

'in the morning he went away, he speaking continually, the girl not

seeing him. During all those days he would not allow the girl (_sic_),

when she said she would light a fire. Finally, after a magical

ceremony, he said, "Light the fire!" and stood before her revealed, a

shining shape.' This has a curious resemblance to the myth of Cupid

and Psyche; but a more curious detail remains. In the Zulu story of

Ukcombekcansini, the friends of a bride break a taboo and kill a

tabooed animal. Instantly, like Urvasi and her companions in the Yajur

Veda, the bride and her maidens disappear _and are turned into

birds_![90] They are afterwards surprised in human shape, and the

bride is restored to her lover.

Here we conclude, having traced parallels to Cupid and Psyche in many

non-Aryan lands. Our theory of the myth does not rest on etymology. We

have seen that the most renowned scholars, Max Mueller, Kuhn, Roth, all

analyse the names Urvasi and Pururavas in different ways, and extract

different interpretations. We have found the story where these names

were probably never heard of. We interpret it as a tale of the

intercourse between mortal men and immortal maids, or between men and

metamorphosed animals, as in India and North America. We explain the

separation of the lovers as the result of breaking a taboo, or law of

etiquette, binding among men and women, as well as between men and

fairies.

* * * * *

The taboos are, to see the beloved unveiled, to utter his or her name,

to touch her with a metal 'terrible to ghosts and spirits,' or to do

some action which will revive the associations of a former life. We

have shown that rules of nuptial etiquette resembling these in

character do exist, and have existed, even among Greeks--as where the

Milesian, like the Zulu, women made a law not to utter their husbands'

names. Finally, we think it a reasonable hypothesis that tales on the

pattern of 'Cupid and Psyche' might have been evolved wherever a

curious nuptial taboo required to be sanctioned, or explained, by a

myth. On this hypothesis, the stories may have been separately

invented in different lands; but there is also a chance that they have

been transmitted from people to people in the unknown past of our

scattered and wandering race. This theory seems at least as probable

as the hypothesis that the meaning of an Aryan proverbial statement

about sun and dawn was forgotten, and was altered unconsciously into a

tale which is found among various non-Aryan tribes. That hypothesis

again, learned and ingenious as it is, has the misfortune to be

opposed by other scholarly hypotheses not less ingenious and learned.

* * * * *

As for the sun-frog, we may hope that he has sunk for ever beneath the

western wave.

FOOTNOTES:

[58] That Pururavas is regarded as a mortal man, in relations with

some sort of spiritual mistress, appears from the poem itself (v. 8,

9, 18). The human character of Pururavas also appears in R. V., i. 31,

4.

[59] _Selected Essays_, i. 408.

[60] The Apsaras is an ideally beautiful fairy woman, something

'between the high gods and the lower grotesque beings,' with 'lotus

eyes' and other agreeable characteristics. A list of Apsaras known by

name is given in Meyer's _Gandharven-Kentauren_, p. 28. They are often

regarded as cloud-maidens by mythologists.

[61] _Selected Essays_, i. 405.

[62] Cf. _ruber_, _rufus_, O.H.G. _rot_, _rudhira_, ~erythros~; also

Sanskrit, _ravi_, sun.

[63] R. V., iii. 29, 3.

[64] The passage alluded to in Homer does not mean that dawn 'ends'

the day, but 'when the fair-tressed Dawn brought the full light of the

third day' (_Od._, v. 390).

[65] Liebrecht (_Zur Volkskunde_, 241) is reminded by Pururavas (in

Roth's sense of _der Brueller_) of loud-thundering Zeus, ~erigdoupos~.

[66] _Herabkunft des Feuers_, pp. 86-89.

[67] Liebrecht (_Zur Volkskunde_, p. 241) notices the reference to the

'custom of women.' But he thinks the clause a mere makeshift,

introduced late to account for a prohibition of which the real meaning

had been forgotten. The improbability of this view is indicated by the

frequency of similar prohibitions in actual custom.

[68] Astley, _Collection of Voyages_, ii. 24. This is given by Bluet

and Moore on the evidence of one Job Ben Solomon, a native of Bunda in

Futa. 'Though Job had a daughter by his last wife, yet he never saw

her without her veil, as having been married to her only two years.'

Excellently as this prohibition suits my theory, yet I confess I do

not like Job's security.

[69] Brough Smyth, i. 423.

[70] Bowen, _Central Africa_, p. 303.

[71] Lafitau, i. 576.

[72] Lubbock, _Origin of Civilisation_ (1875), p. 75.

[73] _Chansons Pop. Bulg._, p. 172.

[74] _Lectures on Language_, Second Series, p. 41.

[75] J. A. Farrer, _Primitive Manners_, p. 202, quoting Seeman.

[76] Sebillot, _Contes Pop. de la Haute-Bretagne_, p. 183.

[77] Gervase of Tilbury.

[78] Kuhn, _Herabkunft_, p. 92. See also _South African Journal of

Folklore_, May, 1879, p. 46: 'As a rule, the bridegroom never sees his

bride.'

[79] _Chips_, ii. 251.

[80] _Kitchi Gami_, p. 105.

[81] Dalton's _Ethnol. of Bengal_, pp. 165, 166.

[82] Taylor, _New Zealand_, p. 143.

[83] Liebrecht gives a Hindoo example, _Zur Volkskunde_, p. 239.

[84] _Cymmrodor_, iv. pt. ii.

[85] _Prim. Cult._, i. 140.

[86] _Primitive Manners_, p. 256.

[87] See Meyer, _Gandharven-Kentauren_, Benfey, _Pantsch._, i. 263.

[88] _Selected Essays_, i. 411.

[89] _Callaway_, p. 63.

[90] _Ibid._, p. 119.

_A FAR-TRAVELLED TALE._

A modern novelist has boasted that her books are read 'from Tobolsk to

Tangiers.' This is a wide circulation, but the widest circulation in

the world has probably been achieved by a story whose author, unlike

Ouida, will never be known to fame. The tale which we are about to

examine is, perhaps, of all myths the most widely diffused, yet there

is no ready way of accounting for its extraordinary popularity. Any

true 'nature-myth,' any myth which accounts for the processes of

nature or the aspects of natural phenomena, may conceivably have been

invented separately, wherever men in an early state of thought

observed the same facts, and attempted to explain them by telling a

story. Thus we have seen that the earlier part of the myth of Cronus

is a nature-myth, setting forth the cause of the separation of Heaven

and Earth. Star-myths, again, are everywhere similar, because men who

believed all nature to be animated and personal, accounted for the

grouping of constellations in accordance with these crude beliefs.[91]

Once more, if a story like that of 'Cupid and Psyche' be found among

the most diverse races, the distribution becomes intelligible if the

myth was invented to illustrate or enforce a widely prevalent custom.

But in the following story no such explanation is even provisionally

acceptable.

The gist of the tale (which has many different 'openings,' and

conclusions in different places) may be stated thus: A young man is

brought to the home of a hostile animal, a giant, cannibal, wizard, or

a malevolent king. He is put by his unfriendly host to various severe

trials, in which it is hoped that he will perish. In each trial he is

assisted by the daughter of his host. After achieving the adventures,

he elopes with the girl, and is pursued by her father. The runaway

pair throw various common objects behind them, which are changed into

magical obstacles and check the pursuit of the father. The myth has

various endings, usually happy, in various places. Another form of the

narrative is known, in which the visitors to the home of the hostile

being are, not wooers of his daughter, but brothers of his wife.[92]

The incidents of the flight, in this variant, are still of the same

character. Finally, when the flight is that of a brother from his

sister's malevolent ghost, in Hades (Japan), or of two sisters from a

cannibal mother or step-mother (Zulu and Samoyed), the events of the

flight and the magical aids to escape remain little altered. We shall

afterwards see that attempts have been made to interpret one of these

narratives as a nature-myth; but the attempts seem unsuccessful. We

are therefore at a loss to account for the wide diffusion of this

tale, unless it has been transmitted slowly from people to people, in

the immense unknown prehistoric past of the human race.

* * * * *

Before comparing the various forms of the myth in its first

shape--that which tells of the mortal lover and the giant's or

wizard's daughter--let us give the Scottish version of the story. This

version was written down for me, many years ago, by an aged lady in

Morayshire. I published it in the _Revue Celtique_; but it is probably

new to story-comparers, in its broad Scotch variant.

NICHT NOUGHT NOTHING.

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