General Washington, correctly foretelling that New York City would be
the next British objective, marched there from Boston with as much of
his army as could be induced to stay under the colors. Had it not been
for the presence of Washington's forces in New York, that colony would
certainly have remained Loyalist; as it was, the Patriot committees
had the greatest difficulty in keeping the Tories quiet by strong-arm
methods.[44]
The availability of drugs in New York prior to the arrival of
Washington's forces did not seem to be particularly affected by the
war. Thomas Attwood "at his store in Dock-Street" offered for sale a
wide assortment of drugs and medicines,[45] while William Stewart
offered "a fresh supply of Genuine Drugs and Medicines ... on the most
reasonable terms either for cash or at the usual credit."[46] The
citizens of New York did not even have to do without their popular
English patent medicines.[47]
Washington, however, had to provide for his own medical supplies in
New York. In a letter dated April 3 he ordered Director General Morgan
to remove the general hospital to New York with "all convenient
speed...."[48] The fixing and completing of the regimental chests was
to be deferred until Morgan arrived at New York.
Morgan remained behind in Boston for another six weeks collecting
medicines, furniture, and hospital stores worth thousands of pounds.
"The like quantity ... could not be procured," so Morgan later
claimed, "in any [other] part of America." He was also able to
purchase drugs from Salem, Newport, and Norwich, and before departing
for New York he completed a medicine chest for each of the five
regiments at Boston, Salem, and Marblehead, as ordered by
Washington.[49]
Morgan arrived in New York about June 3 and purchased some additional
drugs there. By June 17 his staff had made up 30 medicine chests for
the regiments at New York as well as for "the branches of the General
Hospital at New-York, in the bowry and neighborhood and at
Long-Island." But the number of regiments requiring medical supplies
exceeded Morgan's expectations, particularly since he had been advised
that "the Southward regiments" would be supplied by Congress in
Philadelphia.[50]
By the middle of June, Morgan must have realized that the supply of
drugs available was inadequate despite the sizable quantity brought
from Boston and the small stock he was able to obtain in New York. It
appears that many of the New York druggists were Loyalists, and
somehow they and their stock of drugs disappeared when needed by
Washington's army. For example, druggist Thomas Attwood "removed his
store consisting of a general assortment of Drugs and Medicines" to
Newark in May only to reappear in New York again under British
occupation with a good stock of "Drugs and Medicines."[51]
The New York Committee of Safety had attempted to develop a stock of
drugs early in the year when they were plentiful,[52] but in June this
supply was valued at only L30. Even this small stock was not available
to Morgan because when he asked permission to purchase the medicines
at "a reasonable price ... for use of the Continental Hospital" the
New York Provincial Congress rejected his plea on June 26 with the
explanation that this medicine was to be "reserved for the use of the
poor and other inhabitants of this city."[53]
With increasing demands to supply the troops in the Northern
Department, Morgan turned to Philadelphia and the Continental
Congress. Morgan owned a small stock of drugs in Philadelphia, and
knew of another supply in the possession of the firm of Delaney and
Smith,[54] so he sent Dr. Barnabus Binney to Philadelphia to forward
"with all dispatch" what medicines he had there and whatever could be
obtained from Congress.[55] Congress resolved on July 17 "to purchase
the Medicines (now in Phila) belonging to Doctor Morgan,"[56] but for
nearly a month Binney was unable to obtain any additional supplies
either from Congress or from private sources.
On June 25 Morgan wrote to Samuel Adams asking for power "to demand a
proportion of the Continental medicines left in care of Messrs.
Delaney & Smith," and he repeated the request in July. However,
Morgan's only reply from Adams, dated August 5, made no mention of the
Delaney and Smith drug stock. Instead Adams wrote only: "I have
received several letters from you, which I should have sooner
acknowledged, if I could only have found leisure. I took however, the
necessary steps to have what you requested effected in Congress."[57]
Finally, on August 8, Congress directed the committee for procuring
medicines "to supply the director general of the Hospital with such
medicines as he may want."[58] By this time, such a resolution was
hardly much consolation to Morgan. Evidence of the status of the
supplies in the general hospital at New York can be gleaned from an
advertisement in the _New-York Gazette_ of July 29 signed by Thomas
Carnes, "Steward and Quarter-Master to the General Hospital":
WANTED immediately ... a large quantity of dry herbs, for baths,
fomentations, &c. &c. particularly baum hysop, wormwood and
mallows, for which a good price will be given. The good people of
the neighboring towns, and even those who live more remote from
this city, by carefully collecting and curing quantities of useful
herbs will greatly promote the good of the Army, and considerably
benefit themselves.
The retreat from Long Island on August 27 and the subsequent loss of
New York City to the British certainly did not help the medical supply
problem. Despite the fact that part of the medical stores were shipped
to Stamford, Connecticut, and another stock of supplies removed to
Newark, Morgan admits that "the most valuable part was still left in
New-York when the enemy had effected a landing, drawn a line across
the island, and were entering New-York."[59] General Knox later told
how "late in the day of the 15th of September, 1776, after the enemy
had beat back part of the American troops," Morgan "came over from
Powles Hook in a pettiauger, and had her loaded with Hospital
stores."[60] Washington personally reported on September 16 that "the
retreat was effected with but little loss of Men, tho' a considerable
part of our Baggage ... part of our Stores and Provisions, which we
were removing, was unavoidably left in the City...."[61]
One small bundle of private drug supplies saved from the British is
reported[62] by "Doct. Prime, A Refuge from Long Island," who
announced the opening of a shop in Wethersfield. The newspaper
advertisement reported that Prime
... has saved from the enemy a parcel of medicines, part of which
he would barter for such articles as he wants, especially shop
utensils of which he had unfortunately lost the most of his own....
The medical supply problem went from bad to worse as Washington's army
retreated from Harlem Heights to White Plains and then finally into
New Jersey. Morgan again turned to Philadelphia for drugs, but
obtained "none or next to none." Instead of ten pounds of tartar
emetic which Morgan requested from Philadelphia druggist Robert Bass
and the newly appointed Continental Druggist, William Smith, four
ounces was all that he received, but with "a proper apology."[63]
On September 21, the supply of bark was completely exhausted, and
Washington was furious. On September 24 in a letter to the President
of the Congress, Washington charged that the regimental surgeons were
aiming "to break up the Genl. Hospital" and that they had "in
numberless Instances drawn for Medicines, Stores, &c. in the most
profuse and extravagent manner for private purposes."[64]
To make matters worse, new troops continued to arrive without medical
supplies. For example, those from Maryland arrived at White Plains
with their regimental surgeons fully expecting Morgan to supply them
with medicines, even though the Maryland Convention on October 4 had
ordered that these troops be supplied with medicines by the Maryland
Council of Safety before their departure.[65]
Morgan thought he had at least one small but safe stock of drugs.
Barnabas Binney, who was sent to Philadelphia in July for medical
supplies, was successful in obtaining "a reasonable good order" about
the middle of August, including "30 lb. Camphor; 10 lb. Ipecac; 7 lb.
Opium; 50 lb. Quicksilver; 40 lb. Jalap; 68 lb. Manna; 186 lb. Nitre;
200 lb. Cream of Tartar; 269 lb. Bark; and other important
articles."[66] However, since these supplies arrived at Newark just as
Washington was beginning to pull out of Long Island, they were
deposited at a newly established hospital under Cutting, the assistant
apothecary.[67]
When Morgan finally began drawing on these supplies, Dr. William
Shippen had been placed in charge of the hospitals in New Jersey and
the medicines had been turned over to him by a vote of Congress.[68]
Finally, on January 9, 1777, Congress dismissed Morgan as director
general without giving any reasons except to indicate indirectly that
it was due to his inability to provide adequate medical supplies.[69]
To add insult to injury, on February 5 Congress asked "what is become
of the medicines which Dr. Morgan took from Boston ..." and resolved
to "take measures to have them secured, and applied to the use of the
army."[70]
[Illustration: Figure 2.--Set of surgical instruments used by Dr.
Benjamin Treadwell during the Revolution. Included are three
amputation knives, forceps, a ball extractor, and two surgical hooks.
Preserved at the Medical Museum of the Armed Forces Institute of
Pathology. (_Photo courtesy of Armed Forces Institute of Pathology._)]
Meanwhile, in New York City the supply of drugs had returned to normal
or near normal within a few weeks after the British occupation. On
September 30, 1776, Thomas Brownejohn announced the opening "of his
medicinal store at the corner of Hanover-Square ... where gentlemen of
the army and navy can be supplied at the shortest notice with all
kinds of medicines on the most reasonable terms." On December 16
Richard Speaight announced that he "has once again opened his Shop at
the sign of the Elaboratory in Queen-Street," and a week later Thomas
Attwood returned from Newark to open "his store of Drugs and Medicines
in Dock-Street." To touch upon the sympathy of the Loyalists, Donald
McLean, "Surgeon of the late Seventy-Seventh Regiment," reported in
January 1777 that he was "now happily delivered from his late
captivity" and again opening a shop in Water-Street for drugs and
medicines.[71]
Importations from London commenced as early as December 1776 when "the
Brig Friendship lying at Beaches Wharf" offered for sale "An
Assortment of Drugs, Consisting of Bark, Opium, Rhubarb, &c." In April
1777 Speaight advertised "a fresh Importation ... from the original
ware-houses in London," and, in June, Attwood advertised "A large and
general Assortment of Drugs and Medicines freshly imported.... Several
Medicine Chests complete, fitted up in London, with printed
Directions."[72]
Importation by the British was not without its problems, however.
Joseph Gurney Bevan, owner of the Plough Court Pharmacy in London,
wrote Dr. Traser in Jamaica on October 25, 1777:
I hope thou will be pleased with the Bark. It is very good and the
best I have seen this year, but I do not think any Bark in town is
equal to what I have seen in former years. Thou wilt note the snake
root to be very dear. The cause is the stoppage of the American
trade. Opium is also much higher than I ever knew it. The insurance
is raised on account of the American privateers.
Answering a letter from William Stewart of New York, Bevan wrote on
March 5, 1777:
I wish it were yet in my power to ... forward the medicines and
utensils thou hast written for. But on inquiry I am informed that
it is not permitted that anything shall yet be sent to New York in
a merchantile way. Therefore I must defer till the wanted
intercourse between us and you is re-established.... I want to
advise thee to buy what snake root thou cans't pick up which I
believe if sent hither at the first opening of the trade, will turn
to good Account.
Bevan was still reluctant to make any shipments in April because the
"ships and cargoes on their arrival at New York will be at the mercy
of the persons in command there," but on September 4 he shipped a
large order to McLean.[73] During the remainder of the war, the
Plough Court Pharmacy continued regular shipments to McLean as well as
to Stewart and to Brownejohn.
"Medicines--None"
Morgan's chaotic situation at New York was mild compared to the
conditions at Fort George and Ticonderoga in the Northern Department.
Dr. Samuel Stringer, medical director of the Northern Department,
wrote General Washington on May 10, 1776, that the majority of the
regimental surgeons had neither medicines nor instruments, and that
there was no possibility of getting them in Canada. Washington replied
that he would direct Dr. Morgan to send the required supplies, and ask
for additional help from Congress.[74] However, until early in June,
Morgan was in no position to outfit medicine chests for any of the
troops at New York, much less for the army in the north; and Congress
didn't even get around to directing "the committee appointed to
provide medicines ... to send a proper assortment of medicine to
Canada" until June 17.[75]
After Morgan had established the general hospital at New York, he
wrote to Samuel Adams on June 25 that
... the state of the Army in Canada ... for a supply of medicines
is truly deplorable. General Gates sets out to-morrow to take
command of the Army in Canada. Dr. Potts will accompany him. I have
therefore given orders to supply him from the General Hospital with
a large chest of such medicines as I can best spare, and which can
be got ready to-morrow before his departure.[76]
Until July 24, the only medicines to arrive at Fort George were the
"few that Dr. Potts brought with him" even though Morgan had,
according to Stringer, promised to send "by the first sloop twenty
half-chests of medicines" put up at New York for ten battalions in the
north. Stringer therefore asked permission of General Gates at
Ticonderoga to "go forth to York and see the medicines forthwith
forwarded by land, until they can be safely conveyed by water."
Permission was granted on July 29 and Stringer departed for New
York.[77] Meanwhile, Morgan had written Potts on July 28 that he had
sent Dr. James McHenry to Philadelphia for drugs, and that he was
sending Andrew Craigie to Fort George to "act as an Apothecary."
Morgan also asked for an inventory of drugs on hand in the Northern
Department.[78]
Stringer spent only a day or two in New York with Morgan--just long
enough to intensify their personal feud over responsibilities and
authority. Stringer determined that the "twenty half-chests"
apparently were a figment of someone's imagination, because supplies
in New York were almost as bad as they were in the north. Also, he
learned that Morgan was sending a box of medicine northward "under the
care of the Surgeon of Col. Wayne Regt."[79] that was undoubtedly
intended to serve only as a regimental chest. Stringer then hurried on
to Philadelphia just in time to intercept McHenry, who had obtained
"an order from the Committee of Congress for 40 lb. Bark, 10 [lb.]
Camphire and some other articles."[80]
Stringer wrote Potts on August 17 that at last he had obtained an
order for medicines that would be packed in two days, but added "when
you'll receive them God knows." He also reported that "there will also
arrive another Box under the care of Doct. McHenry containing only 5
articles of which there is but 30 lbs. Bark and I think not a
purgative except some few pounds of Rhubarb and a little Fol.
Senae."[81] McHenry, however, only got as far as New York with his
meager supplies, because Stringer discharged him from the service in
an attempt to show both Morgan and Potts who had the most
authority.[82]
Stringer's inexcusably long absence from his hospital post and failure
to send the needed medicines so aroused General Gates that he wrote
the President of the Congress on August 31 as follows:[83]
The Director of the General Hospital in this department, Doctor
Stringer, was sent to New-York three and thirty days ago, with
positive orders to return the instant he had provided the drugs and
medicines so much wanted. Since then, repeated letters have been
wrote to New-York and Philadelphia, setting forth in the strongest
terms the pressing necessity of an immediate supply of these
articles.
Finally, almost a month after his arrival in Philadelphia, Stringer
set out for Albany with a small stock of drugs. On September 7 he
wrote Potts from Albany that he hoped the small supply that he
obtained and the chest of medicines that Morgan had just sent would
hold out until he could obtain additional supplies in New England,
where he was then headed "to ransack that Country of those articles we
want."[84]
Meanwhile, Potts at Fort George had started making the desired
inventory of medicines. It came as no surprise to anyone that the
situation was deplorable--indeed, it was worse than that. On August 31
a committee of surgeons at Ticonderoga prepared at General Gates'
order "A Catalogue of Medicines Most Necessary for the Army." This
list, undoubtedly representing the minimum requirements of each
battalion, called for 20 pounds of bark, 4 pounds of gum camphor, 2
pounds of gum opium, 3 pounds of powdered ipecac, 4 pounds of powdered
jalap, 2 pounds of powdered rhubarb, 15 pounds of Epsom salts, and 3
pounds of tartar emetic among two dozen different medicines.[85]
Instead of these minimum requirements, regimental surgeons at
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Mount Independence, and Fort George
presented inventories (mostly dated September 8) that clearly
emphasized their destitute condition.
The first New Jersey battalion at Ticonderoga reported "No Jallap,
Rhubarb, Salts, or Ipecac"; while Colonel Whilocks' regiment at
Ticonderoga reported "No medicines exclusive of private property." The
five companies of artillery at Fort George reported "Medicines--None,"
as did the 24th Regiment at Mount Independence. Others reported small
or "tollerable" assortments of medicine. A close examination of the
inventory of the Pennsylvania 6th Battalion at Crown Point shows it to
have been lacking bark, ipecac, rhubarb, camphor, and salts; and only
one-half ounce of jalap and 2 ounces of gum opium remained in the
chest outfitted by Christopher and Charles Marshall on April 25 in
Philadelphia. The 15th Regiment of Foot at Mount Independence claimed
2 ounces of bark and 1-1/2 ounces of gum opium, while the 6th Regiment
at Ticonderoga was as well off as any with one-half pound of bark and
4 ounces of gum opium.[86] Compared with the minimum need of 20 pounds
of bark and 2 pounds of gum opium, even this was not of much comfort.
The inventory "of the Medicines in the Continental Store at Fort
George" dated September 9 was not very comforting either. While the
store included 137 different items, including equipment and containers
of all the capital medicines, only Epsom salts appeared to be
available in a sufficient quantity. Seven pounds of rhubarb were also
on hand, but conspicuous by their absence were bark, ipecac, jalap,
gum camphor, and gum opium.[87]
With their continuous requests and demands, the regimental surgeons
made life miserable for Potts. Surgeon Mate of the Pennsylvania 1st
wrote that the "Chest of Medicine ... is not yet arrived but expect it
hourly...." Trumbull asked: "Have your Medicines arriv'd? Have
Stringer or McHenry made their appearance yet? Our people fall sick by
Dozens. I not a Pennys worth of Medicine have for them, even in the
most virulent disorders." Surgeon Johnston begged: "Pray if possible
send me 4 pounds Pulv. Cort. Peruv. [Bark] and 3 ounces Tart[ar]
Emet[ic]. With those medicines I think I could restore a number of our
best Men to perfect Health."[88]
In those instances where some drugs were on hand, the shortage of
pharmaceutical equipment hampered, if not prevented, the preparation
of proper dosage forms. Surgeon McCrea on board the _Royal Savage_
wrote on September 2 that he "found a great inconvenience for want of
scales & waits,"[89] and the surgeon at Crown Point wrote on September
19 that "the Medicines which I rec'd a few days ago will be of very
little Benefit as I have no fit Mortar &c to prepare them with & must
use them in Decoction."[90]
It wasn't until October that any relief arrived, and even then there
were disappointments. Andrew Craigie, at Fort George, received a
wagonload of herbs on October 3, but, as Craigie reported to Potts,
"one half the load is entirely useless, containing Saffron, Pink
flower, and whole H[eade]d Pennyroyal, &c. &c. Dr. Brown thinks his
broad shoulders would carry all the articles that are worth anything."
Craigie recommended to Potts that payment should not be made for all
the useless articles.[91]
The long-lost Stringer finally arrived at Albany from Boston on
October 5 and reported to Gates that he had met the greatest success
in procuring L5,000 of medicines.[92] Ten days later, Stringer wrote
Potts that he was now forwarding "by waggon two Barrels & 1 Box of
Medicines ... [which] will suffice for the present, not thinking it
prudent to send up the whole, especially as we can always get them up
as they are wanted."[93]
Even after the long delay, most of the supplies were still held in
Albany instead of being distributed among the surgeons who needed
them. This infuriated Potts to a point that even Stringer found it
necessary, on October 25, to explain:
I received yesterday a letter from you ... before this time you
will have rec'd such of the articles you desired as we had to spare
[from] the Medicines I purchased at Boston ... I thought [it] not
proper to risque [them] up here; neither were any of them in
powder, and all that were so at this place we sent you, and have
two hands busy in preparing more for our own use. I hope that [the
shipment] sent will be sufficient for your purpose.[94]
Andrew Craigie had sent three barrels and four boxes of supplies to
Ticonderoga on October 22,[95] but the shipment obviously did not
suffice. On November 7 Stringer wrote that "as soon as possible the
Medicines you wrote for shall be prepared and sent, but they are
chiefly to be pulverized." In his typical style he added, "I cannot
conceive what use you will have for five sieves when you have no large
mortar."[96]
The November 27 report of the committee of Congress on the conditions
in the general hospital at Fort George indicates that the supply
situation was at last reasonably good,[97] but by this time the season
was far advanced and the forces had to retire to winter quarters.
Stringer was relieved of his command along with Morgan early the
following year. Unlike that of Morgan, Stringer's dismissal appears to
have been based on reasonably good grounds.