ARTICLE THE TENTH.

And whereas, it is contrary to the moral principles of Neutrality and

Peace, that any Neutral Nation should furnish to the Belligerent Powers,

or any of them, the means of carrying on War against each other, We,

therefore, the Powers composing this Association, Declare, that we

will each one for itself, prohibit in our Dominions the exportation or

transportation of military stores, comprehending gunpowder, cannon, and

cannon-balls, fire arms of all kinds, and all kinds of iron and steel

weapons used in War. Excluding therefrom all kinds of Utensils and

Instruments used in civil or domestic life, and every other article that

cannot, in its immediate state, be employed in War.

Having thus declared the moral Motives of the foregoing Article, We

declare also the civil and political Intention thereof, to wit,

That as Belligerent Nations have no right to visit or search any Ship or

Vessel belonging to a Nation at Peace, and under the protection of

the Laws and Government thereof, and as all such visit or search is an

insult to the Nation to which such Ship or Vessel belongs and to

the Government of the same, We, therefore, the Powers composing this

Association, will take the right of prohibition on ourselves to whom it

properly belongs, and by whom only it can be legally exercised, and

not permit foreign Nations, in a state of War, to usurp the right of

legislating by Proclamation for any of the Citizens or Subjects of the

Powers composing this Association.

It is, therefore, in order to take away all pretence of search or visit,

which by being offensive might become a new cause of War, that we will

provide Laws and publish them by Proclamation, each in his own Dominion,

to prohibit the supplying, or carrying to, the Belligerent Powers,

or either of them, the military stores or articles before mentioned,

annexing thereto a penalty to be levied or inflicted upon any persons

within our several Dominions transgressing the same. And we invite all

Persons, as well of the Belligerent Nations as of our own, or of

any other, to give information of any knowledge they may have of

any transgressions against the said Law, that the offenders may be

prosecuted.

By this conduct we restore the word Contraband (_contra_ and _ban_) to

its true and original signification, which means against Law, edict, or

Proclamation; and none but the Government of a Nation can have, or can

exercise, the right of making Laws, edicts, or Proclamations, for the

conduct of its Citizens or Subjects.

Now We, the undersigned Powers, declare the aforesaid Articles to be a

Law of Nations at all times, or until a Congress of Nations shall meet

to form some Law more effectual.

And we do recommend that immediately on the breaking out of War between

any two or more Nations, that Deputies be appointed by all Neutral

Nations, whether members of this Association or not, to meet in Congress

in some central place to take cognizance of any violations of the Rights

of Neutral Nations.

Signed, &c.

For the purpose of giving operation to the aforesaid plan of an _unarmed

Association_, the following Paragraph was subjoined:

It may be judged proper for the order of Business, that the Association

of Nations have a President for a term of years, and the Presidency to

pass by rotation, to each of the parties composing the Association.

In that case, and for the sake of regularity, the first President to

be the Executive power of the most northerly Nation composing the

Association, and his deputy or Minister at the Congress to be President

of the Congress,--and the next most northerly to be Vice-president, who

shall succeed to the Presidency, and so on. The line determining the

Geographical situation of each, to be the latitude of the Capital of

each Nation.

If this method be adopted it will be proper that the first President

be nominally constituted in order to give rotation to the rest. In that

case the following Article might be added to the foregoing, viz't. The

Constitution of the Association nominates the Emperor Paul to be _first

President_ of the Association of Nations for the protection of Neutral

Commerce, and securing the freedom of the Seas.

The foregoing plan, as I have before mentioned, was presented to the

Ministers of all the Neutral Nations then in Paris, in the summer of

1800. Six Copies were given to the Russian General Springporten; and a

Russian Gentleman who was going to Petersburgh took two expressly for

the purpose of putting them into the hands of Paul I sent the original

manuscript, in my own handwriting, to Mr. Jefferson, and also wrote him

four Letters, dated the 1st, 4th, 6th, 16th of October, 1800, giving

him an account of what was then going on in Europe respecting Neutral

Commerce.

The Case was, that in order to compel the English Government to

acknowledge the rights of Neutral Commerce, and that free Ships make

free Goods, the _Emperor Paul_, in the month of September following the

publication of the plan, shut all the Ports of Russia against England.

Sweden and Denmark did the same by their Ports, and Denmark shut up

Hamburgh. Prussia shut up the Elbe and the Weser. The ports of Spain,

Portugal, and Naples were shut up, and, in general, all the ports of

Italy, except Venice, which the Emperor of Germany held; and had it not

been for the untimely death of Paul, a _Law of Nations_, founded on the

authority of Nations, for establishing the rights of Neutral Commerce

and the freedom of the Seas, would have been proclaimed, and the

Government of England must have consented to that Law, or the Nation

must have lost its Commerce; and the consequence to America would have

been, that such a Law would, in a great measure if not entirely, have

released her from the injuries of Jay's Treaty.

Of all these matters I informed Mr. Jefferson. This was before he was

President, and the Letter he wrote me after he was President was in

answer to those I had written to him and the manuscript Copy of the plan

I had sent here. Here follows the Letter:

Washington, March 18, 1801. Dear Sir:

Your letters of Oct. 1st, 4th, 6th, 16th, came duly to hand, and the

papers which they covered were, according to your permission, published

in the Newspapers, and in a Pamphlet, and under your own name. These

papers contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be

generally recognized here. _Determined as we are to avoid, if possible,

wasting the energies of our People in war and destruction, we shall

avoid implicating ourselves with the Powers of Europe, even in support

of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other Interests

different from ours that we must avoid being entangled in them. We

believe we can enforce those principles as to ourselves by Peaceable

means, now that we are likely to have our Public Councils detached from

foreign views. The return of our citizens from the phrenzy into which

they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly by

artifices practiced upon them, is almost extinct, and will, I believe,

become quite so_, But these details, too minute and long for a Letter,

will be better developed by Mr. Dawson, the Bearer of this, a Member of

the late Congress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the Maryland

Sloop of War, which will wait a few days at Havre to receive his Letters

to be written on his arrival at Paris. You expressed a wish to get a

passage to this Country in a Public Vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with

orders to the Captain of the Maryland to receive and accommodate you

back if you can be ready to depart at such a short warning. Rob't R.

Livingston is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of

France, but will not leave this, till we receive the ratification of

the Convention by Mr. Dawson. I am in hopes you will find us returned

generally to sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will be

your glory to have steadily laboured and with as much effect as any man

living. That you may long live to continue your useful Labours and to

reap the reward in the thankfulness of Nations is my sincere prayer.

Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate attachment.

Thomas Jefferson.

This, Citizens of the United States, is the Letter about which the

leaders and tools of the Federal faction, without knowing its contents

or the occasion of writing it, have wasted so many malignant falsehoods.

It is a Letter which, on account of its wise economy and peaceable

principles, and its forbearance to reproach, will be read by every good

Man and every good Citizen with pleasure; and the faction, mortified at

its appearance, will have to regret they forced it into publication. The

least atonement they can now offer is to make the Letter as public as

they have made their own infamy, and learn to lie no more.

The same injustice they shewed to Mr. Jefferson they shewed to me. I

had employed myself in Europe, and at my own expense, in forming and

promoting a plan that would, in its operation, have benefited the

Commerce of America; and the faction here invented and circulated an

account in the papers they employ, that I had given a plan to the French

for burning all the towns on the Coast from Savannah to Baltimore. Were

I to prosecute them for this (and I do not promise that I will not, for

the Liberty of the Press is not the liberty of lying,) there is not a

federal judge, not even one of Midnight appointment, but must, from the

nature of the case, be obliged to condemn them. The faction, however,

cannot complain they have been restrained in any thing. They have had

their full swing of lying uncontradicted; they have availed themselves,

unopposed, of all the arts Hypocrisy could devise; and the event has

been, what in all such cases it ever will and ought to be, _the ruin of

themselves_.

The Characters of the late and of the present Administrations are now

sufficiently marked, and the adherents of each keep up the distinction.

The former Administration rendered itself notorious by outrage,

coxcombical parade, false alarms, a continued increase of taxes, and an

unceasing clamor for War; and as every vice has a virtue opposed to

it, the present Administration moves on the direct contrary line.

The question, therefore, at elections is not properly a question upon

Persons, but upon principles. Those who are for Peace, moderate taxes,

and mild Government, will vote for the Administration that conducts

itself by those principles, in whatever hands that Administration may

be.

There are in the United States, and particularly in the middle States,

several religious Sects, whose leading moral principle is PEACE. It is,

therefore, impossible that such Persons, consistently with the dictates

of that principle, can vote for an Administration that is clamorous

for War. When moral principles, rather than Persons, are candidates for

Power, to vote is to perform a moral duty, and not to vote is to neglect

a duty.

That persons who are hunting after places, offices, and contracts,

should be advocates for War, taxes, and extravagance, is not to be

wondered at; but that so large a portion of the People who had nothing

to depend upon but their Industry, and no other public prospect but that

of paying taxes, and bearing the burden, should be advocates for the

same measures, is a thoughtlessness not easily accounted for. But reason

is recovering her empire, and the fog of delusion is clearing away.

Thomas Paine.

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