X. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE.

Paris, Sept. 25, [1792.] First Year of the Republic.

Fellow Citizens,

I RECEIVE, with affectionate gratitude, the honour which the late

National Assembly has conferred upon me, by adopting me a Citizen of

France: and the additional honor of being elected by my fellow citizens

a Member of the National Convention.(1) Happily impressed, as I am, by

those testimonies of respect shown towards me as an individual, I feel

my felicity increased by seeing the barrier broken down that divided

patriotism by spots of earth, and limited citizenship to the soil, like

vegetation.

Had those honours been conferred in an hour of national tranquillity,

they would have afforded no other means of shewing my affection, than

to have accepted and enjoyed them; but they come accompanied with

circumstances that give me the honourable opportunity of commencing

my citizenship in the stormy hour of difficulties. I come not to enjoy

repose. Convinced that the cause of France is the cause of all mankind,

and that liberty cannot be purchased by a wish, I gladly share with you

the dangers and honours necessary to success.

1 The National Assembly (August 26, 1792) conferred the

title of "French Citizen" on "Priestley, Payne, Bentham,

Wilberforce, Clarkson, Mackintosh, Campe, Cormelle, Paw,

David Williams, Gorani, Anacharsis Clootz, Pestalozzi,

Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Klopstoc, Kosciusko,

Gilleers."--_Editor._. vol ni--7

I am well aware that the moment of any great change, such as that

accomplished on the 10th of August, is unavoidably the moment of

terror and confusion. The mind, highly agitated by hope, suspicion and

apprehension, continues without rest till the change be accomplished.

But let us now look calmly and confidently forward, and success is

certain. It is no longer the paltry cause of kings, or of this, or of

that individual, that calls France and her armies into action. It is the

great cause of all. It is the establishment of a new aera, that shall

blot despotism from the earth, and fix, on the lasting principles of

peace and citizenship, the great Republic of Man.

It has been my fate to have borne a share in the commencement and

complete establishment of one Revolution, (I mean the Revolution of

America.) The success and events of that Revolution are encouraging to

us. The prosperity and happiness that have since flowed to that country,

have amply rewarded her for all the hardships she endured and for all

the dangers she encountered.

The principles on which that Revolution began, have extended themselves

to Europe; and an over-ruling Providence is regenerating the Old World

by the principles of the New. The distance of America from all the

other parts of the globe, did not admit of her carrying those principles

beyond her own situation. It is to the peculiar honour of France, that

she now raises the standard of liberty for all nations; and in fighting

her own battles, contends for the rights of all mankind.

The same spirit of fortitude that insured success to America; will

insure it to France, for it is impossible to conquer a nation determined

to be free! The military circumstances that now unite themselves to

France, are such as the despots of the earth know nothing of, and can

form no calculation upon. They know not what it is to fight against a

nation; they have only been accustomed to make war upon each other,

and they know, from system and practice, how to calculate the probable

success of despot against despot; and here their knowledge and their

experience end.

But in a contest like the present a new and boundless variety of

circumstances arise, that deranges all such customary calculations. When

a whole nation acts as an army, the despot knows not the extent of the

power against which he contends. New armies arise against him with the

necessity of the moment. It is then that the difficulties of an invading

enemy multiply, as in the former case they diminished; and he finds them

at their height when he expected them to end.

The only war that has any similarity of circumstances with the present,

is the late revolution war in America. On her part, as it now is in

France, it was a war of the whole nation:--there it was that the enemy,

by beginning to conquer, put himself in a condition of being conquered.

His first victories prepared him for defeat. He advanced till he could

not retreat, and found himself in the midst of a nation of armies.

Were it now to be proposed to the Austrians and Prussians, to escort

them into the middle of France, and there leave them to make the most

of such a situation, they would see too much into the dangers of it to

accept the offer, and the same dangers would attend them, could they

arrive there by any other means. Where, then, is the military policy of

their attempting to obtain, by force, that which they would refuse by

choice? But to reason with despots is throwing reason away. The best of

arguments is a vigorous preparation.

Man is ever a stranger to the ways by which Providence regulates the

order of things. The interference of foreign despots may serve to

introduce into their own enslaved countries the principles they come

to oppose. Liberty and Equality are blessings too great to be the

inheritance of France alone. It is an honour to her to be their first

champion; and she may now say to her enemies, with a mighty voice, "O!

ye Austrians, ye Prussians! ye who now turn your bayonets against us,

it is for you, it is for all Europe, it is for all mankind, and not for

France alone, that she raises the standard of Liberty and Equality!"

The public cause has hitherto suffered from the contradictions contained

in the Constitution of the Constituent Assembly. Those contradictions

have served to divide the opinions of individuals at home, and to

obscure the great principles of the Revolution in other countries. But

when those contradictions shall be removed, and the Constitution be

made conformable to the declaration of Rights; when the bagatelles of

monarchy, royalty, regency, and hereditary succession, shall be exposed,

with all their absurdities, a new ray of light will be thrown over the

world, and the Revolution will derive new strength by being universally

understood.

The scene that now opens itself to France extends far beyond the

boundaries of her own dominions. Every nation is becoming her colleague,

and every court is become her enemy. It is now the cause of all nations,

against the cause of all courts. The terror that despotism felt,

clandestinely begot a confederation of despots; and their attack upon

France was produced by their fears at home.

In entering on this great scene, greater than any nation has yet been

called to act in, let us say to the agitated mind, be calm. Let us

punish by instructing, rather than by revenge. Let us begin the new

ara by a greatness of friendship, and hail the approach of union and

success.

Your Fellow-Citizen,

Thomas Paine.

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