Let us take advantage of Vicente's long silence to explain w

TRANSCRIPTION NOTES:

* the English translation was placed after the Portuguese text (it was

originally side by side with the Portuguese text)

* critical edition notes were placed after the Portuguese text

* critical notes which refer to the play's introduction, before the line

numbering, were labelled '0.'

* ^ is used for superscript.

❧ COPILACAM DE

TODALAS OBRAS DE GIL VICENTE, A QVAL SE

REPARTE EM CINCO LIVROS O PRIMEYRO HE DE TODAS

suas cousas de deuaçam. O segundo as comedias.

O terceyro as tragicomedias. No quarto as farsas.

No quinto as obras meudas.

[Illustration]

¶ Empremiose em a muy nobre & sempre leal cidade de Lixboa

em casa de Ioam Aluarez impressor del Rey nosso senhor

Anno de M D LXII

¶ Foy visto polos deputados da Sancta Inquisiçam.

COM PRIVILEGIO REAL.

(⁂)

¶ Vendem se a cruzado em papel em casa de Francisco fernandez na rua

noua.

TITLE-PAGE OF THE FIRST (1562) EDITION OF GIL VICENTE'S WORKS

FOUR PLAYS OF GIL VICENTE

Edited from the _editio princeps_ (1562), with Translation and Notes, by

AUBREY F. G. BELL

Θαρρε̂ιν χρ̀η τ̀ον κὰι σμικρόν τι δυνάμεηοη

ἐις τ̀ο πρόσθεν ̓αὲι προϊέναι.

PLATO, _Sophistes_.

CAMBRIDGE

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1920

KRAUS REPRINT CO.

New York

1969

TO ALL THOSE WHO HAVE LABOURED IN THE VICENTIAN VINEYARD

LC 24-15201

_First Published 1920_

_Reprinted by permission of the Cambridge University Press_

KRAUS REPRINT CO.

A U. S. Division of Kraus-Thomson Organization Limited

Printed in U. S. A.

PREFACE

Gil Vicente, that sovereign genius[1], is too popular and indigenous for

translation and this may account for the fact that he has not been

presented to English readers. It is hoped, however, that a fairly

accurate version, with the text in view[2], may give some idea of his

genius. The religious, the patriotic-imperial, the satirical and the

pastoral sides of his drama are represented respectively by the _Auto da

Alma_, the _Exhortação_, the _Almocreves_ and the _Serra da Estrella_,

while his lyrical vein is seen in the _Auto da Alma_ and in two

delightful songs: the _serranilha_ of the _Almocreves_ and the

_cossante_ of the _Serra da Estrella_. Many of his plays, including some

of the most charming of his lyrics, were written in Spanish and this

limited the choice from the point of view of Portuguese literature, but

there are others of the Portuguese plays fully as well worth reading as

the four here given.

The text is that of the exceedingly rare first edition (1562). Apart

from accents and punctuation, it is reproduced without alteration,

unless a passage is marked by an asterisk, when the text of the _editio

princeps_ will be found in the foot-notes, in which variants of other

editions are also given.

In these notes A represents the _editio princeps_ (1562): _Copilaçam de

todalas obras de Gil Vicente, a qual se reparte em cinco livros. O

primeyro he de todas suas cousas de deuaçam. O segundo as comedias. O

terceyro as tragicomedias. No quarto as farsas. No quinto as obras

meudas. Empremiose em a muy nobre & sempre leal cidade de Lixboa em casa

de Ioam Aluarez impressor del Rey nosso senhor. Anno de MDLXII_. The

second (1586) edition (B) is the _Copilaçam de todalas obras de Gil

Vicente... Lixboa, por Andres Lobato, Anno de MDLXXXVJ_. A third edition

in three volumes appeared in 1834 (C): _Obras de Gil Vicente, correctas

e emendadas pelo cuidado e diligencia de J. V. Barreto Feio e J. G.

Monteiro_. Hamburgo, 1834. This was based, although not always with

scrupulous accuracy, on the _editio princeps_, and subsequent editions

have faithfully adhered to that of 1834: _Obras_, 3 vol. Lisboa, 1852

(D), and _Obras_, ed. Mendes dos Remedios, 3 vol. Coimbra, 1907, 12, 14

[_Subsidios_, vol. 11, 15, 17][3] (E). Although there has been a

tendency of late to multiply editions of Gil Vicente, no attempt has

been made to produce a critical edition. It is generally felt that that

must be left to the master hand of Dona Carolina Michaëlis de

Vasconcellos[4]. Since the plays of Vicente number over forty the

present volume is only a tentative step in this direction, but it may

serve to show the need of referring to, and occasionally emending, the

_editio princeps_ in any future edition of the most national poet of

Portugal[5].

AUBREY F. G. BELL.

_8 April 1920._

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Este soberano ingenio._ Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, _Antologia_,

tom. 7, p. clxiii.

[2] Although the text has been given without alteration it has not been

thought necessary to provide a precise rendering of the coarser

passages.

[3] The Paris 1843 edition is the Hamburg 1834 edition with a different

title-page. The _Auto da Alma_ was published separately at Lisbon in

1902 and again (in part) in _Autos de Gil Vicente. Compilação e prefacio

de Affonso Lopes Vieira_, Porto, 1916; while extracts appeared in

_Portugal. An Anthology, edited with English versions, by George Young_.

Oxford, 1916. The present text and translation are reprinted, by

permission of the Editor, from _The Modern Language Review_.

[4] I understand that the eminent philologist Dr José Leite de

Vasconcellos is also preparing an edition.

[5] Facsimiles of the title-pages of the two early editions of Vicente's

works are reproduced here through the courtesy of Senhor Anselmo

Braamcamp Freire.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE v

INTRODUCTION ix

AUTO DA ALMA (THE SOUL'S JOURNEY) 1

EXHORTAÇAO DA GUERRA (EXHORTATION TO WAR) 23

FARSA DOS ALMOCREVES (THE CARRIERS) 37

TRAGICOMEDIA PASTORIL DA SERRA DA ESTRELLA 55

NOTES 73

LIST OF PROVERBS IN GIL VICENTE'S WORKS 84

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF GIL VICENTE 86

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF GIL VICENTE'S LIFE AND WORKS 89

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES 95

* * * * *

FACSIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION (1562)

OF GIL VICENTE'S WORKS _Frontispiece_

FACSIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF THE SECOND EDITION

(1586) _page_ lii

INTRODUCTION

I. LIFE AND PLAYS OF GIL VICENTE

Those who read the voluminous song-book edited by jolly Garcia de

Resende in 1516 are astonished at its narrowness and aridity. There is

scarcely a breath of poetry or of Nature in these Court verses. In the

pages of Gil Vicente[6], who had begun to write fourteen years before

the _Cancioneiro Geral_ was published, the Court is still present, yet

the atmosphere is totally different. There are many passages in his

plays which correspond to the conventional love-poems of the courtiers

and he maintains the personal satire to be found both in the

_Cancioneiro da Vaticana_ and the _Cancioneiro de Resende_. But he is

also a child of Nature, with a marvellous lyrical gift and the insight

to revive and renew the genuine poetry which had existed in Galicia and

the north of Portugal before the advent of the Provençal love-poetry,

had sprung into a splendid harvest in rivalry with that poetry and died

down under the Spanish influence of the fourteenth and fifteenth

centuries. He was moreover a national and imperial poet, embracing the

whole of Portuguese life and the whole rapidly growing Portuguese

empire. We can only account for the difference by saying that Gil

Vicente was a genius, the only great genius of that day in Portugal, and

the most gifted poet of his time. It is therefore all the more

tantalizing that we should know so little about him. A few documents

recently unearthed, one or two scanty references by contemporary or

later authors, are all the information we have apart from that which may

be gleaned from the rubrics and colophons of his plays and from the

plays themselves. The labours of Dona Carolina Michaëlis de

Vasconcellos, Dr José Leite de Vasconcellos[7] and Snr Anselmo Braamcamp

Freire are likely to provide us before long with the first critical

edition of his plays. The ingenious suppositions of Dr Theophilo

Braga[8] have, as usual, led to much discussion and research. He is the

Mofina Mendes of critics, putting forward a hypothesis, translating it a

few pages further on into a certainty and building rapidly on these

foundations till an argument adduced or a document discovered by another

critic brings the whole edifice toppling to the ground. The documents

brought to light by General Brito Rebello[9] and Senhor Anselmo

Braamcamp Freire[10] enable us to construct a sketch of Gil Vicente's

life, while D. Carolina Michaëlis has shed a flood of light upon certain

points[11]. The chronological table at the end of this volume is founded

mainly, as to the order of the plays, on the documents and arguments

recently set forth by one of the most distinguished of modern historical

critics, Senhor Anselmo Braamcamp Freire. The plays, read in this order,

throw a certain amount of new light on Gil Vicente's life and give it a

new cohesion. Whether we consider it from the point of view of his own

country or of the world, or of literature, art and science, his life

coincides with one of the most wonderful periods in the world's history.

At his birth Portugal was a sturdy mediaeval country, proud of her

traditions and heroic past. Her heroes were so national as scarcely to

be known beyond her own borders. Nun' Alvarez (1360-1431), one of the

greatest men of all time, is even now unknown to Europe. And Portugal

herself as yet hardly appraised at its true worth the life and work of

Prince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), at whose incentive she was still

groping persistently along the western coast of Africa. His nephew

Afonso V, the amiable grandson of Nun' Alvarez' friend, the Master of

Avis, and the English princess Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John

of Gaunt, was on the throne, to be succeeded by his stern and resolute

son João II in 1481. In his boyhood, spent in the country, somewhere in

the green hills of Minho or the rugged grandeur and bare, flowered

steeps of the Serra da Estrella, all _ossos e burel_[12], Gil Vicente

might hear dramatic stories of the doings at the capital and Court, of

the beginning of the new reign, of the beheadal of the Duke of Braganza

in the Rocio of Evora, of the stabbing by the King's own hand of his

cousin and brother-in-law, the young Duke of Viseu, of the baptism and

death at Lisbon of a native prince from Guinea.

The place of his birth is not certain. Biographers have hesitated

between Lisbon, Guimarães and Barcellos: perhaps he was not born in any

of these towns but in some small village of the north of Portugal. We

can at least say that he was not brought up at Lisbon. The proof is his

knowledge and love of Nature and his intimate acquaintance with the ways

of villagers, their character, customs, amusements, dances, songs and

language. It is legitimate to draw certain inferences--provided we do

not attach too great importance to them--from his plays, especially

since we know that he himself staged them and acted in them[13]. His

earliest compositions are especially personal and we may be quite sure

that the parts of the herdsman in the _Visitaçam_ (1502) and of the

mystically inclined shepherd, Gil Terron, in the _Auto Pastoril

Castelhano_ (1502) and the _rustico pastor_ in the _Auto dos Reis Magos_

(1503) were played by Vicente himself. It is therefore well to note the

passage in which Silvestre and Bras express surprise at Gil's learning:

_S._ Mudando vas la pelleja,

Sabes de achaque de igreja!

_G._ Ahora lo deprendi....

_B._ Quien te viese no dirá

Que naciste en serranía.

_G._ Dios hace estas maravillas.

It is possible that Gil Vicente, like Gil Terron, had been born _en

serranía_. Dr Leite de Vasconcellos was the first to call attention to

his special knowledge of the province of Beira, and the reference to

the Serra da Estrella dragged into the _Comedia do Viuvo_ is of even

more significance than the conventional _beirão_ talk of his peasants.

Nor is the learning in his plays such as to give a moment's support to

the theory that he had, like Enzina, received a university education,

or, as some, relying on an unreliable _nobiliario_, have held, was tutor

(_mestre de rhetorica_) to Prince, afterwards King, Manuel. The King,

according to Damião de Goes, 'knew enough Latin to judge of its style.'

Probably he did not know much more of it than Gil Vicente himself. His

first productions are without the least pretension to learning: they are

close imitations of Enzina's eclogues. Later his outlook widened; he

read voraciously[14] and seems to have pounced on any new publication

that came to the palace, among them the works of two slightly later

Spanish playwrights, Lucas Fernández and Bartolomé de Torres Naharro.

With the quickness of genius and spurred forward by the malicious

criticism of his audience, their love of new things and the growing

opposition of the introducers of the new style from Italy, he picked up

a little French and Italian, while Church Latin and law Latin early

began to creep into his plays. The parade of erudition (which is also a

satire on pedants) at the beginning of the _Auto da Mofina Mendes_ is,

however, that of a comparatively uneducated man in a library, of rustic

Gil Vicente in the palace. Rather we would believe that he spent his

early life in peasant surroundings, perhaps actually keeping goats in

the scented hills like his Prince of Wales, Dom Duardos: _De mozo guardé

ganado_, and then becoming an apprentice in the goldsmith's art, perhaps

to his father or uncle, Martim Vicente, at Guimarães. It is extremely

probable that he was drawn to the Court, then at Evora, for the first

time in 1490 by the unprecedented festivities in honour of the wedding

of the Crown Prince and Isabel, daughter of the Catholic Kings, and was

one of the many goldsmiths who came thither on that occasion[15]. If

that was so, his work may have at once attracted the attention of King

João II, who, as Garcia de Resende tells us, keenly encouraged the

talents of the young men in his service, and the protection of his wife,

Queen Lianor. He may have been about 25 years old at the time. The date

of his birth has become a fascinating problem, over which many critics

have argued and disagreed. As to the exact year it is best frankly to

confess our ignorance. The information is so flimsy and conflicting as

to make the acutest critics waver. While a perfectly unwarranted

importance has been given to a passage in Vicente's last _comedia_, the

_Floresta de Enganos_ (1536), in which a judge declares that he is 66

(therefore Gil Vicente was born in 1470), sufficient stress has perhaps

not been laid on the lines in the play from the Conde de Sabugosa's

library, the _Auto da Festa_, in which Gil Vicente is declared to be

'very stout and over 60.' This cannot be dismissed like the former

passage, for it is evidently a personal reference to Gil Vicente. It was

the comedian's ambition to raise a laugh in his audience and this might

be effected by saying the exact opposite of what the audience knew to be

true: e.g. to speak of Gil Vicente as very stout and over 60 if he was

very young and spectre-thin. But Vicente was certainly not very young

when this play was written and we may doubt whether the victim of

_calentura_ and hater of heat (he treats summer scurvily in his _Auto

dos Quatro Tempos_) was thin. We have to accept the fact that he was

over 60 when the _Auto da Festa_ was written. But when was it written?

Its editor, the Conde de Sabugosa, to whom all Vicente lovers owe so

deep a debt of gratitude[16], assigned it to 1535, while Senhor

Braamcamp Freire, who uses Vicente's age as a double-edged weapon[17],

places it twenty years earlier, in 1515. This was indeed necessary if

the year 1452 was to be maintained as the date of his birth. The theory

of the exact date 1452 was due to another passage of the plays: the old

man in _O Velho da Horta_, formerly assigned to 1512, is 60 (III. 75).

Yet there is something slightly comical in stout old Gil Vicente

beginning his actor's career at the age of 50 and keeping it up till he

was 86. Other facts that may throw light on his age are as follows: in

1502 he almost certainly acted the boisterous part of _vaqueiro_ in the

_Visitaçam_[18]. In 1512 he is over 40 and married (inference from his

appointment as one of the 24 representatives of Lisbon guilds in that

year). In 1512 a 'son of Gil Vicente' is in India. His son Belchior is a

small boy in 1518. In 1515 he received a sum of money to enable his

sister Felipa Borges to marry. In 1531 he declares himself to be 'near

death'[19], although evidently not ill at the time. He died very

probably at the end of 1536 or beginning of 1537[20]. Accepting the fact

that the _Auto da Festa_ was written before the _Templo de Apolo_ (1526)

I would place it as late as possible, i.e. in the year 1525, and

subtracting 60 believe that the date _c._ 1465 for Gil Vicente's birth

will be found to agree best with the various facts given above.

The wedding of the Crown Prince of Portugal and the Infanta Isabel was

celebrated most gorgeously at Evora. The Court gleamed with plate and

jewellery[21]. There were banquets and tournaments, _ricos momos_ and

_singulares antremeses_, pantomimes or interludes produced with great

splendour--e.g. a sailing ship moved on the stage over what appeared to

be waves of the sea, a band of twenty pilgrims advanced with gilt

staffs, etc., etc.--all the luxurious show which had made the

_entremeses_ of Portugal famous and from which Vicente must have taken

many an idea for the staging of his plays. Next year the tragic death of

the young prince, still in his teens, owing to a fall from his horse at

Santarem, turned all the joy to ashes. Gil Vicente was certainly not

less impressed than Luis Anriquez, who laments the death of Prince

Afonso in the _Cancioneiro Geral_, or Juan del Enzina, who made it the

subject of his version or paraphrase of Virgil's 5th eclogue. Vicente's

acquaintance with Enzina's works may date from this period, although we

need not press Enzina's words _yo vi_ too literally to mean that he was

actually present at the Portuguese Court. Vicente may have accompanied

the King and Queen to Lisbon in October of this year, but for the next

ten years we know as much of his life as for the preceding twenty, that

is to say, we know nothing at all. The only reference to his sojourn at

the Court of King João II occurs in the mouth of Gil Terron (I, 9):

¿Conociste a Juan domado

Que era pastor de pastores?

Yo lo vi entre estas flores

Con gran hato de ganado

Con su cayado real.

A note in the _editio princeps_ declares the reference to be to King

João II. If we read _domado_ it can only be applied to the indomitable

João II in the sense of having yielded to the will of Queen Lianor in

acknowledging as heir her brother Manuel in preference to his

illegitimate son Jorge. Perhaps however it is best to read _damado_,

which recurs in the same play. Perhaps we may even see in the passage an

allusion merely to an incident occurring in the time of João II and not

to the King himself[22]. We may surmise that about this time, perhaps as

early as 1490, Vicente became goldsmith to Queen Lianor. The events of

this wonderful decade must have moved him profoundly, events sufficient

to stir even a dullard's imagination as new world after new world swept

into his ken: the conquest of Granada from the Moors in 1492, the

arrival of Columbus at Lisbon from America in 1493, the similar return

of Vasco da Gama six years later from India, the discovery of Brazil in

1500. Two years later Vicente emerges into the light of day. King Manuel

had succeeded to the throne on the death of King João (25 Oct. 1495) and

had married the princess Maria, daughter of the Catholic Kings. Their

eldest son, João, who was to rule Portugal as King João III from 1521 to

1557, was born on June 6, 1502, on which day a great storm swept over

Lisbon. On the following evening[23] or on the evening of June 8 Gil

Vicente, dressed as a herdsman, broke into the Queen's chamber in the

presence of the Queen, King Manuel, his mother Dona Beatriz, his sister

Queen Lianor, who was one of the prince's godmothers, and others, and

recited in Spanish a brief monologue of 114 lines. Having expressed

rustic wonder at the splendour of the palace and the universal joy at

the birth of an heir to the throne he calls in some thirty companions to

offer their humble gifts of eggs, milk, curds, cheese and honey. Queen

Lianor was so pleased with this 'new thing'--for hitherto there had been

no literary entertainments to vary either the profane _serãos de dansas

e bailos_ or the religious solemnities of the court--that she wished

Vicente to repeat the performance at Christmas. He preferred, however,

to compose a new _auto_ more suitable to the occasion and duly produced

the _Auto Pastoril Castelhano_. King Manuel had just returned to Lisbon

from a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia in thanksgiving

for the discovery of the sea-route to India. He found the Queen in the

palace of Santos o Velho and was received _com muita alegria_. But no

allusion to great contemporary events troubles the rustic peace of this

_auto_, which is some four times as long as the _Visitaçam_, and which

introduces several simple shepherds to whom the Angel announces the

birth of the Redeemer. Queen Lianor was delighted (_muito satisfeita_)

and a few days later, on the Day of Kings (6 Jan. 1503), a third

pastoral play, the _Auto dos Reis Magos_, was acted, the introduction of

a knight and a hermit giving it a greater variety. The _Auto da Sibila

Cassandra_ has been assigned to the same year, and the _Auto dos Quatro

Tempos_ and _Quem tem farelos?_ to 1505, but there are good reasons for

giving them a later date. The only play that can be confidently asserted

to have been produced by Vicente between January 1503 and the end of

1508 is the brief dialogue between the beggar and St Martin: the _Auto

de S. Martinho_, in ten Spanish verses _de rima cuadrada_, recited

before Queen Lianor in the Caldas church during the Corpus Christi

procession of 1504. The reasons for this silence are not far to seek. In

September 1503, Dom Vasco da Gama returned from his second voyage to

India with the first tribute of gold: 'The lords and nobles who were

then at Court went to visit him on his ship and accompanied him to the

palace. A page went before him bearing in a bason the 2000 _miticaes_ of

gold of the tribute of the King of Quiloa and the agreement made with

him and the Kings of Cananor and Cochin. Of this gold King Manuel

ordered a monstrance to be wrought for the service of the altar, adorned

with precious stones, and commanded that it should be presented to the

Convent of Bethlehem[24].' At this monstrance, still the pride of

Portuguese art, Gil Vicente worked during three years (1503-6). He was

perhaps already living in the Lisbon house in the _Rua de Jerusalem_

assigned to him by his patroness, Queen Lianor[25]. There were other

reasons for his silence. The death of Queen Isabella of Spain in 1504

and again the death of King Manuel's mother, Dona Beatriz, in 1506,

threw the Portuguese Court into mourning. Plague and famine raged at

Lisbon from 1505 to 1507, while, after the awful massacre of Jews at

Easter 1506, during which some thousands were stabbed or burnt to death,

the city of Lisbon was placed under an interdict which was not raised

till 1508.

Let us take advantage of Vicente's long silence to explain why it can be

asserted so confidently that he was now at work on the Belem _custodia_.

The burden of producing some definite document to show that Gil Vicente

the poet and Gil Vicente the goldsmith were two different persons rests

on the opponents of identity. The late Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo,

whose death in 1912 was a great blow to Portuguese as well as to Spanish

literature, would certainly have changed his view if he had lived. In

his brilliant study of Gil Vicente, a 'sovereign genius,' 'the most

national playwright before Lope de Vega[26],' 'the greatest figure of

our primitive theatre[27],' he remarked that if Vicente had been a

goldsmith and one of such skill he must infallibly have left some trace

of it in his dramatic works and that the contemporaries who mention him

would not have preserved a profound silence as to his artistic

talent[28]; yet Menéndez y Pelayo himself speaks of Vicente's _alma de

artista_[29] and of the plastic character which the most fantastic

allegorical figures receive at his hands[30]. If we were assured that

the dreamy Bernardim Ribeiro had fashioned the Belem monstrance we might

well remain sceptical, but Vicente stands out from among the vaguer

poets of Portugal in having, like Garcia de Resende, an extremely

definite style, and his imagination, as in his dream of fair women in

the _Templo de Apolo_, coins concrete figures, not intellectual

abstractions. Resende, we know, was a skilled draughtsman as well as

poet, chronicler and musician, and it is curious that the very phrase

applied by Vicente to Resende, _de tudo entende_ (II, 406), is used of

Vicente himself in an anecdote quoted by Senhor Braamcamp Freire. As to

his own silence and that of his contemporaries, their silence[31]

concerning the presence of two Gil Vicentes at Court would be quite as

astonishing, especially as they distinguish between other homonyms of

the time, and the silent satellite dogged the poet Vicente's steps with

the strangest persistence. According to the discoveries or inventions of

the Visconde Sanches de Baena[32] he was the poet's uncle; according to

Dr Theophilo Braga they were cousins[33]. The poet, as many passages in

his plays show, was interested in the goldsmith's art[34]; the goldsmith

wrote verses[35]. The poet made his first appearance in 1502, the artist

in 1503. Splendid as was the Portuguese Court and although its members

had almost doubled in number in less than a century[36], the King did

not keep men there merely on the chance of their producing 'a new

thing.' The sovereign of a great and growing empire had something better

to do than to indulge in forecasts as to the potential talents of his

subjects. When Gil Vicente in 1502 produced a new thing in Portugal his

presence in the palace can only be explained by his having an employment

there, and since we know that Queen Lianor had a goldsmith called Gil

Vicente who wrote verses and since the poet wrote all his earlier plays

for Queen Lianor[37], it is rational to suppose that this employment was

that of goldsmith to the Queen-Dowager. His presence at Court was

certainly not by right of birth: Vicente was not a 'gentleman of good

family,' as Ticknor and others have supposed, but the noble art of the

goldsmith (its practice was forbidden in the following century to slaves

and negroes) would enable him to associate familiarly with the

courtiers. In 1509 or later[38] the poet joined, at the request of Queen

Lianor, in a poetical contest concerning a gold chain, in which another

poet, addressing Vicente, refers especially to necklaces and jewels. In

the same year Gil Vicente is appointed overseer of works of gold and

silver at the Convent of the Order of Christ, Thomar, the Hospital of

All Saints, Lisbon, and the Convent of Belem. At the Hospital of All

Saints the poet staged one of his plays. To Thomar and its fevers he

refers more than once and presented the _Farsa de Ines Pereira_ there in

1523. In 1513 he is appointed _Mestre da Balança_, in 1517 he resigns

and in 1521 the poet alludes to the goldsmith's former colleagues: _os

da Moeda_, while his production as playwright increases after the

resignation and his complaints of poverty become more frequent[39]. In

1520 Gil Vicente the goldsmith is entrusted by King Manuel with the

preparations for the royal entry into Lisbon, an _auto_ figuring in the

programme. If there was nothing new in a goldsmith writing verses the

drama of Vicente was an innovation and João de Barros would quite

naturally refer (as André de Resende before him) to the poet-goldsmith

as _Gil Vicente comico_. On the other hand there is an almost brutal

egoism in the silence concerning his unfortunate uncle (or cousin)

maintained by Gil Vicente, who refers to himself as poet more than once,

with evident pride in his _autos_. Recently General Brito Rebello

(1830-1920), whose researches helped to give shape and substance to Gil

Vicente's life, discovered a document of 1535 in which the poet's

signature differs notably from that of the goldsmith in 1515[40]. It is,

however, possible to maintain that the former signature is not that of

Gil Vicente at all and that the words of the document _per seu filho

Belchior Vicente_ mean that Belchior signed in his father's name; or,

alternatively, we can only say that Gil Vicente's handwriting had

changed, a change especially frequent in artists. To those who examine

all the evidence impartially there can remain very little doubt that Gil

Vicente was first known at Court for his skill as goldsmith, and that he

began writing verses and plays at the suggestion of his patroness, Queen

Lianor.

On March 3, 1506, Vicente momentarily resumed his literary character and

composed for Queen Lianor a long lay sermon, spoken before the King on

the occasion of the birth of the Infante Luis (1506-55), who was himself

a poet and the friend and patron of men of letters. The envious feared

that Vicente was playing too many parts and contended that this was no

time for a sermon by a layman, but Vicente excused himself with the

saying, commonly attributed to Garci Sanchez de Badajoz, that if they

would permit him to play the fool this once he would leave it to them

for the rest of their lives, and launched into the exposition of his

text: _Non volo, volo et deficior_. His next play _Quem tem farelos?_

is assigned by Senhor Braamcamp Freire to December 1508 or January

1509[41]. The reference to the _embate_ in Africa in all probability

alludes to the siege of Arzila in 1508. King Manuel had made

preparations to set sail for an African campaign in 1501 and 1503, but

the word _embate_ implies something more definite. The later date (it

was formerly assigned to 1505) is more suitable to the finished art of

this first farce and to the fact that its success--so great that the

people gave it the name by which it is still known, i.e. the first

three words of the play--would be likely to cause its author to produce

another farce without delay. Its successor, the _Auto da India_, acted

before Queen Lianor at Almada in 1509, has not the same unity and its

action begins in 1506 and ends in 1509. It displays a broader outlook

and the influence of the discovery of India on the home-life of

Portugal. In 1509 the fleet sailed from Lisbon under Marshal Coutinho on

March 12 and _Maio_ (III. 28) might be a misprint for _Março_; the

_partida_ alluded to, however, is that of Tristão da Cunha and Afonso de

Albuquerque in 1506. It is just possible that _Quem tem farelos?_ was

begun in 1505 (the date of its rubric) and the _Auto da India_ in 1506.

Early in this year 1509 (Feb. 15) Vicente received the appointment of

_Vedor_ and at Christmas of the following year he produced a play at

Almeirim, a favourite residence of King Manuel, who spent a part of most

winters there in the pleasures of the chase[42]. This _Auto da Fé_ is

but a simple conversation between Faith and two peasants, who marvel at

the richness of the Royal Chapel. In 1511, perhaps at Carnival[43], the

_Auto das Fadas_ further shows the expansion, perhaps we may say the

warping, of his natural genius, for although we may rejoice in the

presentation of the witch Genebra Pereira, the play soon turns aside to

satirical allusions to courtiers, while the Devil gabbles in picardese.

Peasants' _beirão_ with a few scraps of biblical Latin had hitherto been

Vicente's only theatrical resource as regards language. The _Farsa dos

Fisicos_ is now[44] assigned to 1512, early in the year. It is leap year

(III. 317) and Senhor Braamcamp Freire sees in the lines (III. 323):

Voyme a la huerta de amores

Y traeré una ensalada

Por Gil Vicente guisada

Y diz que otra de mas flores

Para Pascoa tien sembrada

a reference to _O Velho da Horta_, acted before King Manuel in 1512. In

August of the following year James, Duke of Braganza, set sail from

Lisbon with a fleet of 450 ships to conquer Azamor:

Foi hũa das cousas mais para notar

Que vimos nem vio a gente passada[45].

Gil Vicente was in the most successful period of his life. In December

1512 he was chosen by the Guild of Goldsmiths to be one of the

twenty-four Lisbon guild representatives and some months later he was

selected by the twenty-four to be one of their four proctors, with a

seat in the Lisbon Town Council. On February 4, 1513, he had become

Master of the Lisbon Mint. For the departure of the fleet against Azamor

he comes forward as the poet laureate of the nation and vehemently

inveighs against sloth and luxury while he sings a hymn to the glories

of Portugal. The play alludes to the gifts sent to the Pope in the

following year and this probably led to the date of the rubric (1514),

but it also refers to the royal marriages of 1521, 1525 and 1530, and we

may thus assume that it was written in 1513 and touched up for a later

production or for the collection of Vicente's plays. Perhaps at

Christmas of this year was acted before Queen Lianor in the Convent of

Enxobregas at Lisbon the _Auto da Sibila Cassandra_, hitherto placed ten

years earlier. Senhor Braamcamp Freire points out that the Convent was

only founded in 1509[46]. A scarcely less cogent argument for the later

date is the finish of the verse and the exquisiteness of the lyrics,

although the action is simple and the reminiscences of Enzina are

many[47] (a fact which does not necessarily imply an early date:

Enzina's echo verses are imitated in the _Comedia de Rubena_, 1521). We

may note that the story of Troy is running in Vicente's head as in the

_Exhortação_ of 1513 (he had probably just read the _Cronica Troyana_).

The last lyric, _A la guerra, caballeros_, is out of keeping with the

rest of the play, but fighting in Africa was so frequent that it cannot

help to determine the play's date. It is in this period (1512-14) that

it is customary to place the death of Vicente's first wife Branca

Bezerra, leaving him two sons, Gaspar and Belchior. She was buried at

Evora with the epitaph:

Aqui jaz a mui prudente

Senhora Branca Becerra

Mulher de Gil Vicente

Feita terra.

This gives the _Comedia do Viuvo_, acted in 1514, a personal note, which

is emphasized by the names of the widower's daughters, Paula, the name

of Gil Vicente's eldest daughter, and Melicia, the name of his second

wife. In the following year private grief was merged in the growing

renown of Portugal in the _Auto da Fama_, which the rubric attributes to

1510, although it alludes to the siege of Goa (1510), the capture of

Malaca (1511), the victorious expedition against Azamor (1513), and the

attack on Aden (1513). It was acted first before Queen Lianor and then

before King Manuel at Lisbon, and we may surmise that it was written or

begun when the first news of Albuquerque's successes reached Lisbon and

recast in 1515. The year 1516 has also been suggested, but the death of

King Ferdinand the Catholic in January of that year and the death of

Albuquerque in December 1515 render this date unsuitable. Even if the

play was acted at Christmas 1515, there is the ironical circumstance

that, at the moment when the Court was ringing with praises of the

Portuguese deeds in India, the great Governor was lying dead at Goa. The

date of the _Auto dos Quatro Tempos_ is equally problematic. It was

acted before King Manuel at the command of Queen Lianor in the S. Miguel

Chapel of the Alcaçova palace on a Christmas morning. The name of the

palace indicates the year 1505 or an earlier date[48], and it has been

assigned to the year 1503 or 1504; but the superior development of the

play's structure and even of its thought (e.g. I. 78), its resemblance

to the _Triunfo do Inverno_ (1529), the introduction of a French song,

of the gods of Greece and of a psalm similar to that in the _Auto da

Mofina Mendes_ (1534)[49] and the perfection of the metre all indicate a

fairly late date, while imitations of Enzina[50] are not conclusive. On

the whole the intrinsic evidence counterbalances the statement of the

rubric as to the Alcaçova palace and we may boldly assign this

delightful piece to Christmas 1516[51], while admitting that in a

rougher form it may have been presented to Queen Lianor[52] at a much

earlier date.

The approximate date of the next play, the _Auto da Barca do Inferno_,

is certain. This first part of Vicente's remarkable trilogy of _Barcas_

was acted 'in the Queen's chamber for the consolation of the very

catholic and holy Queen Dona Maria in the illness of which she died in

1517.' If we manipulate the commas so as to make the date refer to the

play as well as to the Queen's death, the remedy proved fatal, for she

died on March 7, but it is possible that it was acted earlier, towards

the end of 1516. The subject was a gloomy one but its treatment was

intended to raise many a laugh and it ends with the famous brief

invocation of the Angel to the knights who had died fighting in Africa.

On August 6, 1517, Vicente resigned the post of Master of the Mint in

favour of Diogo Rodriguez and probably about this time he married his

second wife, Melicia Rodriguez. The second and third parts of the

_Barcas_ trilogy were given in 1518 and 1519, but between the first and

third parts Senhor Braamcamp Freire now places the _Auto da Alma_, and

his scholarly suggestion[53] is amply borne out by the maturity and

perfection of this beautiful play[54] and by the likelihood that Vicente

when he wrote it was acquainted with Lucas Fernández' _Auto de la

Pasion_ (1514). The _Auto da Barca do Purgatorio_ was acted before Queen

Lianor on Christmas morning, 1518, at the _Hospital de Todolos Santos_

(Lisbon). King Manuel had been at Lisbon in July of this year, going

thence to Sintra, Collares, Torres Vedras and Almeirim, whence at the

end of November he proceeded to Crato to welcome his new Queen, Dona

Lianor. They returned together to Almeirim and the next months were

spent there 'in great bullfights, jousts, balls and other entertainments

till the beginning of Spring [May] when the King went to Evora[55].' The

_Auto da Barca da Gloria_ was played before his Majesty in Holy Week,

1519, and the fact that it is in Spanish and treats not of 'low

figures,' but of nobles and prelates, reveals the taste of the Court and

the wish to please the young Queen. In the following year (Nov. 29,

1520) Vicente was sent from Evora to Lisbon to prepare for the entry of

the King and Queen into their capital (January 1521). He seems to have

worked hard in arranging and directing the festivities, and in the same

year (1521) he staged both the _Comedia de Rubena_ and the _Cortes de

Jupiter_. The latter is the only Vicente play of which we have a

contemporary description. It was acted on the departure of the King's

daughter, Beatriz, at the age of sixteen to espouse the Duke of Savoy.

Her dowry, including precious stones, pearls and necklaces, was

magnificent, and after brilliant rejoicings at Lisbon she embarked on a

ship of a thousand tons in a fleet commanded by the Conde de Villa Nova.

She was accompanied by the Archbishop of Lisbon and many nobles. On the

evening of August 4, in the Ribeira palace 'in a large hall all adorned

with rich tapestry of gold, well carpeted, with canopy, chairs and

cushions of rich brocade, began a great ball in which the King our lord

danced with the lady Infanta Duchess his daughter and the Queen our

lady with the Infanta D. Isabel, and the Prince our lord and the Infante

D. Luis with ladies they chose; and so all the courtiers danced who were

going to Savoy and many other gentlemen and courtiers for a long space.

And the dancing over, began an excellent and well devised comedy with

many most natural and well adorned figures, written and acted for the

marriage and departure of the Infanta; and with this very skilful and

suitable play the evening ended[56].'

Twenty weeks after these splendid scenes and the _alegrias d'aquelas

naves tam belas_[57] the King was dead. He died (13 Dec. 1521) in the

full tide of apparent prosperity. As he watched the slow funeral

procession passing in the night from the palace to Belem amid 600

burning torches[58] Gil Vicente must have thought of his own altered

position. King Manuel had treated his sister's goldsmith generously[59]

and had personally attended the acting of many of his plays. The

diversion of elephant and rhinoceros had been only a momentary

backsliding, and he had sat through the whole of the _Barca da Gloria_,

in which a King and an Emperor fared so lamentably at the hands of the

modern Silenus. But he does not appear to have done anything to secure

the poet's well-being. King Manuel's sister, Vicente's faithful

patroness, was, however, still alive, and he had much to hope from the

new king who had grown up along with the Vicentian drama. Vicente's

first literary production had celebrated his birth, at the age of nine

the prince had been given a special verse in the _Auto das Fadas_ (III.

111), at the age of twelve he had actually intervened in the acting of

the _Comedia do Viuvo_ (II. 99), although his part was confined to a

single sentence. Finally, in the very year of his accession, he had been

represented as a second Alexander in the _Cortes de Jupiter_, and the

_Comedia de Rubena_ had been acted especially for him[60]. But King João

III had not the careless temperament or graceful magnificence of his

father, and while he evidently trusted Vicente and showed him constant

goodwill--we have the proof in the pensions received by Vicente during

this reign--the favourite of one king rarely finds the same atmosphere

in the _entourage_ of his successor, however friendly the king himself.

Thus while João III brooded over affairs of Church and State the

_detractores_ had more opportunity to attack the Court dramatist. On

December 19 the new king was proclaimed at Lisbon and Vicente, placed

too far away to hear what was said at the ceremony, invented verses

which he placed on the lips of the various courtiers as they kissed

hands (III. 358-64). It was not only the king but the times that had

changed, and King Manuel died not a moment too soon if he wished not to

see the reverse side of the brightly coloured tapestry of his reign.

Vicente ends his verses with the significant words:

Diria o povo em geral:

Bonança nos seja dada,

Que a tormenta passada

Foi tanta e tam desigual.

In the following year he wrote a burlesque lamentation and testament,

entitled _Pranto de Maria Parda_, 'because she saw so few branches in

the streets of Lisbon and wine so dear, and she could not live without

it[61].' In the late summer of 1523 in the celebrated convent of Thomar

he presented one of his most famous farces before the King: _Farsa de

Ines Pereira_. The critics were already gaining ground and 'certain men

of good learning' doubted whether he was the author of his plays or

stole them from others, a doubt suggested perhaps by the somewhat close

resemblance of the _Barca da Gloria_ to the Spanish _Danza de la

Muerte_.

Vicente vindicated his originality by taking as his theme the proverb

'Better an ass that carries me than a horse that throws me,' and

developing it into this elaborate comedy. At Christmas of the same year

at Evora, in the introductory speech of the _Auto Pastoril Portugues_,

placed in the mouth of a _beirão_ peasant, the audience is informed that

poor Gil who writes plays for the King is without a farthing and cannot

be expected to produce them as splendidly as when he had the means (I.

129). He was probably disappointed that the 6 milreis which he had

received that year (May 1523) was not a regular pension. His complaint

fell on listening ears and in 1524 (the year of Camões' birth) he was

granted two pensions, of 12 and of 8 milreis, while in January 1525 he

received a yet further pension of three bushels of wheat. Thus, although

his possession of an estate near Torres Vedras, not far from Lisbon, has

been proved to be a myth and we know that the entire fortune of his

widow consisted in 1566 of ten milreis and that of his son Luis of

thirty[62], and while we must remember his expenses in travelling and in

the production of his plays, his financial position compares very

favourably with that of Luis de Camões half a century later.

The _Fragoa de Amor_, wrongly assigned to 1525, belongs to the year

1524, the occasion being the betrothal of King João III to Catharina,

sister of the Emperor Charles V[63]. The year 1525 is the most discussed

date in the Vicentian chronology. Two plays are doubtfully assigned to

it and we may perhaps add a third, the _Auto da Festa_, as well as the

_trovas_ addressed to the Conde de Vimioso. Senhor Braamcamp Freire[64]

plausibly places in this year the _Farsa das Ciganas_, although the date

of the rubric is 1521, the year perhaps in which the idea of this slight

piece took shape in the poet's brain. There is a more definite reason

for assigning _Dom Duardos_ to this year. It is a play based on the

romance of chivalry commonly known as _Primaleon_, of which a new

edition appeared at Seville in October 1524[65], and we know from Gil

Vicente's dedication that Queen Lianor († 17 Dec. 1525) was still

alive[66]. Yet we are still in the region of hypothesis, for the

adventures of Dom Duardos were in print since 1512 (Salamanca)[67], and

we may perhaps doubt whether this 'delicious idyl[68],' the longest of

Vicente's works, was ready a year after the publication of the Seville

edition, although as Senhor Braamcamp Freire points out[69], the

betrothal of the Emperor Charles V to the King's sister was a suitable

occasion for the production of the play[70]. The only play assigned with

some certainty to 1525 is that in which the husband of Ines Pereira

reappears as a rustic judge _à la Sancho Panza: O Juiz da Beira_, acted

before the King at Almeirim.

Four Plays of Gil Vicente · 第 1 / 15 段