CHAPTER III

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE LIBIDO. A POSSIBLE SOURCE OF PRIMITIVE HUMAN

DISCOVERIES

In the following pages I will endeavor to picture a concrete example of

the transition of the libido. I once treated a patient who suffered from

a depressive catatonic condition. The case was one of only a slight

introversion psychosis; therefore, the existence of many hysterical

features was not surprising. In the beginning of the analytic treatment,

while telling of a very painful occurrence she fell into a

hysterical-dreamy state, in which she showed all signs of sexual

excitement. For obvious reasons she lost the knowledge of my presence

during this condition. The excitement led to a masturbative act (frictio

femorum). This act was accompanied by a peculiar gesture. She made a

very _violent rotary motion_ with the forefinger of the left hand on the

left temple, as if she were boring a hole there. Afterwards there was

complete amnesia for what had happened, and there was nothing to be

learned about the queer gesture with her hand. Although this act can

easily be likened to a boring into the mouth, nose or ear, now

transferred to the temple, it belongs in the territory of infantile

ludus sexualis[279]—to the preliminary exercise preparatory to sexual

activity. Without really understanding it, this gesture, nevertheless,

seemed very important to me. Many weeks later I had an opportunity to

speak to the patient’s mother, and from her I learned that her daughter

had been a very exceptional child. When only two years old she would sit

with her back to an open cupboard door for hours and rhythmically beat

her head against the door[280]—to the distraction of the household. A

little later, instead of playing as other children, she began to bore a

hole with her finger in the plaster of the wall of the house. She did

this with little turning and scraping movements, and kept herself busy

at this occupation for hours. She was a complete puzzle to her parents.

From her fourth year she practised onanism. It is evident that in this

early infantile activity the preliminary stage of the later trouble may

be found. The especially remarkable features in this case are, first,

that the child did not carry out the action on its own body, and,

secondly, the assiduity with which it carried on the action.[281] One is

tempted to bring these two facts into a causal relationship and to say,

because the child does not accomplish this action on her own body,

perhaps that is the reason of the assiduity, for by boring into the wall

she never arrives at the same satisfaction as if she executed the

activity onanistically on her own body.

The very evident onanistic boring of the patient can be traced back to a

very early stage of childhood, which is prior to the period of local

onanism. That time is still psychologically very obscure, because

individual reproductions and memories are lacking to a great extent, the

same as among animals. The race characteristics (manner of life)

predominate during the entire life of the animal, whereas among men the

individual character asserts itself over the race type. Granting the

correctness of this remark, we are struck with the apparently wholly

incomprehensible individual activity of this child at this early age. We

learn from her later life history that her development, which is, as is

always the case, intimately interwoven with parallel external events,

has led to that mental disturbance which is especially well known on

account of its individuality and the originality of its productions, i.

e. dementia præcox. The peculiarity of this disturbance, as we have

pointed out above, depends upon the predominance of the phantastic form

of thought—of the infantile in general. From this type of thinking

proceed all those numerous contacts with mythological products, and that

which we consider as original and wholly individual creations are very

often creations which are comparable with nothing but those of

antiquity. I believe that this comparison can be applied to all

formations of this remarkable illness, and perhaps also to this special

symptom of boring. We have already seen that the onanistic boring of the

patient dated from a very early stage of childhood, that is to say, it

was reproduced from that period of the past. The sick woman fell back

for the first time into the early onanism only after she had been

married many years, and following the death of her child, with whom she

had identified herself through an overindulgent love. When the child

died the still healthy mother was overcome by early infantile symptoms

in the form of scarcely concealed fits of masturbation, which were

associated with this very act of boring. As already observed, the

primary boring appeared at a time which preceded the infantile onanism

localized in the genitals. This fact is of significance in so far as

this boring differs thereby from a similar later practice which appeared

after the genital onanism. The later bad habits represent, as a rule, a

substitution for repressed genital masturbation, or for an attempt in

this direction. As such these habits (finger-sucking, biting the nails,

picking at things, boring into the ears and nose, etc.) may persist far

into adult life as regular symptoms of a repressed amount of libido.

As has already been shown above, the libido in youthful individuals at

first manifests itself in the nutritional zone, when food is taken in

the act of suckling with rhythmic movements and with every sign of

satisfaction. With the growth of the individual and the development of

his organs the libido creates for itself new avenues to supply its need

of activity and satisfaction. The primary model of rhythmic activity,

producing pleasure and satisfaction, must now be transferred to the zone

of other functions, with sexuality as its final goal. A considerable

part of the “hunger libido” is transferred into the “sexual libido.”

This transition does not take place suddenly at the time of puberty, as

is generally supposed, but very gradually in the course of the greater

part of childhood. The libido can free itself only with difficulty and

very slowly from that which is peculiar to the function of nutrition, in

order to enter into the peculiarity of the sexual function. Two periods

are to be distinguished in this state of transition, so far as I can

judge—_the epoch of suckling and the epoch of the displaced rhythmic

activity_. Suckling still belongs to the function of nutrition, but

passes beyond it, however, in that it is no longer the function of

nutrition, but rhythmic activity, with pleasure and satisfaction as a

goal, without the taking of nourishment. Here the hand enters as an

auxiliary organ. In the period of the displaced rhythmic activity the

hand appears still more clearly as an auxiliary organ; the gaining of

pleasure leaves the mouth zone and turns to other regions. The

possibilities are now many. As a rule, other openings of the body become

the objects of the libido interest; then the skin, and special portions

of that. The activity expressed in these parts, which can appear as

rubbing, boring, picking, and so on, follows a certain rhythm and serves

to produce pleasure. After longer or shorter tarryings of the libido at

these stations, it passes onward until it reaches the sexual zone, and

there, for the first time, can be occasion for the beginning of

onanistic attempts. In its migration the libido takes more than a little

of the function of nutrition with it into the sexual zone, which readily

accounts for the numerous and innate correlations between the functions

of nutrition and sexuality. If, after the occupation of the sexual zone,

an obstacle arises against the present form of application of the

libido, then there occurs, according to the well-known laws, a

regression to the nearest station lying behind, to the two

above-mentioned periods. It is now of special importance that the epoch

of the displaced rhythmic activity coincides in a general way with the

time of the development of the mind and of speech. I might designate the

period from birth until the occupation of the sexual zone as the

presexual stage of development. This generally occurs between the third

and fifth year, and is comparable to the chrysalis stage in butterflies.

It is distinguished by the irregular commingling of the elements of

nutrition and of sexual functions. Certain regressions follow directly

back to the presexual stage, and, judging from my experience, this seems

to be the rule in the regression of dementia præcox. I will give two

brief examples. One case concerns a young girl who developed a catatonic

state during her engagement. When she saw me for the first time, she

came up suddenly, embraced me, and said, “Papa, give me something to

eat.” The other case concerns a young maidservant who complained that

people pursued her with electricity and that this caused a queer feeling

in her genitals, “as if it ate and drank down there.”

These regressive phenomena show that even from the distance of the

modern mind those early stages of the libido can be regressively

reached. One may assume, therefore, that in the earliest states of human

development this road was much more easily travelled than it is to-day.

It becomes then a matter of great interest to learn whether traces of

this have been preserved in history.

We owe our knowledge of the ethnologic phantasy of boring to the

valuable work of Abraham,[282] who also refers us to the writings of

Adalbert Kuhn.[283] Through this investigation we learn that Prometheus,

the fire-bringer, may be a brother of the Hindoo Pramantha, that is to

say, of the masculine fire-rubbing piece of wood. The Hindoo

fire-bringer is called Mâtariçvan, and the activity of the fire

preparation is always designated in the hieratic text by the verb

“manthâmi,”[284] which means _shaking_, _rubbing_, _bringing forth by

rubbing_. Kuhn has put this verb in connection with the Greek μανθάνω,

which means “to learn,” and has explained this conceptual

relationship.[285] The “tertium comparationis” might lie in the rhythm,

the movement to and fro in the mind. According to Kuhn, the root “manth”

or “math” must be traced from μανθάνω (μάθημα, μάθησις) to προ-μηθέομαι

to Προμηθεύς,[286] who is the Greek fire-robber. Through an unauthorized

Sanskrit word “pramâthyus,” which comes by way of “pramantha,” and which

possesses the double meaning of “Rubber” and “Robber,” the transition to

Prometheus was effected. With that, however, the prefix “pra” caused

special difficulty, so that the whole derivation was doubted by a series

of authors, and was held, in part, as erroneous. On the other hand, it

was pointed out that as the Thuric Zeus bore the especially interesting

cognomen Προ-μανθεύς, thus Προ-μηθεύς might not be an original

Indo-Germanic stem word that was related to the Sanskrit “pramantha,”

but might represent only a cognomen. This interpretation is supported by

a gloss of Hesychius, Ἰθάς: ὁ τῶν Τιτάνων κήρυξ Προμηθεύς.[287] Another

gloss of Hesychius explains ἰθαίνομαι (ιαίνω) as θερμαίνομαι, through

which Ἰθάς attains the meaning of “the flaming one,” analogous to Αἴθων

or Φλεγύας.[288] The relation of Prometheus to pramantha could scarcely

be so direct as Kuhn conjectures. The question of an indirect relation

is not decided with that. Above all, Προμηθεύς is of great significance

as a surname for Ἰθάς, since the “flaming one” is the “fore-thinker.”

(_Pramati_ = precaution is also an attribute of Agni, although _pramati_

is of another derivation.) Prometheus, however, belongs to the line of

Phlegians which was placed by Kuhn in uncontested relationship to the

Indian priest family of Bhṛgu.[289] The Bhṛgu are like Mâtariçvan (the

“one swelling in the mother”), also fire-bringers. Kuhn quotes a

passage, according to which Bhṛgu also arises from the flame like Agni.

(“In the flame Bhṛgu originated. Bhṛgu roasted, but did not burn.”) This

view leads to a root related to Bhṛgu, that is to say, to the Sanskrit

_bhrây_ = to light, Latin _fulgeo_ and Greek φλέγω (Sanskrit _bhargas_ =

splendor, Latin _fulgur_). Bhṛgu appears, therefore, as “the shining

one.” Φλεγύας means a certain species of eagle, on account of its

burnished gold color. The connection with φλέγειν, which signifies “to

burn,” is clear. The Phlegians are also the fire eagles.[290] Prometheus

also belongs to the Phlegians. The path from Pramantha to Prometheus

passes not through the word, but through the idea, and, therefore, we

should adopt this same meaning for Prometheus as that which Pramantha

attains from the Hindoo fire symbolism.[291]

The Pramantha, as the tool of Manthana (the fire sacrifice), is

considered purely sexual in the Hindoo; the Pramantha as phallus, or

man; the bored wood underneath as vulva, or woman.[292] The resulting

fire is the child, the divine son Agni. The two pieces of wood are

called in the cult Purûravas and Urvaçî, and were thought of personified

as man and woman. The fire was born from the genitals of the woman.[293]

An especially interesting representation of fire production, as a

religious ceremony (manthana), is given by Weber:[294]

“A certain sacrificial fire was lit by the rubbing together of two

sticks; one piece of wood is taken up with the words: ‘Thou art the

birthplace of the fire,’ and two blades of grass are placed upon it;

‘Ye are the two testicles,’ to the ‘adhârarani’ (the underlying wood):

‘Thou art Urvaçî’; then the utarârani (that which is placed on top) is

anointed with butter. ‘Thou art Power.’ This is then placed on the

adhârarani. ‘Thou art Purûravas’ and both are rubbed three times. ‘I

rub thee with the Gâyatrîmetrum: I rub thee with the Trishtubhmeṭrum:

I rub thee with the Jagatîmetrum.’”

The sexual symbolism of this fire production is unmistakable. We see

here also the rhythm, the metre in its original place as sexual rhythm,

rising above the mating call into music. A song of the Rigveda[295]

conveys the same interpretation and symbolism:

“Here is the gear for function, here tinder made ready for the spark.

Bring thou the matron:[296] we will rub Agni in ancient fashion forth.

In the two fire-sticks Jâtavedas lieth, even as the well-formed germ in

pregnant women;

Agni who day by day must be exalted by men who watch and worship with

oblations;

Lay this with care on that which lies extended: straight hath she borne

the steer when made prolific.

With his red pillar—radiant in his splendor—in our skilled task is born

the son of Ilâ.”[297]—_Book III._ xxix: 1–3.

Side by side with the unequivocal coitus symbolism we see that the

Pramantha is also Agni, the created son. The Phallus is the son, or the

son is the Phallus. Therefore, Agni in the Vedic mythology has the

threefold character. With this we are once more connected with the

above-mentioned Cabiric Father-Son-Cult. In the modern German language

we have preserved echoes of the primitive symbols. A boy is designated

as “bengel” (short, thick piece of wood). In Hessian as “stift” or

“bolzen” (arrow,[298] wooden peg or stump). The Artemisia Abrotanum,

which is called in German “Stabwurz” (stick root), is called in English

“Boy’s Love.” (The vulgar designation of the penis as “boy” was remarked

even by Grimm and others.) The ceremonial production of fire was

retained in Europe as late as the nineteenth century as a superstitious

custom. Kuhn mentions such a case even in the year 1828, which occurred

in Germany. The solemn, magic ceremony was called the “Nodfyr”—“The fire

of need”[299]—and the charm was chiefly used against cattle epidemics.

Kuhn cites from the chronicle of Lanercost of the year 1268 an

especially noteworthy case of the “Nodfyr,”[300] the ceremonies of which

plainly reveal the fundamental phallic meaning:

“Pro fidei divinæ integritate servanda recolat lector, quod cum hoc

anno in Laodonia pestis grassaretur in pecudes armenti, quam vocant

usetati Lungessouht, quidam bestiales, habitu claustrales non animo,

docebant idiotas patriæ ignem confrictione de lignis educere et

simulacrum Priapi statuere, et per hæc bestiis succurrere. Quod cum

unus laicus Cisterciensis apud Fentone fecisset ante atrium aulæ, ac

intinctis testiculis canis in aquam benedictam super animalis

sparsisset, etc.”[301]

These examples, which allow us to recognize a clear sexual symbolism in

the generation of fire, prove, therefore, since they originate from

different times and different peoples, the existence of a universal

tendency to credit to fire production not only a magical but also a

sexual significance. This ceremonial or magic repetition of this very

ancient, long-outlived observance shows how insistently the human mind

clings to the old forms, and how deeply rooted is this very ancient

reminiscence of fire boring. One might almost be inclined to see in the

sexual symbolism of fire production a relatively late addition to the

priestly lore. This may, indeed, be true for the ceremonial elaboration

of the fire mysteries, but whether originally the generation of fire was

in general a sexual action, that is to say, a “coitus-play,” is still a

question. That similar things occur among very primitive people we learn

from the Australian tribe of the Watschandies,[302] who in the spring

perform the following magic ceremonies of fertilization: They dig a hole

in the ground, so formed and surrounded with bushes as to counterfeit a

woman’s genitals. They dance the night long around this hole; in

connection with this they hold spears in front of themselves in a manner

to recall the penis in erection. They dance around the hole and thrust

their spears into the ditch, while they cry to it, “Pulli nira, pulli

nira, _wataka_!” (Non fossa, non fossa, sed cunnus!) Such obscene dances

appear among other primitive races as well.[303]

In this spring incantation are contained the elements of the coitus

play.[304] This play is nothing but a coitus game, that is to say,

originally this play was simply a coitus in the form of sacramental

mating, which for a long time was a mysterious element among certain

cults, and reappeared in sects.[305] In the ceremonies of Zinzendorf’s

followers echoes of the coitus sacrament may be recognized; also in

other sects.

One can easily think that just as the above-mentioned Australian bushmen

perform the coitus play in this manner the same performance could be

enacted in another manner, and, indeed, in the form of fire production.

Instead of through two selected human beings, the coitus was represented

by two substitutes, by Purûravas and Urvaçi, by Phallus and Vulva, by

borer and opening. Just as the primitive thought behind other customs is

really the sacramental coition so here the primal tendency is really the

act itself. For the act of fertilization is the climax—the true festival

of life, and well worthy to become the nucleus of a religious mystery.

If we are justified in concluding that the symbolism of the hole in the

earth used by the Watschandies for the fertilization of the earth takes

the place of the coitus, then the generation of fire could be considered

in the same way as a substitute for coitus; and, indeed, it might be

further concluded as a consequence of this reasoning that the invention

of fire-making is also due to the need of supplying a symbol for the

sexual act.[306]

Let us return, for a moment, to the infantile symptom of boring. Let us

imagine a strong adult man carrying on the boring with two pieces of

wood with the same perseverance and the energy corresponding to that of

this child. He may very easily create fire by this play. But of greatest

significance in this work is the rhythm.[307] This hypothesis seems to

me psychologically possible, although it should not be said with this

that only in this way could the discovery of fire occur. It can result

just as well by the striking together of flints. It is scarcely possible

that fire was created in only one way. All I want to establish here is

merely the psychologic process, the symbolic indications of which point

to the possibility that in such a way was fire invented or prepared.

The existence of the primitive coitus play or rite seems to me

sufficiently proven. The only thing that is obscure is the energy and

emphasis of the ritual play. It is well known that those primitive rites

were often of very bloody seriousness, and were performed with an

extraordinary display of energy, which appears as a great contrast to

the well-known indolence of primitive humanity. Therefore, the ritual

activity entirely loses the character of play, and wins that of

purposeful effort. If certain Negro races can dance the whole night long

to three tones in the most monotonous manner, then, according to our

idea, there is in this an absolute lack of the character of play

pastime; it approaches nearer to exercise. There seems to exist a sort

of compulsion to transfer the libido into such ritual activity. If the

basis of the ritual activity is the sexual act, we may assume that it is

really the underlying thought and object of the exercise. Under these

circumstances, the question arises why the primitive man endeavors to

represent the sexual act symbolically and with effort, or, if this

wording appears to be too hypothetical, why does he exert energy to such

a degree only to accomplish practically useless things, which apparently

do not especially amuse him?[308] It may be assumed that the sexual act

is more desirable to primitive man than such absurd and, moreover,

fatiguing exercises. It is hardly possible but that a certain compulsion

conducts the energy away from the original object and real purpose,

inducing the production of surrogates. The existence of a phallic or

orgiastic cult does not indicate _eo ipso_ a particularly lascivious

life any more than the ascetic symbolism of Christianity means an

especially moral life. One honors that which one does not possess or

that which one is not. This compulsion, to speak in the nomenclature

formulated above, removes a certain amount of libido from the real

sexual activity, and creates a symbolic and practically valid substitute

for what is lost. This psychology is confirmed by the above-mentioned

Watschandie ceremony; during the entire ceremony none of the men may

look at a woman. This detail again informs us from whence the libido is

to be diverted. But this gives rise to the pressing question, Whence

comes this compulsion? We have already suggested above that the

primitive sexuality encounters a resistance which leads to a

side-tracking of the libido on to substitution actions (analogy,

symbolism, etc.). It is unthinkable that it is a question of any outer

opposition whatsoever, or of a real obstacle, since it occurs to no

savage to catch his elusive quarry with ritual charms; but it is a

question of an internal resistance; will opposes will; libido opposes

libido, since a psychologic resistance as an energic phenomenon

corresponds to a certain amount of libido. The psychologic compulsion

for the transformation of the libido is based on an original division of

the will. I will return to this primal splitting of the libido in

another place. Here let us concern ourselves only with the problem of

the transition of the libido. The transition takes place, as has been

repeatedly suggested by means of shifting to an analogy. The libido is

taken away from its proper place and transferred to another substratum.

The resistance against sexuality aims, therefore, at preventing the

sexual act; it also seeks to crowd the libido away from the sexual

function. We see, for example, in hysteria, how the specific repression

blocks the real path of transference; therefore, the libido is obliged

to take another path, and that an earlier one, namely, the incestuous

road which ultimately leads to the parents. Let us speak, however, of

the incest prohibition, which hindered the very first sexual

transference. Then the situation changes in so far that no earlier way

of transference is left, except that of the presexual stage of

development, where the libido was still partly in the function of

nutrition. By a regression to the presexual material the libido becomes

quasi-desexualized. But as the incest prohibition signifies only a

temporary and conditional restriction of the sexuality, thus only that

part of the libido which is best designated as the incestuous component

is now pushed back to the presexual stage. The repression, therefore,

concerns only that part of the sexual libido which wishes to fix itself

permanently upon the parents. The sexual libido is only withdrawn from

the incestuous component, repressed upon the presexual stage, and there,

if the operation is successful, desexualized, by which this amount of

libido is prepared for an asexual application. However, it is to be

assumed that this operation is accomplished only with difficulty,

because the incestuous libido, so to speak, must be artificially

separated from the sexual libido, with which, for ages, through the

whole animal kingdom, it was indistinguishably united. The regression of

the incestuous component must, therefore, take place, not only with

great difficulty, but also carry with it into the presexual stage a

considerable sexual character. The consequence of this is that the

resulting phenomena, although stamped with the character of the sexual

act, are, nevertheless, not really sexual acts _de facto_; they are

derived from the presexual stage, and are maintained by the repressed

sexual libido, therefore possess a double significance. Thus the fire

boring is a coitus (and, to be sure, an incestuous one), but a

desexualized one, which has lost its immediate sexual worth, and is,

therefore, indirectly useful to the propagation of the species. The

presexual stage is characterized by countless possibilities of

application, because the libido has not yet formed definite

localizations. It therefore appears intelligible that an amount of

libido which reaches this stage through regression is confronted with

manifold possibilities of application. Above all, it is met with the

possibility of a purely onanistic activity. But as the matter in

question in the regressive component of libido is sexual libido, the

ultimate object of which is propagation, therefore it goes to the

external object (Parents); it will also introvert with this destination

as its essential character. The result, therefore, is that the purely

onanistic activity turns out to be insufficient, and another object must

be sought for, which takes the place of the incest object. The nurturing

mother earth represents the ideal example of such an object. The

psychology of the presexual stage contributes the nutrition component;

the sexual libido the coitus idea. From this the ancient symbols of

agriculture arise. In the work of agriculture hunger and incest

intermingle. The ancient cults of mother earth and all the superstitions

founded thereon saw in the cultivation of the earth the fertilization of

the mother. The aim of the action is desexualized, however, for it is

the fruit of the field and the nourishment contained therein. The

regression resulting from the incest prohibition leads, in this case, to

the new valuation of the mother; this time, however, not as a sexual

object, but as a nourisher.

The discovery of fire seems to be due to a very similar regression to

the presexual stage, more particularly to the nearest stage of the

displaced rhythmic manifestation. The libido, introverted from the

incest prohibition (with the more detailed designation of the motor

components of coitus), when it reaches the presexual stage, meets the

related infantile boring, to which it now gives, in accordance with its

realistic destination, an actual material. (Therefore the material is

fittingly called “materia,” as the object is the mother as above.) As I

sought to show above, the action of the infantile boring requires only

the strength and perseverance of an adult man and suitable “material” in

order to generate fire. If this is so, it may be expected that analogous

to our foregoing case of onanistic boring the generation of fire

originally occurred as such an act of quasi-onanistic activity,

objectively expressed. The demonstration of this can never be actually

furnished, but it is thinkable that somewhere traces of this original

onanistic preliminary exercise of fire production have been preserved. I

have succeeded in finding a passage in a very old monument of Hindoo

literature which contains this transition of the sexual libido through

the onanistic phase in the preparation of fire. This passage is found in

Brihadâranyaka-Upanishad:[309]

“In truth, he (Âtman)[310] was as large as a woman and a man, when

they embrace each other. This, his own self, he divided into two

parts, out of which husband and wife were formed.[311] With her, he

copulated; from this humanity sprang. She, however, pondered: ‘How may

he unite with me after he has created me from himself? Now I shall

hide!’ Then she became a cow; he, however, became a bull and mated

with her. From that sprang the horned cattle. Then she became a mare;

he, however, became a stallion; she became a she-ass; he, an ass, and

mated with her. From these sprang the whole-hoofed animals. She became

a goat; he became a buck; she became an ewe; he became a ram, and

mated with her. Thus were created goats and sheep. Thus it happened

that all that mates, even down to the ants, he created—then he

perceived: ‘Truly I myself am Creation, for I have created the whole

world!’ Thereupon he rubbed his hands (held before the mouth) so that

he brought forth fire from his mouth, as from the mother womb, and

from his hands.”

We meet here a peculiar myth of creation which requires a psychologic

interpretation. In the beginning the libido was undifferentiated and

bisexual;[312] this was followed by differentiation into a male and a

female component. From then on man knows what he is. Now follows a gap

in the coherence of the thought where belongs that very resistance which

we have postulated above for the explanation of the urge for

sublimation. Next follows the onanistic act of rubbing or boring (here

finger-sucking) transferred from the sexual zone, from which proceeds

the production of fire.[313] The libido here leaves its characteristic

manifestation as sexual function and regresses to the presexual stage,

where, in conformity with the above explanation, it occupies one of the

preliminary stages of sexuality, thereby producing, in the view

expressed in the Upanishad, the first human art, and from there, as

suggested by Kuhn’s idea of the root “manth,” perhaps the higher

intellectual activity in general. This course of development is not

strange to the psychiatrist, for it is a well-known psychopathological

fact that onanism and excessive activity of phantasy are very closely

related. (The sexualizing-autonomizing of the mind through

autoerotism[314] is so familiar a fact that examples of that are

superfluous.) The course of the libido, as we may conclude from these

studies, originally proceeded in a similar manner as in the child, only

in a reversed sequence. The sexual act was pushed out of its proper zone

and was transferred into the analogous mouth zone[315]—the mouth

receiving the significance of the female genitals; the hand and the

fingers, respectively, receiving the phallic meaning.[316] In this

manner the regressively reoccupied activity of the presexual stage is

invested with the sexual significance, which, indeed, it already

possessed, in part, before, but in a wholly different sense. Certain

functions of the presexual stage are found to be permanently suitable,

and, therefore, are retained later on as sexual functions. Thus, for

example, the mouth zone is retained as of erotic importance, meaning

that its valuation is permanently fixed. Concerning the mouth, we know

that it also has a sexual meaning among animals, inasmuch as, for

example, stallions bite mares in the sexual act; also, cats, cocks, etc.

A second significance of the mouth is as an instrument of speech, it

serves essentially in the production of the mating call, which mostly

represents the developed tones of the animal kingdom. As to the hand, we

know that it has the important significance of the contrectation organ

(for example, among frogs). The frequent erotic use of the hand among

monkeys is well known. If there exists a resistance against the real

sexuality, then the accumulated libido is most likely to cause a

hyperfunction of those collaterals which are most adapted to compensate

for the resistance, that is to say, the nearest functions which serve

for the introduction of the act;[317] on one side the function of the

hand, on the other that of the mouth. The sexual act, however, against

which the opposition is directed is replaced by a similar act of the

presexual stage, the classic case being either finger-sucking or boring.

Just as among apes the foot can on occasions take the place of the hand,

so the child is often uncertain in the choice of the object to suck, and

puts the big toe in the mouth instead of the finger. This last movement

belongs to a Hindoo rite, only the big toe was not put in the mouth, but

held against the eye.[318] Through the sexual significance of the hand

and mouth these organs, which in the presexual stage served to obtain

pleasure, are invested with a procreating power which is identical with

the above-mentioned destination, which aims at the external object,

because it concerns the sexual or creating libido. When, through the

actual preparation of fire, the sexual character of the libido employed

in that is fulfilled, then the mouth zone remains without adequate

expression; only the hand has now reached its real, purely human goal in

its first art.

The mouth has, as we saw, a further important function, which has just

as much sexual relation to the object as the hand, that is to say, the

production of the mating call. In opening up the autoerotic ring

(hand-mouth),[319] where the phallic hand became the fire-producing

tool, the libido which was directed to the mouth zone was obliged to

seek another path of functioning, which naturally was found in the

already existing love call. The excess of libido entering here must have

had the usual results, namely, the stimulation of the newly possessed

function; hence an elaboration of the mating call.

We know that from the primitive sounds human speech has developed.

Corresponding to the psychological situation, it might be assumed that

language owes its real origin to this moment, when the impulse,

repressed into the presexual stage, turns to the external in order to

find an equivalent object there. The real thought as a conscious

activity is, as we saw in the first part of this book, a thinking with

positive determination towards the external world, that is to say, a

“speech thinking.” This sort of thinking seems to have originated at

that moment. It is very remarkable that this view, which was won by the

path of reasoning, is again supported by old tradition and other

mythological fragments.

In Aitareyopanishad[320] the following quotation is to be found in

the doctrine of the development of man: “Being brooded-o’er, his

mouth hatched out, like as an egg; from out his mouth (came) speech,

from speech, the fire.” In Part II, where it is depicted how the

newly created objects entered man, it reads: “Fire, speech becoming,

entered in the mouth.” These quotations allow us to plainly

recognize the intimate connection between fire and speech.[321] In

Brihadâranyaka-Upanishad is to be found this passage:

“‘Yayñavalkya,’ thus he spake, ‘when after the death of this man his

speech entereth the fire, his breath into the wind, his eye into the

sun, etc.’”

A further quotation from the Brihadâranyaka-Upanishad reads:

“But when the sun is set, O Yayñavalkya, and the moon has set, and the

fire is extinguished, what then serves man as light? Then speech

serves him as light; then, by the light of speech he sits, and moves,

he carries on his work, and he returns home. But when the sun is set,

O Yayñavalkya, and the moon is set, and the fire extinguished, and the

voice is dumb, what then serves man as light? Then he serves himself

(Atman) as light; then, by the light of himself, he sits and moves,

carries on his work and returns home.”

In this passage we notice that fire again stands in the closest relation

to speech. Speech itself is called a “light,” which, in its turn, is

reduced to the “light” of the Atman, the creating psychic force, the

libido. Thus the Hindoo metapsychology conceives speech and fire as

emanations of the inner light from which we know that it is libido.

Speech and fire are its forms of manifestation, the first human arts,

which have resulted from its transformation. This common psychologic

origin seems also to be indicated by certain results of philology. The

Indo-Germanic root _bhâ_ designates the idea of “to lighten, to shine.”

This root is found in Greek, φάω, φαίνω, φάος[322]; in old Icelandic

_bán_ = white, in New High German _bohnen_ = to make shining. The same

root _bhâ_ also designates “to speak”; it is found in Sanskrit _bhan_ =

to speak, Armenian _ban_ = word, in New High German _bann_ = to banish,

Greek φᾱ-μί, ἔφαν, φấτις.[323] Latin _fâ-ri_, _fânum_.

The root _bhelso_, with the meanings “to ring, to bark,” is found in

Sanskrit _bhas_ = to bark and _bhâs_ = to talk, to speak; Lithuanian

_balsas_ = voice, tone. Really _bhel-sô_ = to be bright or luminous.

Compare Greek φάλος = bright, Lithuanian _bálti_ = to become white,

Middle High German _blasz_ = pale.

The root _lâ_, with the meaning of “to make sound, to bark,” is found in

Sanskrit _las_, _lásati_ = to resound; and _las_, _lásati_ = to radiate,

to shine.

The related root _lesô_, with the meaning “desire,” is also found in

Sanskrit _las_, _lásati_ = to play; _lash_, _láshati_ = to desire. Greek

λάσταυρος = lustful, Gothic _lustus_, New High German _Lust_, Latin

_lascivus_.

A further related root, _lásô_ = to shine, to radiate, is found in

_las_, _lásati_ = to radiate, to shine.

This group unites, as is evident, the meanings of “to desire, to play,

to radiate, and to sound.” A similar archaic confluence of meanings in

the primal libido symbolism (as we are perhaps justified in calling it)

is found in that class of Egyptian words which are derived from the

closely related roots _ben_ and _bel_ and the reduplication _benben_ and

_belbel_. The original significance of these roots is “to burst forth,

to emerge, to extrude, to well out,” with the associated idea of

bubbling, boiling and roundness. _Belbel_, accompanied by the sign of

the obelisk, of originally phallic nature, means source of light. The

obelisk itself had besides the names of _techenu_ and _men_ also the

name _benben_, more rarely _berber_ and _belbel_.[324] The libido

symbolism makes clear this connection, it seems to me.

The Indo-Germanic root _vel_, with the meaning “to wave, to undulate”

(fire), is found in Sanskrit _ulunka_ = burning, Greek ἀλέα, Attic ἁλέα

= warmth of the sun, Gothic _vulan_ = to undulate, Old High German and

Middle High German _walm_ = heat, glow.

The related Indo-Germanic root _vélkô_, with the meaning of “to lighten,

to glow,” is found in Sanskrit _ulkă_ = firebrand, Greek Ϝελχᾶνος =

Vulcan. This same root _vel_ means also “to sound”; in Sanskrit _vâní_ =

tone, song, music. Tschech _volati_ = to call.

The root _svénô_ = to sound, to ring, is found in Sanskrit _svan_,

_svánati_ = to rustle, to sound; Zend _qanañt_, Latin _sonâre_, Old

Iranian _senm_, Cambrian _sain_, Latin _sonus_, Anglo-Saxon _svinsian_ =

to resound. The related root _svénos_ = noise, sound, is found in Vedic

_svánas_ = noise, Latin _sonor_, _sonorus_. A further related root is

_svonós_ = tone, noise; in Old Iranian _son_ = word.

The root _své_ (n), locative _svéni_, dative _sunéi_, means sun; in Zend

_qeñg_ = sun. (Compare above _svénô_, Zend _qanañt_); Gothic _sun-na_,

_sunnô_.[325] Here Goethe has preceded us:

“The sun orb sings in emulation,

’Mid brother-spheres, his ancient round:

His path predestined through Creation,

He ends with step of thunder sound.”

—_Faust._ Part I.

“Hearken! Hark! the hours careering!

Sounding loud to spirit-hearing,

See the new-born Day appearing!

Rocky portals jarring shatter,

Phœbus’ wheels in rolling clatter,

With a crash the Light draws near!

Pealing rays and trumpet-blazes,

Eye is blinded, ear amazes;

The Unheard can no one hear!

Slip within each blossom-bell,

Deeper, deeper, there to dwell,—

In the rocks, beneath the leaf!

If it strikes you, you are deaf.”

—_Faust._ Part II.

We also must not forget the beautiful verse of Hölderlin:

“Where art thou? Drunken, my soul dreams

Of all thy rapture. Yet even now I hearken

As full of golden tones the radiant sun youth

Upon his heavenly lyre plays his even song

To the echoing woods and hills.”

Just as in archaic speech fire and the speech sounds (the mating call,

music) appear as forms of emanation of the libido, thus light and sound

entering the psyche become one: libido.

Manilius expresses it in his beautiful verses:

“Quid mirum noscere mundum

Si possunt homines, quibus est et mundus in ipsis

Exemplumque dei quisque est in imagine parva?

An quoquam genitos nisi cælo credere fas est

Esse homines?

Stetit unus in arcem

Erectus capitis victorque ad sidera mittit sidereos oculos.”[326]

The idea of the Sanskrit _têjas_ suggests the fundamental significance

of the libido for the conception of the world in general. I am indebted

to Dr. Abegg, in Zurich, a thorough Sanskrit scholar, for the

compilation of the eight meanings of this word.

_Têjas_ signifies:

1. Sharpness, cutting edge.

2. Fire, splendor, light, glow, heat.

3. Healthy appearance, beauty.

4. The fiery and color-producing power of the human organism (thought

to be in the bile).

5. Power, energy, vital force.

6. Passionate nature.

7. Mental, also magic, strength; influence, position, dignity.

8. Sperma.

This gives us a dim idea of how, for primitive thought, the so-called

objective world was, and had to be, a subjective image. To this thought

must be applied the words of the “Chorus Mysticus”:

“All that is perishable

Is only an allegory.”

The Sanskrit word for fire is _agnis_ (the Latin _ignis_);[327] the fire

personified is the god Agni, the divine mediator,[328] whose symbol has

certain points of contact with that of Christ. In Avesta and in the

Vedas the fire is the messenger of the gods. In the Christian mythology

certain parts are closely related with the myth of Agni. Daniel speaks

of the three men in the fiery furnace:

“Then Nebuchadnezar, the King, was astonished, and rose up in haste

and spake, and said unto his counsellors: ‘Did not we cast three men

bound into the midst of the fire?’

“They answered and said: ‘True, O King!’

“He answered and said: ‘Lo, I see four men loose, walking in the midst

of the fire, and they have no hurt; and the form of the fourth is like

the Son of God.’”

In regard to that the “Biblia pauperum” observes (according to an old

German incunabulum of 1471):

“One reads in the third chapter of the prophet Daniel that

Nebuchadnezar, the King, caused three men to be placed in a glowing

furnace and that the king often went there, looked in, and that he saw

with the three, a fourth, who was like the Son of God. The three

signify for us, the Holy Trinity and the fourth, the unity of the

being. Christ, too, in His explanation designated the person of the

Trinity and the unity of the being.”

According to this mystic interpretation, the legend of the three men in

the fiery furnace appears as a magic fire ceremony by means of which the

Son of God reveals himself. The Trinity is brought together with the

unity, or, in other words, through coitus a child is produced. The

glowing furnace (like the glowing tripod in “Faust”) is a mother symbol,

where the children are produced.[329] The fourth in the fiery furnace

appears as Christ, the Son of God, who has become a visible God in the

fire. The mystic trinity and unity are sexual symbols. (Compare with

that the many references in Inman: “Ancient Pagan and Modern Christian

Symbolism.”) It is said of the Saviour of Israel (the Messiah) and of

his enemies, _Isaiah_ x:17:

“And the light of Israel shall be for a fire, and his Holy One for a

flame.”

In a hymn of the Syrian Ephrem it is said of Christ: “Thou who art all

fire, have mercy upon me.”

Agni is the sacrificial flame, the sacrificer, and the sacrificed, as

Christ himself. Just as Christ left behind his redeeming blood, φάρμακον

ἀθανασίας,[330] in the stimulating wine, so Agni is the Soma, the holy

drink of inspiration, the mead of immortality.[331] Soma and Fire are

entirely identical in Hindoo literature, so that in Soma we easily

rediscover the libido symbol, through which a series of apparently

paradoxical qualities of the Soma are immediately explained. As the old

Hindoos recognized in fire an emanation of the inner libido fire, so too

they recognized, in the intoxicating drink (Firewater, Soma-Agni, as

rain and fire), an emanation of libido. The Vedic definition of Soma as

seminal fluid confirms this interpretation.[332] The Soma significance

of fire, similar to the significance of the body of Christ in the Last

Supper (compare the Passover lamb of the Jews, baked in the form of a

cross), is explained by the psychology of the presexual stage, where the

libido was still in part the function of nutrition. The “Soma” is the

“nourishing drink,” the mythological characterization of which runs

parallel to fire in its origin; therefore, both are united in Agni. The

drink of immortality was stirred by the Hindoo gods like fire. Through

the retreat of the libido into the presexual stage it becomes clear why

so many gods were either defined sexually or were devoured.

As was shown by our discussion of fire preparation, the fire tool did

not receive its sexual significance as a later addition, but the sexual

libido was the motor power which led to its discovery, so that the later

teachings of the priests were nothing but confirmations of its actual

origin. Other primitive discoveries probably have acquired their sexual

symbolism in the same manner, being also derived from the sexual libido.

In the previous statements, which were based on the Pramantha of the

Agni sacrifice, we have concerned ourselves only with one significance

of the word manthâmi or mathnâmi, that is to say, with that which

expresses the movement of rubbing. As Kuhn shows, however, this word

also possesses the meaning of tearing off, taking away by violence,

robbing.[333] As Kuhn points out, this significance is already extant in

the Vedic text. The legend of its discovery always expresses the

production of fire as a robbery. (In this far it belongs to the motive

widely spread over the earth of the treasure difficult to attain.) The

fact that in many places and not alone in India the preparation of fire

is represented as having its origin in robbery, seems to point to a

widely spread thought, according to which the preparation of fire was

something forbidden, something usurped or criminal, which could be

obtained only through stratagem or deeds of violence (mostly through

stratagem).[334] When onanism confronts the physician as a symptom it

does so frequently under the symbol of secret pilfering, or crafty

imposition, which always signifies the concealed fulfilment of a

forbidden wish.[335] Historically, this train of thought probably

implies that the ritual preparation of fire was employed with a magic

purpose, and, therefore, was pursued by official religions; then it

became a ritual mystery,[336] guarded by the priests and surrounded with

secrecy. The ritual laws of the Hindoos threaten with severe punishment

him who prepares fire in an incorrect manner. The fact alone that

something is mysterious means the same as something done in concealment;

that which must remain secret, which one may not see nor do; also

something which is surrounded by severe punishment of body and soul;

therefore, presumably, _something forbidden_ which has received a

license as a religious rite. After all has been said about the genesis

of the preparation of fire, it is no longer difficult to guess what is

the forbidden thing; _it is onanism_. When I stated before that it might

be lack of satisfaction which breaks up the autoerotic ring of the

displaced sexual activity transferred to the body itself, and thus opens

wider fields of culture, I did not mention that this loosely closed ring

of the displaced onanistic activity could be much more firmly closed,

when man makes the other great discovery, that of true onanism.[337]

With that the activity is started in the proper place, and this, under

certain circumstances, may mean a satisfaction sufficient for a long

time, but at the expense of cheating sexuality of its real purpose. It

is a fraud upon the natural development of things, because all the

dynamic forces which can and should serve the development of culture are

withdrawn from it through onanism, since, instead of the displacement, a

regression to the local sexual takes place, which is precisely the

opposite of that which is desirable. Psychologically, however, onanism

is a discovery of a significance not to be undervalued. One is protected

from fate, since no sexual need then has the power to give one up to

life. For with onanism one has the greatest magic in one’s hands; one

needs only to phantasy, and with that to masturbate, then one possesses

all the pleasure of the world, and is no longer compelled to conquer the

world of one’s desires through hard labor and wrestling with

reality.[338] Aladdin rubs his lamp and the obedient genii stand at his

bidding; thus the fairy tale expresses the great psychologic advantage

of the easy regression to the local sexual satisfaction. Aladdin’s

symbol subtly confirms the ambiguity of the magic fire preparation.

The close relation of the generation of fire to the onanistic act is

illustrated by a case, the knowledge of which I owe to Dr. Schmid, in

Cery, that of an imbecile peasant youth who set many incendiary fires.

At one of these conflagrations he drew suspicion to himself by his

behavior. He stood with his hands in his trouser pockets in the door of

an opposite house and gazed with apparent delight at the fire. Under

examination in the insane asylum, he described the fire in great detail,

and made suspicious movements in his trouser pockets with his hands. The

physical examination undertaken at once showed that he had masturbated.

Later he confessed that he had masturbated at the time when he had

enjoyed the fire which he had enkindled himself.

The preparation of fire in itself is a perfectly ordinary useful custom,

employed everywhere for many centuries, which in itself involved nothing

more mysterious than eating and drinking. However, there was always a

tendency from time to time to prepare fire in a ceremonious and

mysterious manner (exactly as with ritual eating and drinking), which

was to be carried out in an exactly prescribed way and from which no one

dared differ. This mysterious tendency associated with the technique is

the second path in the onanistic regression, always present by the side

of culture. The strict rules applied to it, the zeal of the ceremonial

preparations and the religious awe of the mysteries next originate from

this source; the ceremonial, although apparently irrational, is an

extremely ingenious institution from the psychologic standpoint, for it

represents a substitute for the possibility of onanistic regression

accurately circumscribed by law. The law cannot apply to the content of

the ceremony, for it is really quite indifferent for the ritual act,

whether it is carried out in this way or in that way. On the contrary,

it is very essential whether the restrained libido is discharged through

a sterile onanism or transposed into the path of sublimation. These

severe measures of protection apply primarily to onanism.[339]

I am indebted to Freud for a further important reference to the

onanistic nature of the fire theft, or rather the motive of _the

treasure difficult of attainment_ (to which fire theft belongs).

Mythology contains repeated formulas which read approximately as

follows: The treasure must be plucked or torn off from a taboo tree

(Paradise tree, Hesperides); this is a forbidden and dangerous act. The

clearest example of this is the old barbaric custom in the service of

Diana of Aricia: only he can become a priest of the goddess who, in her

sacred grove, dares to tear off (“abzureissen”) a bough. The tearing off

has been retained in vulgar speech (besides “abreiben,” rubbing) as a

symbol of the act of onanism. Thus “reiben,” to rub, is like “reissen,”

to break off, both of which are contained in manthami and united

apparently only through the myth of the fire theft bound up in the act

of onanism in a deeper stratum wherein “reiben,” properly speaking,

“reissen,” is employed, but in a transferred sense. Therefore, it might

perhaps be anticipated that in the deepest stratum, namely, the

incestuous, which precedes the autoerotic stage,[340] the two meanings

coincide, which, through lack of mythological tradition, can perhaps be

traced through etymology only.

Psychology of the Unconscious A Study of the Transformations and Symbolisms of the Libido. A Contribution to the History of the Evolution of Thought · 第 3 / 11 章