The Christian faith has the living God and his revelation for its

object, and is itself that revelation; hence every doctrine taken from

this source is something real and positive. The defence of truth

against error will then only be attended with permanent success, when

the divine doctrine, in whatever department it may be, is represented

with intellectual energy as a living principle; and at the same time

placed in its historical connection, with a due regard to every other

historical reality. This calm, historical judgment of things--this

acute insight into subjects, whether they be real facts or

intellectual phenomena--is the invariable concomitant of truth, and

the indispensable condition to the full knowledge of truth. This is

the more so, indeed, as religion, which forms the basis of all truth,

and of all knowledge, naturally traces with attentive eye the

mysterious clue of Divine Providence and Divine permission through the

long labyrinth of human errors and human follies, be they of a

practical or a speculative nature. Error, on the other hand, is always

unhistorical; the spirit of time almost always passionate; and both

consequently untrue. The conflict against error cannot be brought to a

prompter and more successful issue, than by separating in every system

of moral and speculative error, and according to the standard of

divine truth, the absolute, which is the basis of such systems, into

its two component parts of truth and falsehood. For when we

acknowledge and point out the truth to be found in those systems,

there only remains error, whose inanity it requires little labour,

little cost of talent, or time to expose and make evident to every

eye. But in real life the struggle of parties often ceases to be

purely intellectual--their physical energy is displayed in violent

commotions; and in proportion as all parties become absolute, so their

struggle becomes one of violent and mutual destruction--a circumstance

which most fatally impedes the great work of religious regeneration--the

mighty problem of our age, which so far from being brought to a

satisfactory termination, is not yet even solved. In this respect it

is no doubt a critical fact, that in certain quarters of European

life, nay even in some entire countries, parties and governments

should be more and more carried away by the spirit of absolutism. For

this is not a question of names, and it is very evident that not those

parties, which are called, or call themselves absolute, are the most

so in reality; since now, as in all periods of violent party

struggles, a whimsical mistake in names, a great disorder of ideas,

and a Babel confusion of tongues, occur even in those languages

otherwise distinguished for their clearness and precision.

Fixedness of principle, consistency in reasoning, firmness of

character, and the severe, dogmatic precision of faith, as these are

the qualities which form the best test of man in the intercourse of

life, so they ought by no means to be confounded with absolutism

either in conduct or speculation; for all these qualities are very

compatible with the calm historical judgment of things, and a

conscientious regard for all historical circumstances. Among the

French writers of recent times who have devoted themselves to the task

of the religious regeneration of the public mind, no one possesses the

above-named qualities in a higher, or in so remarkable a degree, as

Count Maistre; and yet of all the writers of this class, he is the

least open to the charge of promoting a passionate spirit of reaction;

and in my own opinion, he must be entirely acquitted of such an

imputation. Some more rhetorical defenders, however, of religion in

France, cannot certainly be entirely absolved from the charge of

favouring this absolute and exaggerated spirit of re-action; and so

they unquestionably, even more than their opponents, injure the cause

which they wish to defend. But many imputations of this sort which

party spirit has alleged, are entirely without foundation; as when the

opposition in the country I speak of, extends to the government, and

to all the different ministries since the Restoration, the charge of

political absolutism, and of a spirit of re-action; every one must

clearly see that no cause has really been given for such imputations.

And that in a country where the most hostile parties and all

conceivable opinions are tolerated, a small number of Jesuits should

partake of the general toleration, is a circumstance that can excite

blame, jealousy and hypocritical alarm, only in the breasts of men

animated by the unjust and vindictive spirit of faction. To the

distant and impartial observer, the greatest and most imminent danger

to France appears to be a relapse to Revolution by means of

liberalism.[24]

The dogmatic decision and definiteness of Catholic faith on the one

hand, and the firmly rooted private convictions of Protestantism on

the other, are very compatible with an historical judgment of

historical events. Difficult as this may appear to the absolute spirit

of our age, it is this very historical impartiality which must prepare

the way for the complete triumph of truth, and the consummate glory of

Christianity. And it is in this consists the great distinction between

true toleration and the fatal indifferentism of our age, and of the

age immediately preceding. True toleration is founded on the humble

and consequently religious principle and firm hope, that while one

leaves in quiet what has already an historical existence, God will

conduct and arrange all things, and bring them to their appointed end.

This is widely remote from that pretended equality of all religions,

provided they inculcate but a good morality--a system which strikes at

the root of all religion. Intolerance, on the other hand, is grounded

in the proud, and therefore impious opinion, that it can mould all

things to what it fancies they ought to be, without any regard to the

limits of human weakness--and without reflecting that what is put

down by outward force, not unfrequently grows up in secret in an

altered, though still more dangerous, form. Of this truth, it would

not be difficult to adduce many historical proofs.

In the absolute spirit of our age, and in the absolute character of

its factions, there is a deep-rooted intellectual pride, which is not

so much personal or individual, as social, for it refers to the

historical destiny of mankind, and of this age in particular. Actuated

by this pride, a spirit exalted by moral energy, or invested with

external power, fancies it can give a real existence to that which can

only be the work of God: as from him alone proceed all those mighty,

and real regenerations of the world, among which Christianity--a

revolution in the high and divine sense of the word--occupies the

first place; and in these plastic moments, every thing is possible

that man can wish or dare to hope, if in what he adds on his own part,

he mars not much in what the bounteous monarch of the universe, from

the overflowings of his ineffable love, outpours upon his earth. For

the last three hundred years this human pride has been at work--a

pride that wishes to originate events, instead of humbly awaiting

them, and of resting contented with the place assigned to it among

those events, and of making the best and most charitable use of those

circumstances which Providence has decreed.

What I said before with regard to the Reformation may be equally

applied to the principle and period of Illuminism. The idea itself is

perfectly blameless, and it is unfair to pronounce on it an

indiscriminate censure, and to treat it as an unqualified abuse. It

was indeed but a very small portion of this illuminism of the

eighteenth century, that was really derived from the truths of

Christianity, and the pure light of Revelation. The rest was the mere

work of man, consequently vain and empty, or at least defective,

corrupt in parts, and, on the whole, destitute of a solid foundation,

and therefore devoid of all permanent strength and duration.

But when once, after the complete victory of truth, the divine

Reformation shall appear;--then that human Reformation, which till now

hath existed, will sink to the ground, and disappear from the world.

Then by the universal triumph of Christianity, and the thorough

religious regeneration of the age, of the world, and of governments

themselves, will dawn the era of a true Christian _Illuminism_.

This period is not perhaps so remote from our own, as the natural

indolence of the human mind, which after every great occurrence, loves

to sink again into the death-sleep of ordinary life, would be disposed

to believe. Yet must this exalted religious hope--this high historical

expectation be coupled with great apprehension, as to the full display

of divine justice in the world. For how is such a religious

regeneration possible, until every species, form, and denomination of

political idolatry be eradicated, and entirely extirpated from the

earth?

Never was there a period that pointed so strongly, so clearly, so

generally towards the future, as our own. On this account we should

endeavour clearly and accurately to distinguish between what on the

one hand man may by slow, progressive, but unweared exertions--by the

pacific adjustment of all disputed points--and by the cultivation of

his intellectual qualities, contribute towards the great work of the

religious regeneration of government and science--and what on the

other hand he should look for in silent awe from a higher

Providence--from the new creative fiat of a last period of

consummation, unable as he is to produce or call it forth. We are

directed much more towards the future than towards the past;--but in

order to comprehend in all its magnitude the problem of our age, it

sufficeth not that we should seek this social regeneration in the

eighteenth century--an age in no respect entitled to praise--or in the

reign of Lewis the Fourteenth, and his times of false national glory.

The birth of Christianity must be the great point of survey to which

we must recur, not to bring back, or counterfeit the forms of ages

past, which are no longer applicable to our own; but clearly to

examine what has remained incomplete, what has not yet been attained.

For unquestionably, all that has been neglected in the earlier periods

and stages of Christian civilization, must be made good in this true,

consummate regeneration of society. If truth is to obtain a complete

victory--if Christianity is really to triumph on the earth--then must

the state become Christian, and science become Christian. But these

two objects have never been generally, nor completely realized;

although during the many ages mankind have been Christian, they have

struggled for the attainment of both; and though this political

struggle and this intellectual aspiration form the purport of modern

history. The Roman Empire, even after the true religion had become

predominant, was too thoroughly and radically corrupt, ever to form a

truly Christian state. The sound, unvitiated natural energy of the

Germanic nations, seemed far better fitted for such a destiny, after

they had received from Christianity a high religious consecration for

this purpose. There was, if we may so speak, in the interior of each

state, as well as in the general system of Christendom, a most

magnificent foundation laid for a truly Christian structure of

government. But this ground-work remained unfinished, after the

internal divisions in the state, then the divisions between church and

state, and lastly, the divisions in the church and in religion itself,

had interrupted the successful beginnings of a most glorious work.

The ecclesiastical writers of the first ages furnish a solid

foundation for all the future labours of Christian science; but their

science does not comprehend all the branches of human knowledge. In

the middle age, undoubtedly, this foundation of a Christian science,

laid down by the early fathers, was slowly prosecuted and in detail;

but on the whole, many hurtful influences of the time had reduced

science and speculation to a very low ebb, when suddenly in the

fifteenth century all the literary treasures of ancient Greece, and

all the new discoveries in geography and physics, were offered to

philosophy. Scarcely had philosophy begun to examine these mighty

stores of ancient and modern science, in order to give them a

Christian form, and to appropriate them to the use of religion and

modern society, when the world again broke out into disputes; and this

noble beginning of a Christian philosophy was interrupted, and has

since remained an unfinished fragment for a later and a happier

period. Such then is the two-fold problem of a real and complete

regeneration which our age is called upon to solve;--on one hand, the

further extension of Christian government, and of Catholic principles

of legislation, in opposition to the Revolutionary spirit of the age,

and to the anti-Christian principle of government hitherto so

exclusively prevalent; and on the other hand the establishment of a

Christian philosophy, or Catholic science. As I before characterized

the political spirit of the eighteenth century by the term--Protestantism

of state (taking that word in a purely philosophic sense, and not as a

religious designation)--a system which found its one main support in

an old Catholic Empire;[25] and as I characterized the intellectual

spirit of the same age by the term Protestantism of science;--a

science which made the greatest progress and exerted the widest

influence in another[26] great Catholic country; systems in which

nothing irreligious was originally intended, but which became so by

their too exclusive or negative bearing: so I may here permit myself

to say, in like manner, that the destiny of this age--the peculiar

want of the nineteenth century, is the establishment of those Catholic

principles of government, and the general construction of a Catholic

system of science. This expression is used in a mere scientific sense,

and refers to all that is positively and completely religious in

thought and feeling. In the certain conviction that this cannot be

misunderstood in an exclusive or polemical sense, I will expressly add

that this foundation of Catholic legislation for the future political

existence of Europe may be laid by one, or more than one, non-catholic

power; and that I even cherish the hope, that it is our own Germany,

one half whereof is Protestant, which more than any other country is

destined to complete the fabric of Catholic science, and of a true

Christian philosophy in all the departments of human knowledge.

The religious hope of a true and complete regeneration of the age, by

a Christian system of government and a Christian system of science,

forms the conclusion to this Philosophy of History. The bond of a

religious union between all the European states will be more closely

knit, and be more comprehensive, in proportion as each nation advances

in the work of its own religious regeneration, and carefully avoids

all relapse to the old revolutionary spirit--all worship of the false

idols of mistaken freedom, or illusive glory, and rejects every other

new form or species of political idolatry. For it is the very nature

of political idolatry to lead to the mutual destruction of parties,

and consequently it can never possess the elements of stability.

Philosophy, as it is the vivifying centre of all other sciences, must

be the principal concern and the highest object of the labours of

Christian science. Yet history, which is so closely and so variously

connected with religion, must by no means be forgotten, nor must

historical research be separated from philosophic speculation. On the

contrary, it is the religious spirit and views already pervading the

combined efforts of historical learning and philosophic speculation,

that chiefly distinguish this new era of a better intellectual

culture, or as I should rather express myself, this first stage of a

return to the great religious restoration. And I may venture to assert

that this spirit, at least in the present century, has become ever

more and more the prevailing characteristic of German science, and on

this science, in its relation to the moral wants, and spiritual

calling of the nineteenth century, I have now a few observations to

make. Like an image reflected in a mirror, or like those symptoms

which precede and announce a crisis in human events, the centre-point

of all government, or the religious basis of legislation, is sure to

be reflected in the whole mental culture, or in the most remarkable

intellectual productions of a nation. In England, the equilibrium of a

constitution that combines in itself so many conflicting elements, is

reflected in its philosophy. The revolutionary spirit was prevalent in

the French literature of the eighteenth century long before it broke

out in real life; and the struggle is still very animated between the

intellectual defenders and champions of the monarchical and religious

Restoration, and of the newly awakened liberal opposition. In like

manner, as the German people were, and still are, half Catholic and

half Protestant, it is religious peace which in all literature, and

particularly in philosophy, forms the basis of their modern

intellectual culture. The mere æsthetic part of German letters, as

regards art and poetry,--that artist-like enthusiasm peculiar to our

nation--the struggles which convulsed the infancy of our

literature--the successive imitation and rejection of the French and

English models--the very general diffusion of classical learning--the

newly enkindled love for our native speech, and for the early history

of our country, and its elder monuments of art--all these are subjects

of minor interest in the European point of view we here take, and form

but the prelude and introduction to that higher German science and

philosophy, which is now more immediately the subject of our

enquiries. Historical research should never be separated from any

philosophy, still less from the German; as historical erudition is the

most effectual counterpoise to that absolute spirit, so prevalent in

German science and German speculation.

Art and poetry constitute that department of intellect wherein every

nation should mostly follow the impulse of its own spirit, its own

feelings, and its own turn of fancy; and we must regard it as an

exception when the poetry of any particular nation, (such, for

instance, as that of the English at the present day), is felt and

received by other nations as an European poetry. On the other hand,

history is a sort of intellectual common open to all European nations.

The English, who in this department were ever so active and

distinguished, have, in very recent times, produced works on their own

national history, which really merit the name of classical monuments

of the new religious restoration. Science in general, and philosophy

in particular, should never be exclusive or national--should never be

called English or German--but should be general and European. And if

this is not so entirely the case as in the nature of things it ought

to be--we must ascribe it to the defects of particular forms. Of this

truth the example of the French language may convince us; for no one

will deny the metaphysical profundity of Count Maistre, or the

dialectic perspicacity of the Viscount De Bonald. Although those

absolute principles which appear to characterize the European nations

at this time, have much less influence on real life and on the social

relations in Germany than in any other country; yet the false spirit

of the absolute seems to be quite native to German science and

philosophy; and for a long period, has been the principal cause which

has cramped the religious spirit and feelings so natural to the German

character, or at least has given them a false direction.

With regard to religious opinions, Protestantism in Germany has not

been split into a multitude of new, various, and jarring sects, as in

other countries, such as England, Holland, and North America, where it

was exclusively or for the most part predominant; for even the

Hernhutters were not properly a sect. It is only very recently the

Pietists have formed themselves into a party opposed to the

Rationalists--but their doctrines are not sufficiently precise and

determinate to constitute them a sect, according to the proper

signification of that word. Pietism consists rather in a deep, though

vague, sentiment of religion, and in a fusion of various and opposite

religious views and doctrines. Undoubtedly this moral fusion of

opinions, as well as that outward complication of the interests and

doctrines of Catholicism and Protestantism, and of so many private

views in matters of religion, produced many wild and fanciful

abortions peculiar to the age; many pure idiosyncrasies among the

Protestants, whether they made half advances towards the Catholic

church, or pursued the opposite path of absolute individualism--or

among the Catholics still more monstrous amalgamations--Protestant or

semi-Protestant innovations in doctrine aimed at by

individuals--innovations which originated in the principles of

Illuminism, and were countenanced by the well-known policy of certain

sovereigns. Much as we may feel disposed, or are even bound to oppose

with all our might, such moral abortions, when the question regards

their practical operation--yet I do not think we ought to pronounce

an absolutely unfavourable judgment on their general intellectual

tendency. The real primary evil of the eighteenth century--an utter

indifference for all religious doctrines and concerns,--the dangerous

spirit of complete indifferentism, from whose contagion many purely

Catholic countries did not escape, took less strong hold in Germany,

and obtained less general diffusion than in any other country. A deep,

indelible religious feeling still continued to characterize the German

nation, and to give a tone to its philosophical speculations. We should

not pay too much attention to some transient and partial paradoxes:--I

well recollect the words of an old, very experienced, pious, and

enlightened ecclesiastic, who well understood the German character,

and who used to say; "If we don't give a religion to the Germans, they

will make one out for themselves."

Even in the greatest errors of their philosophy, a certain religious

bearing and tendency can easily be pointed out. However in a country

like Germany, where religious opinions and interests are so various

and so intermixed, a long time must elapse before a profound

philosophy, which would satisfy these yearnings of religious desire,

can attain its full moral developement, or assume a clear outward

tangible form. If I before said of the English, in reference to the

struggle going on between the conflicting elements of their

government--a struggle which in one form or other every great European

nation has to settle in its own interior, and to bring to a successful

issue--that it would appear by many expressions in their parliamentary

proceedings, from those in particular at the head of affairs, and who

are best acquainted with them, that a secret self-apprehension besets

the minds of English politicians;--so I may now say of our German

nation, among whom the conflict lies principally, or more immediately

in the sphere of religion and philosophy; that more than all other

nations the Germans are destitute of self-knowledge and of mutual

concord; and the cause of this must be sought for in the unfulfilment

of their religious and philosophical destiny, and in the yet unallayed

discord between opposite elements of faith and various systems of

science.

The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2 · 第 19 / 20 段