to all veneration of images; and it is very possible, according to the
opinion of a great historian, who on the whole does not judge the
Arabian prophet unfavourably, that the expectation which the Jews
still entertained of the future coming of a Deliverer and Prophet,
should have operated very powerfully on the mind and imagination of
Mahomet. In the same way as the Jews, then incomparably more active
than afterwards, still expected _Him_ who had long since come; so
certain Christian sects, totally misunderstanding the Scriptures,
which they interpreted according to their own arbitrary sense,
believed that the Holy Ghost and the divine Paraclete whom the Saviour
had promised, was yet to come; although the Saviour had promised that
the Holy Spirit should come down upon his disciples, immediatly after
his ascension, and had added, that the same spirit should for ever
abide with them. Now every one who professed himself a Christian, knew
very well from the Holy Scriptures, that a supernatural light had
descended on the Apostles in the first assembly they held, and
when, as they thought, their Lord and Master had abandoned them; and
that this light had transformed the disciples, till then weak,
wavering, and trembling before the world, into apostolic men filled
with the spirit of God, into prophets of eternal truth and divine
love, humble, but energetic, and no less heroic than enlightened. That
Assister and Comforter, or that guiding Paraclete promised by God to
his disciples, which in the Apostles had proved itself a spirit of
knowledge, of illumination, and of insight into the mysteries of
faith--in the martyrs, a spirit of divine power and of heroic
constancy under sufferings, was now in the great doctors of the
church, and in the general councils the guiding spirit of wisdom,
rightly discerning and steadfastly adhering to the truths of
revelation. But this truth did not prevent many leaders of those sects
from regarding themselves in their own conceit as the Comforter and
the Paraclete promised by God for the consolation of succeeding ages,
or even from permitting themselves to be so considered by their own
disciples. The supposition of the great historian just now cited, that
these Judæo-Christian expectations of the future coming of an earthly
Deliverer, Redeemer and Teacher, or Prophet of the world, may have
exerted no inconsiderable influence on the mind of Mahomet, and may
have awakened similar conceptions and imaginations in his own head, is
confirmed by the fact, that the Koran itself contains no very obscure
allusions and references to the notion of the Paraclete, and to a
supernatural and divine power and force under the very denomination
used among the later Hebrews, and according to the very word
sanctioned for that peculiar object.
In the time of Mahomet, and shortly before him, the Caaba at Mecca
constituted the great sanctuary of Arabian worship. This, if we may so
designate it, was a simple chapel of Pagan pilgrimage, which contained
the black stone, the object of the religious devotion of the Arabs
from a very ancient period. The idolatrous worship of such shapeless
or conical blocks of stone was by no means unknown to the wayward
genius of ancient Polytheism. We meet with a similar form of idolatry
in the mythology of the Greeks, though set off and embellished by the
peculiar fancy of that people; and instances of a like kind were to be
found in the worship which the neighbouring people of Syria paid to
Belus or Baal. Those stones which are frequently mentioned by ancient
historians as having fallen from Heaven, may probably have given rise
to this peculiar species of idolatry; and the fact itself (as now
indeed is often the case with the general traditions of antiquity) is
sufficently proved by the existence of those well-known meteor-stones,
whose origin, though they have undergone chemical analysis, and
mineralogical investigation, still remains, even in the present
advanced state of modern science, a problem of no small difficulty.
The Arabian tribe from which Mahomet was sprung, had long been
intrusted with the care and custody of the Caaba and the black stone,
and placed its highest glory in this its allotted dignity. According
to the Arabian tradition, Abraham had first erected the Caaba, and the
Amalecites had afterwards repaired it. When the tribe of Koreish, who
were invested with this high charge, had to rebuild this temple; they
were at a loss to know how the sacred black stone should be fixed in
the walls, and what hand should touch the consecrated piece, when
quite unexpectedly, this honour fell to the lot of Mahomet, then a
stripling of fifteen. For this reason we may well suppose that this
ancient seat of Arabian worship--the Caaba--produced one of those
youthful impressions that determined the future destiny of this
extraordinary man. Even in the religious system which he afterwards
founded, this ancient sanctuary with its magical stone, has remained
in every age a high object of veneration; and it is only in our times
that the temple of Mecca has been exposed to the rage of the
_Wechabites_, who though their religious fury has taken an
opposite course, exhibit the old Arabian character in all its
fanatical violence. But this old black stone-idol is a very remarkable
feature in the history of Mahomet and of his religion. In the holy
temple of the Caaba were kept and suspended the seven most remarkable
poems which had won the prize over the other tribe-songs of the
Arabs,--a species of poetry peculiar to this people, and breathing all
the enthusiasm of pride and hatred. In these compositions, Mahomet
held a very distinguished rank, and long before he announced himself
as a prophet, his poetry, which far outshone that of his competitors,
had raised him to a high degree of honour and consideration. It was
only in the fortieth or forty-second year of his age, and after a long
and solitary abode in a cavern during what the Mahometans term, "the
night of divine decrees," that Mahomet formed the first determination,
and thought he felt the first inward calling to the mission of a
prophet. The first person that believed in this mission, and
acknowledged him for a prophet, was his own wife Cadijah, who, though
a rich widow, had bestowed her hand on Mahomet, when his sole
patrimony consisted of five camels and an Ethiopian maid-servant, and
had thus raised him to a station of wealth and independence. It is
worthy of notice, that it is only in the epileptic fits to which he
was subject, that he is represented as having mysterious colloquies
with the angel Gabriel. Others represent him as a lunatic; and in
connection with this charge I may mention the story, that he wished to
pass with his disciples as a person transfigured in a supernatural
light, and that the credulity of his followers saw the moon, or the
moon's light descend upon him, pierce his garments, and replenish him.
That veneration for the moon, which still forms a national or rather
religious characteristic of the Mahometans, may perhaps have its
foundation in the elder superstition, or Pagan idolatry of the Arabs.
Modern historians have often complained of the difficulty of
ascertaining the precise truth in the history of Mahomet, from the
severity of his opponents on the one hand, and the enthusiastic
admiration of his Eastern partisans, on the other. If we think proper
to follow those writers only, who by their acquaintaince with the
language have copied from Arabic authorities, we shall find that their
narratives are much distorted by fanaticism, and rendered almost
unintelligible by an absurd exaggeration. Independently of the evident
traces in this religion of a demoniacal influence and operation;
undoubted historical facts will furnish us with sufficient data for
forming a clear and definitive opinion on the character of Mahomet and
the nature of his religion. Although the Arabs of that age, like other
nations of that time, and the ancient Hebrews, universally thought
that supernatural works were to be expected from a prophet; and that
the high power of miracles was necessary to prove a divine mission;
yet Mahomet found it more fitting or convenient to declare, that he
could dispense with the aid of miracles, as he came not to found a new
religion, but to restore the purity of the old--the faith of Abraham,
and the other Patriarchs. Even though we had not such clear and
positive historical proofs and testimonies, respecting the nature of
that presentient faith of Abraham, and the other Patriarchs of the Old
Testament--a faith which pointed to all the mysteries of
futurity--still to suppose that the religion of those pious Fathers of
hoar antiquity, were nothing more than that system of (so called)
pure, but in reality shallow, and meaningless, Theism, which the
pretended Arabian Reformer has announced to the world, would be little
consonant with probability, and little conformable to the nature and
march of the human mind. Considered in its true internal spirit, and
divested of its outward garb of oriental customs and symbolical
language, the religion of Mahomet on a closer investigation will be
found rather to bear a stronger affinity to the inane and superficial
philosophy of the eighteenth century; and if that philosophy were
honest and consistent, it would not hesitate loudly to proclaim and
openly to revere Mahomet, if not as a prophet, still as a real
Reformer of mankind, the first promulgator and mighty teacher of
truth, and the founder of the pure religion of reason.
Such a dead empty Theism, such a mere negative Unitarian faith, is
little adapted for the true purposes of a religion, though it may form
the basis of some scholastic system of Rationalist Theology. Regarded
as a religious system, the creed of Mahomet is neither old nor new;
but is in part perfectly void and meaningless, and in part composed of
very mixed materials. The part in it which is new, is that fanatic
spirit of conquest it has inculcated and diffused through the world;
and that part in it which is old, is copied from the Hebrew traditions
and the Christian revelation, or contains allusions to the one or to
the other, including some old Arabian customs and usages which this
religion has still retained.
In the first infancy of the Mahometan faith, and during the first
disputes and wars which occurred about that religion, a number of
Mahomet's followers were obliged to seek refuge in Æthiopia, when the
Christian monarch of that country asked them whether they were
Christians. They cited in reply several passages from the sayings and
poems of their prophet, relating to the Saviour, to his birth, and to
the Virgin Mary. In these the Prophet spoke of the birth and origin
of our Saviour, as of a Gnostic eradiation or emanation of divine
power; and though such language was by no means consonant with the
Christian doctrine of the divinity of Christ, yet it was calculated to
produce on the minds of some of the Eastern sectaries a very false and
deceitful impression. Favourable to Christianity as some of these
expressions might at first sight appear to the ignorant; there was
much again that betrayed a spirit of the most decided hostility
towards the Christian religion. Even the prohibition of wine was
perhaps not so much intended for a moral precept, which, considered in
that point of view, would be far too severe, as for answering a
religious design of the founder; for he might hope that the express
condemnation of a liquid which forms an essential element of the
Christian sacrifice, would necessarily recoil on that sacrifice
itself, and thus raise an insuperable barrier between his creed, and
the religion of Christ. The peculiar spirit and true character of any
religious system, must be judged not so much by the letter of its
professed doctrines, as by its practice and prevailing usages. And
thus that established custom is extremely remarkable, which makes it
imperative on every Jew, who may wish to become a Mahometan,
previously to receive the rite of baptism. Thus did Mahomet think to
stand upon the basis of Christianity; and while addressing the Arabs,
he appealed solely to the religion of their first ancestor, and of
the other Patriarchs, he assigned in his graduated scale of
revelation, the first degree to Judaism, the second to Christianity,
and the third and highest to his own Islam. That he was a mere
fanatic, and entirely devoid of all ambitious or political views, I
cannot admit; and although he himself had even been more unconscious
of a deliberate hostility towards the mysteries of the true religion,
_another_ may have inspired him with that subtle design.
Such then was this new, or as the founder himself styled it, this pure
old doctrine of all-conquering Islam and of all-surpassing faith,
which this pretended restorer of the religion of Abraham--this false
Paraclete of misconceived promise and idle phantasy, brought and
announced to the world:--_a prophet without miracles_--_a faith
without mysteries_--_and a morality without love_, which has
encouraged the thirst of blood, and which began and terminated in the
most unbounded sensuality. Supposing even, that one of the leading
points in this system of morals, the re-establishment of polygamy to
such a wide extent, and at a period of the world when this institution
was formally abolished among many nations, and among others had fallen
into disuse, could be in some measure excused by the customs of Asia,
the wants of climate, and the general prejudices of the nation, or
other like cause;--what must we think of a code of morals professing
to be divine, which in opposition to the Christian doctrine of the
pure happiness enjoyed by the celestial spirits in the intuition of
God, and to which man must even in this life, aspire by vigilant
preparation, if he wishes to render himself worthy of that state--can
form no other ideal of supreme felicity--can devise no other expedient
to fill up the immense void which this religion has left in the
supernatural world, than a boundless Harem--a paradise of lust,
portrayed in the most glowing colours of sensuality!
That part of the Mussulman morality relating to our fellow-beings, the
precept of alms-deeds which it prescribes, is the only part entitled
to praise, which we willingly accord; and we sincerely trust, that not
merely the commandment, but the custom and practice of charity among
Christians may never prove inferior. But in every other respect, this
religion permits not only hatred and vengeance, in opposition to that
Christian precept so repeatedly inculcated, and so deeply engraven on
our minds--the pardon of our enemies; but it encourages, and even
commands irreconcileable hostility, eternal warfare, eternal
slaughter, to propagate thoughout the world a belief in this
blood-stained prophet of pride and lust. Perhaps all the Heathen
nations put together, in the long series of ages, have not offered to
their false gods so many human victims, as in this new Arabian
idolatry have been sacrificed to this highly extolled, anti-Christian
prophet. For the essence of idolatry is not in names or in words, in
rites or in sacrifices; but in the nature of things, in the actual
transactions of life, in unchristian customs, and anti-christian
sentiments; and there is even that old black stone-idol, of which I
said before in a figurative sense, that it has ever remained firmly
fixed in the religion of Mahomet. The commencement of this religion
was not marked by any contest about mysteries of faith, or points of
doctrine; but by combats of another kind more congenial to the spirit
of the Arabs, by a war which broke out between the party of Mahomet,
and the hostile tribe which refused to acknowledge him for a prophet,
and whose refusal occasioned his flight from Mecca. In this contest he
drew the sword, fought courageously against the unbelievers, and by
overpowering by force of arms all who refused to recognize him as a
prophet, thought to prove his divine mission. He met however with much
resistance, and had many factions to overcome, before he succeeded in
subduing the various tribes of his nation. This contest lasted for ten
years, up to the very moment of his death, when he died master of all
Arabia. Shortly before that event, he wrote very insolent letters to
the Emperor Heraclius, and to the great king of Persia, summoning them
to acknowledge him for a Prophet, and to believe in his mission. Both
gave rather evasive replies, than positive refusals;--so great was the
terror which this new power of Hell had already struck into the world.
Immediately on the death of Mahomet, a great contest arose among his
disciples. On one side Ali, his son-in-law, by marriage with his
daughter Fatima, and on the other Abubeker, his father-in-law, whose
daughter Ayesha was the surviving widow of the Prophet, and who was
afterwards succeeded by Omar, contended with all the might of their
respective adherents for superiority and dominion; and this bloody
family-quarrel, which distracted the very infancy of the Arabian
Empire, has produced among Mahometan nations a long and protracted
religious schism, which has continued down to the present day. This
was originally a mere personal dispute, and not a dogmatic controversy
as among Christian sects; for the religion of Mahomet furnishes no
matter for such controversies, as in reality it contains little of a
doctrinal nature, and recognizes no dogmas but the two contained in
the seven Arabic words of the well-known symbol of Islam:--"There is
no God but God, and Mahomet is the Apostle of God." The one of these
is a declaration of the self-evident tenet of the unity of God, but
levelled indirectly against the Christian dogma of the Trinity; while
the other expresses the divine mission of Mahomet, and by calling
forth a veneration that leads to the contempt and rejection of all
things besides, has in a practical point of view, really established a
new species of idolatry. Abubeker and Omar asserted that they alone
were the legitimate Caliphs and successors of Mahomet; and as the
Partisans of Ali rejected the supplement founded on oral tradition, to
the poems and maxims of the Prophet, they were stigmatized as
schismatics by the opposite party. In Persia, the sect of Ali has
remained predominant down to the present day; and as in that country,
the ancient traditions and old national poetry have been partly
preserved, and have been combined in a very peculiar manner with the
tenets of Mahometanism, many bolder, freer, and less contracted
notions have found their way among this people. Hence it is very
possible that on a closer investigation, we could discover a great
difference in the intellectual character of these two sects, not so
much perhaps in religious doctrines, about which there is here little
room for enquiry, as in moral feelings and views of life.
The progress of the Arabian conquests was not checked by these
internal disputes. Five years after the death of Mahomet, and fifteen
from the commencement of the Hegira, the city of Jerusalem was
conquered by the arms of the Arabs; and in the eighteenth year of the
same era, Egypt became a Mussulman province. The thirtieth year of the
Hegira was not yet terminated, before the whole Empire of Persia was
subdued, and its last monarch of the race of the Sassanides, Yezdegerd
had perished in foreign parts, a suppliant and a fugitive. In the
fiftieth year of the Hegira, Arabian vessels menaced and beseiged
Constantinople, which was indebted for its deliverance chiefly to the
use of the Greek fire. In the ninetieth year of the same era, while on
one side the Arabs extended their victorious arms over India, they
subverted on the other the Visigoth kingdom in Spain and Portugal, and
became masters of the whole Hesperian Peninsula, as far as those
inaccessible mountains, in whose fastnesses a fugitive remnant of the
ruling Goths, and of the old inhabitants of the country had intrenched
themselves, thence to carry on that struggle for freedom, which till
the final conquest of Granada, and the complete expulsion of the Moors
from Spain, lasted for a period of eight hundred years. After the
downfal of the first dynasty of Caliphs of the house of Ommiyah, and
the subsequent accession of the Abbassides to the empire, a separate
and independent Caliphate was established in Mussulman Spain, and
lasted there for several ages. The Arabs had scarce achieved the
conquest of Spain, when they aspired to the possession of the
Visi-Goth and Burgundian provinces of France. But a term was at last
put to the progress of their arms, by the mighty victory which the
Frank hero, Charles Martel, gained between Tours and Poitiers, over
their General Abderame, who fell on the field with the flower of his
troops, in the twentieth year after the conquest of Spain, and in the
hundred and tenth year of the Hegira. Thus did the arm of Charles
Martel save and deliver the Christian nations of the West, from the
deadly grasp of all-destroying Islam. In Asia the universal dominion
of the Arabs was more and more firmly consolidated, and the second of
the Abbassides, Almansor, erected the city of Bagdad, or the new
Babylon, not far from the country where the old was situated, and
which was thenceforth the vast metropolis of an immense empire.[5]
The new religion and conquests of the Arabs may be considered in the
light of a new migration of nations, as no inconsiderable portion of
the Moorish population passed into Spain; and this Arabian migration
has exerted in Asia in Africa, a far more extensive influence on
empire, language, manners, political institutions, and intellectual
cultivation, than the invasion of the Germanic tribes has exercised in
Europe. When we compare the immigrations of the Germanic tribes with
those of the Arabs, and consider the violence which characterized the
latter, the pernicious influence they have exerted on the human mind,
and on civilization, and the despotism they have invariably introduced
into political and domestic society, we may look upon the migrating
tribes of Germany, almost as Colonies, which though originally they
partook of a warlike character, yet inclined more and more and to a
peaceful nature, and ultimately assumed that spirit, when the tumult
of intermediate anarchy had subsided, and Christianity had more
intimately blended and finally incorporated the new settlers and the
old inhabitants.