Culiacan to the port of Altata, in Sinaloa; the Tehuantepec railway,
and Captain Eads’s ship railway across the same isthmus, to take the
place of a ship canal. The privilege to build an American railway across
Tehuantepec, it may be remembered, was secured (at the same time with
the lower belt of Arizona) by the Gadsden treaty of 1853, supplementary
to that of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The road was supposed to be needed for
the consolidation of relations with our then newly acquired territory
of California. The Pacific railroad filled its place, however, and the
project, taken up and dropped from time to time, has since had but a
lingering existence.
[Illustration: GENERAL RAILWAY SYSTEM OF MEXICO.]
Captain Eads proposes to transport bodily ships of 4000 tons, 190 miles,
by land. He will have twelve lines of rails, and four locomotives at
once; and, to avoid jarring in transit, changes of direction will be made
by a series of turn-tables instead of curves. The scheme is a startling
one, and meets with no little opposition. It is still only on paper; but
its proposer, who has abundantly vindicated his sagacity in constructing
the jetties of the Mississippi and the great St. Louis bridge, remains
firm in his conviction that he will be able to sail ships across the
isthmus on dry land.
III.
The several enterprises are succinctly divided into two classes—those on
the ground, and those on paper. It is not necessarily a disparagement to
the last that they are still in such a condition, for many of them are of
very recent origin.
The original Mexican Southern road is to run south from Mexico, by Puebla
and Oaxaca (capital of the populous state of the same name) and the
frontier of Guatemala, with branches to the ports of Anton Lizardo, on
the Gulf of Mexico, and Tehuantepec, on the Pacific. It is to connect
also with the Tehuantepec railway. It relies, as a principal resource,
upon the transport of the valuable productions of a rich tropical
country, as cotton, sugar, coffee, rice, and the like. Oaxaca is an
important small city of 28,000 people, birth-place of General Porfirio
Diaz, the Mexican power behind the throne, and undoubtedly the weightiest
person in the country. The route will be a rugged one to build. Much of
the area is high and salubrious. The Oaxacan Indians are a sturdy race,
who have followed their leader, Diaz, and others in many a hard-fought
campaign.
This company, however, has lately effected a consolidation with the
Mexican Oriental, and both will henceforth be known under the name of the
Mexican Southern.
The Mexican Oriental sets out from Laredo, on the Texas frontier, and
proceeds to the capital by way of Victoria, the capital of the state of
Tamaulipas. It claims to have a bee-line, and to be 200 miles shorter
than any other. Its mission is to occupy the district between the coast
and the Mexican National. It throws out a branch from Victoria to San
Luis Potosi; and has a coast-line connecting Tuxpan, Nautla, and Vera
Cruz. It is fed by some 12,000 miles of road under control of Jay Gould
in the United States.
The International is chartered to run from Eagle Pass, in Texas, to the
city of Mexico, occupying a field left vacant between the Mexican Central
and National; and is allowed to have also a cross-line to a point between
Matamoras and Tampico, east, and between Mazatlan and Zihuataneso, west.
The theory of each, it will be seen, is to have an interoceanic line as
well as a main line north and south.
The Pacific Coast road covers the right to a vast stretch, beginning
at a point below Fort Yuma, Arizona, and connecting the whole series
of Pacific ports down to Guatemala. The Topolobampo has also a long
extension southward, to touch at some of the same points.
The Topolobampo route (Texas, Topolobampo, and Pacific) crosses the
northern border states. It professes to be a shorter transcontinental
route to Australia and Asia than any other that can be laid down on
the map. It claims to have at Topolobampo, just within the Gulf of
California, the ancient Sea of Cortez, one of the few fine harbors of the
Pacific coast.
These harbors are spaced at wide intervals apart. That of the Columbia
River of Oregon is the highest up. Then, 600 miles south, comes San
Francisco; 441 miles below this is San Diego; 650 miles farther on, in
a direct line, or 936, doubling Cape St. Lucas, is Topolobampo; and 740
miles south of this again is Acapulco. Between them all there is nothing
worthy the name of harbor.
Topolobampo city, within the confines of the state of Sinaloa, exists
only on paper as yet, but nothing is more impressive in its elegant
regularity and finish than a paper city. It claims to be 800 miles nearer
New York than San Francisco by railroad travel, and that a person coming
from Liverpool to Sydney, Australia, would save 600 miles in laying out a
course from Fernandina, Florida, by New Orleans and Topolobampo, which is
indicated as a route of the future. If some of these representations be
correct, no doubt it will be. We live in times of a ruthless commercial
greed which is stopped by no sentimental considerations of vested rights
and convenience. We have but to see a short, through line, with possible
economies, to build it with all possible despatch.
The road in question is to start from Piedras Negras, on the frontier
of Texas, and make for Topolobampo, across the states of Coahuila,
Chihuahua, and Sonora, with branches to Presidio del Norte, also on the
Texas frontier, and to Alamos, in Sonora, and the port of Mazatlan,
down the coast. These routes pass near, and would greatly facilitate
operations in some of the large silver-mining districts, of late entered
with success by American capital and immigration. The reports of its
surveys chronicle an engaging prospect in various other ways. It passes
from belts of tropical products to those of white pine, oak, and cedar,
and others fitted for cereals, grass, and cotton, with a rich iron
mountain, and deposits of copper as well as silver.
The maxim is laid down that a railroad pays, in local traffic, in
proportion as one section of its line supplies what another lacks. If the
situation be as represented, Topolobampo seems provided with most of the
essential conditions of success.
VII.
_THE RAILWAYS AT WORK._
I.
The Sonora road is already built, and in operation as I write. It is a
stretch of three hundred miles, from the Arizona frontier, to the port
of Guaymas, near the centre of the shore line of the Gulf of California.
Its United States connection is by a branch of the Atchison, Topeka,
and Santa Fé, from Benson, through Calabasas, to the border at Nogales;
and another is proposed, from the Southern Pacific at Tucson. The
management of this enterprise, as well as of the Great Mexican Central,
is practically that of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé.
Its course is across the state of Sonora. It abolishes the old system
of ox-train transportation and the dusty stage-line from Tucson. It
will be found fault with, among others, by the savage Apaches, whose
refuge Northern Mexico has so long been. Their depredations, with their
territory penetrated by railroads, must soon come to an end once for all.
The other Indians of the state—Yaquis, Mayos, and Opatas—are docile,
and a principal reliance for cheap labor. The road taps mines, and, by
means of a branch, what is even more important for Mexico, the valuable
Santa Clara coal-fields. It has the little city of Hermosillo, with its
plantations, irrigated by aqueducts, in its course; and its port of
Guaymas is commodious and sheltered.
II.
I have purposely reserved to the last—the better, perhaps, to present
them to view—the two great trunk lines of principal importance, the
Mexican Central and the Mexican National. These two represent the bulk of
the entire movement as it is at present. Neither had many miles in actual
operation during my stay; but the works, railway stations, city offices,
and army of employés of both, were constantly in sight at the capital,
and were the principal evidences by which the manner of the railway
invasion of Mexico could be judged.
Energy of movement, ingenuity in planning, and an almost limitless
expenditure, all indicated here conscientious work, and not simply
railroad building on paper.
The Central begins at El Paso, the terminus of the Atchison, Topeka, and
Santa Fé, as well as a station on the Southern Pacific, at the frontier
of New Mexico. It extends to the capital, a distance of thirteen hundred
miles, tapping on the way a long series of the leading cities of the
republic, most of these as well capitals of states. It has also a great
interoceanic cross-line, which is to pass from the port of Tampico, on
the Gulf of Mexico, through the cities of San Luis Potosi, Lagos (the
junction with the main line), and Guadalajara, to San Blas, on the
Pacific. It is expected that the main line will be completed about July,
1884.
The first reached in the chain of leading cities is Chihuahua, with
about eighteen thousand inhabitants. The line is already running to
this point, and is completed in all three hundred and thirty-one miles
southward from Paso del Norte. The visitor by rail may already have in
Chihuahua a glimpse of a place presenting most of the typical Mexican
features. It has Aztec remains, and a large cathedral, built out of a
percentage of the proceeds of a silver-mine in bonanza. It is the scene
where the patriot Hidalgo, who first raised the standard of insurrection
against Spanish rule, was shot, having been treacherously betrayed by
his friends. This story is, unhappily, of but too frequent repetition in
Mexican annals.
Durango, three hundred miles farther, has twenty-eight thousand people.
It has been spoken of as the _Ultima Thule_ of civilized Mexico, the
barren plains to the north—which are, indeed, very common in all these
uppermost states—not having been considered worthy to be included with
the country below. There are places where water is not to be had for
two and three days at a time, but must be carried by the traveller. The
inhabitants have had to depend considerably upon themselves for defence,
as is seen in the occasional fort-like haciendas, with walls turreted and
pierced for musketry.
Zacatecas, moving onward now into a country of recognized civilization,
has 62,000 people; San Luis Potosi, 45,000; Aguas Calientes, 35,000;
Lagos, 25,000; Leon, 100,000; handsome Guanajuato, capital of the state
which is the richest of the whole interior, 63,000; Celaya, 30,000;
Silao, 38,000; Irapuato, 21,000; Salamanca, 20,000; and luxurious
Guadalajara, 94,000.
The mining of the precious metals is a leading industry over all the
area thus described, which abounds also in the agricultural products of
a gentle and temperate climate. The railroad is now running northward
from the city of Mexico to Lagos, and is completed for three hundred and
thirty-four miles from this lower end.
Lastly in the chain of cities may be mentioned Queretaro, which has a
population of 48,000. It is the site of flourishing cotton-mills, an
aqueduct which is compared with the works of the Romans, and it saw the
final resistance and execution of Maximilian. Mexico itself has 200,000
inhabitants. I have summed up here nearly a million of people; and it
would seem that a railroad along the line of which are scattered such
communities as these, grown to their present dimensions without even
tolerable means of approach, need not lack for support.
True, large numbers of the people are Indians and very poor; but I
point to the example of Don Benito Juarez, the liberator of his country
from the French, an Indian of the purest blood, and to numerous others
accessible on every hand, to show that there is nothing inherent in
the race itself to debar it from the highest development with increase
of opportunities. And if any suppose that they do not like to travel,
let him simply inspect the excursion trains where third-class cars are
supplied to them in sufficient numbers.
III.
I made the trip over the section of the Central to the small city of
Tula. Its principal feature is the passage through the great Spanish
drainage cut, along one side of which it has been allowed to terrace its
track. This cut—the Tajo of Nochistongo, before mentioned, designed for
keeping the lakes from inundating the valley—was begun under the viceroys
as far back as 1607, and continued for a couple of hundred years. Such
mammoth earth-cutting—a ditch twelve miles long, a couple of hundred feet
deep, and three hundred and sixty wide—was never seen elsewhere in the
world; and it is said to have cost the lives of seventy thousand _peons_,
or Indian laborers, in the course of construction. Why this should have
been, and how they died—whether by slipping in and being buried, or
under the exactions of cruel task-masters, and whether those who passed
away simply of old age (for which it will be seen there was ample time)
are included—does not appear.
I went partly by construction train, dining in their car with a group of
jolly young engineers, and partly on horseback over the _terre-plaine_
(the graded road-bed), which makes an excellent surface for riding.
The peons, swarming on the work, in white cotton shirts and drawers,
have reddish skins, bristly black hair, and a sudden, wild-eyed way of
addressing you. They have an analogy to the Chinese type. They got at
this time two and a half reals (thirty-one cents) a day. They are very
suspicious, and have absolutely no idea of trust, or waiting over the
appointed time. Dangerous strikes have resulted from some slight putting
off of the pay-day, which usually takes place once a week. In other
respects they are very tractable.
There were said to be thirty thousand of them at work on railroads at
this date. The rate of wages, so favorable to the contractors at first,
has been gradually rising under the active demand in the mean time, and
I have heard, since my return, of a strike on one of the northern roads
for as high as $1 a day. They buy gay clothes for Sunday, and _pulque_,
and save nothing. Many will not even work steadily. Two such form a
partnership to take a single place, and one works half the week and the
other the rest. There were some who walked all Saturday night to spend
Sunday at Queretaro, and returned Monday morning. On the haciendas they
are generally in debt, and as they cannot leave when in debt, they are so
far attached to the land, like serfs. Each gang has a _Cabo_ (or head),
who is simply an enterprising one of themselves, and gets an allowance of
two cents extra for each man he controls. The Cabo is a great man among
the railway laborers, and out of cabos arise the Benito Juarezes, and
hopes indefinite for the evolution of the race.
[Illustration: THE GREAT SPANISH DRAINAGE CUT.]
I spent the night at Tula. It was the capital of the Toltecs before the
day of the Aztecs. I climbed the Hill of the Treasure, to inspect some
ruins over which archæologists have made a stir. There are no sculptures
nor carved stones, nothing but some opened cellars and heavy walls, with
patches of a red plaster, as at Pompeii, adhering to them. But we stayed
our horses, and looked down, from a thicket of organ-cactus and nopal,
upon a lovely sunset over the valley of Tula. It is a little pocket of
fertility in the hills, and it does not seem at all wonderful that the
Toltecs stopped there in their migrations southward.
My _mozo_ pointed out a ruin in the thick woods, which he declared was
Toltec, knowing that to be what I was in search of. It was picturesque
enough, its walls having been split by an irrepressible vegetable growth;
but it had the same style of battlements (a kind of Spanish horn of
dominion) as the fortress-like church in the town, dating from 1553, and
was much more modern.
I went into this cool old church—vast enough for a cathedral—next day,
when the temperature was warm without. It was entirely vacant. Fatigued
with my journeying, I sat on a comfortable old wooden bench, and dozed
till awakened sharply by the striking of a little cuckoo-clock. I seem
to have dreamed that the numerous quaint figures of saints, in dresses
made of actual stuffs, had somehow an every-day existence there, in
addition to their sacred character, and that they were taking notice of
the intruder, and offering audible comments. This is one of the ways, I
suppose, in which very good miracles have been wrought before now.
For the rest, the place consisted of a plaza, with two or three
_pulque_-shops; a shop of general traps, with the ambitious title of “Los
Leones;” a _botica_ (or drug-shop), kept by one Perfecto Espinoza; a
Hotel de las Diligencias; and a little jail, at one corner of the plaza,
where a couple of soldiers walked up and down, and the prisoners peeped
out through a large wooden, grated door.
And there was a good restaurant, kept by a little Frenchman, who moved on
with it from time to time to the head of the line.
IV.
The Mexican National, or “Palmer-Sullivan,” road is due to the same
enterprise which established the successful Denver and Rio Grande system
in Colorado and New Mexico. It is, like that, a narrow gauge, instead of
a standard gauge, line, and a connection is to be ultimately established
between the two. In some respects it may claim to be the pioneer in the
modern movement, since its agent in Mexico, James Sullivan, had obtained
a charter and begun to raise money in 1872, but was stopped in his
project by the panic of the following year.
The National takes a much shorter line to the capital than the Central,
say eight hundred miles, as against thirteen hundred. Its initial point
is Laredo, on the Texas frontier. It is running already into Monterey,
the capital of Nuevo Leon, and built below Saltillo. Of the charms
of the little city of Monterey, which has medicinal springs beside
it, travellers begin to speak in the warmest terms. It touches San
Luis Potosi and Celaya as well as the Central, and has along or near
its course other cities, well peopled, though less known to fame, as
Matchuala, the population of which is 25,000. Its eastern port is Corpus
Christi, Texas, though it will have a branch also to Matamoras. Its
westward extension (only less important than the main line) winds round
about, through the cities of Toluca, Maravatio, Morelia, Guadalajara, and
Colima, down to the port of Manzanillo.
Four of these are capitals, and all are populous, and have wide,
well-paved streets and handsome buildings, public and private. Toluca, at
a great height, 8825 feet, above the sea, is often afflicted by a rather
frigid temperature; Colima is distinctly in the tropics; but Morelia
affords the happy medium, and its whole state of Michoacan has charms
upon which the appreciative never have done expatiating. Humboldt speaks
of the lake found at Patzcuaro as one of the loveliest on the globe.
Madame Calderon de la Barca, in her journey here, could hardly refrain
from regretting the lavishing by Nature of what seemed (so few were there
then to enjoy it) almost a wasted beauty. “We are startled,” she says,
“by the conviction that this enchanting variety of hill and plain, wood
and water, is for the most part unseen by human eye and untrod by human
footstep.”
The route winds, too, on its way to Guadalajara, around the great lake
of Chapala. Truly, it seems they are to be happy travellers, those of
the immediate future, to whom the simple device of the railway is to
open up so much of the wildness and loveliness of nature, combined with
the quaintness of an old Spanish civilization. We are apt to forget, in
our preconceived impressions, what an important part Old Spain played in
the country during three hundred years, what treasures she spent there.
She had made a beginning of some of these solid, regular cities, which
surprise one like enchantment on emerging upon them from forests and
wastes, a hundred years before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock. Very
little, in fact, has been added to what the Spanish domination left.
The modern movement, since 1821, is to be credited with very little in
the way of new buildings. Such compliments as are paid in the course of
these descriptions to the architecture belong chiefly to that remaining
from a much earlier date. The reputation of the republic is still to be
made in all such matters when it shall have outgrown the ample legacies
bequeathed it, and have need of farther accommodations peculiarly its own.
V.
In all, the National has completed four hundred and sixty miles. It
is said of late to have been sold to an English company. We need not
forego our American pride in its early achievements, even if this be so.
Perhaps such a transfer might be of benefit, in allaying the dread of an
overweening American influence.
It was not done even to Toluca in my time. It has to face its most
arduous engineering difficulties at the very beginning, and fortunately
goes far more smoothly afterward. No less than seventeen bridges, of
solid construction, had to be thrown across the little stream of the Rio
Hondo in two or three miles of its course.
A pay-train on horseback started out from the central office every
Saturday, to convoy the silver coin for the wages of the army of hands
employed on the first section of twenty miles.
“Ride with us!” its members often hospitably urged, and I more than once
accepted the invitation.
It is an all-day adventure, and a fatiguing one. Behold us at early
morning clattering out of the court-yard to ride up into the fastnesses
of the mountains, a curious cavalcade. The treasure is packed upon the
backs of a dozen mules, which are placed in the centre. A troop of
_Rurales_ (the efficient force organized by Porfirio Diaz for the better
protection of the rural districts) takes the van. A numerous retinue of
armed _mozos_ of the company, with ourselves, bring up the rear. The
young engineers, paymasters, and contractors, well mounted, with long
boots and revolvers, present a handsome, half-military aspect.
We have presently lost sight of the city, and are upon high rolling
barrens, where the surface is volcanic and rent into an infinity of
seams, and the only vegetation is that of nopal, or prickly-pear, as
large as apple-trees with us. Here and there a cluster of white tents
is seen at a distance, and cotton-clad peons delving in gulch or on
mountain-side are like some strange species of white insects.
The whole expedition wears a most un-nineteenth-century air. We might
be some band of marauders returned from an ancient foray. The Rurales
have something in their cut—the buff leather jackets, crossed by ample
sword-belts, and wide, gray felt hats—of the troopers of Cromwell. Each
has a rifle in his holster at the saddle-bow, and a gray-and-scarlet
blanket strapped behind him. Nothing could be more spirited, in color,
than these costumes, dismounted beside a cactus-tree, or thrown out
against the blue of distant mountains. On the harness of some of the
mules are embroidered in red and blue their names, or that of some
hacienda, as “Santa Lucia,” to which they have belonged.
It is understood that an individual with a crimson handkerchief around
the back of his head, under his silver-bordered sombrero, is the titular
_cacique_ of San Bartolito by descent from ancient chiefs. He precedes
us, being employed by the company to look out for plots and ambuscades.
When we have passed what he considers the dangerous points—these are
generally in the neighborhood of elevations, whence an intending bandit
could spy the road for a distance in both directions, and where are
ravines on either side for concealment and escape—he rejoins the troop,
and converses upon the propriety of his receiving more salary for his
arduous duties. No molestation has ever yet been offered these caravans,
and there is hardly likely to be. From a considerable experience in
remote parts of Mexico I am satisfied that, however prudent ample
precautions may be in exceptional cases like this, the ordinary traveller
runs little if any more danger of robbery than at home.
[Illustration: PAY CARAVAN ON THE MEXICAN NATIONAL ROAD.]
At the pay-stations we breast our way through crowds of the peons so
thick that the horses can hardly be prevented from trampling upon them,
always with their narrow foreheads, bristling hair, staring, wild eyes,
and large, undecided mouths. Their money is jingled out to them through a
pay-window into their shabby sombreros. Venders of small commodities and
_pulque_ wait for them, and profit by the new supply of funds.
At these stations the engineers lead a kind of barrack life. The interior
contains some beds, a dining-table, and a safe; outside is a storehouse
of picks, shovels, and barrows. Whether here, in their construction-car,
or tents, they extend the stranger a cheery hospitality. They are hearty,
robust fellows—“not here for their health,” as their saying is. Many of
them have seen service in war and in other climes, and their company is
both amusing and instructive.
VI.
The right of way usually given in all the concessions is for a width
of two hundred and thirty feet. Material and supplies for the road,
and connected telegraph line, are exempted from duty generally for the
period of twenty years. Neither the concession, property, nor shares can
be alienated to any foreign government, nor can a foreign government
be admitted as a shareholder. The fear of foreign domination crops out
everywhere in Mexican legislation; and perhaps the weakness of the
nation, and the sad experience of its seizure by Napoleon on the pretext
of debt, are sufficient excuse for such nervousness. At any rate, all
companies organized under its charters agree to be strictly Mexican, and
to renounce all rights and exemptions as foreigners.
[Illustration: “NOT HERE FOR THEIR HEALTH.”]
There is no great vacant public domain, as with us, and the Government
has not aided the new enterprises with land grants. Up to a recent
period, however, it has attached to each concession a cash subsidy
of $10,000 to $15,000 a mile. Both the Central and National are thus
subsidized. In order that the burden may not fall too heavily upon an
exchequer always weak, the payments are made to depend upon the pledge of
six per cent. in the one case, and four in the other, of receipts at the
custom-houses. Certificates for the several amounts as they become due
are issued to the companies, which must wait for collection till there
are funds to meet them.
The latest plan, affecting most of the great schemes still chiefly on
paper, gives no subsidy with the charter, but gives, instead, certain
privileges to atone for its absence. A less strict accountability to
Government, with a much higher tariff of charges, is permitted. It
has been questioned by some whether under these conditions a charter
without the subsidy is not better than with it. It is to be borne in
mind, however, so far as the matter of the higher rates is concerned,
that between competing points the company which can afford to run at the
cheapest rates gets the business. If but a tithe of the railroads now
covering the map like a net-work be built, there need be no fear of the
lack of a lively competition.
The stocks and bonds of railroads are not bought on the word of a
desultory traveller mainly in search of the picturesque—though I will
admit, too, that they are often bought upon less. I am not afraid,
therefore, to express a certain enthusiasm about the _ferro-carriles_ of
Mexico, which are in everybody’s mouth. It is the railways which have
made the modern world elsewhere what it is, and why should they fail of
the usual effect here?
They may be overdone, and there may be panics and shrinkages, such as
have occurred elsewhere, though this is not extremely probable, owing
to the reasons for wariness which lie very much on the surface. The
conditions to be conformed to must not be sought in a parallel situation
of things in the United States, but rather in such countries, perhaps,
as Russia and India, with a large peasant population to be developed,
instead of a new population to be created. We have built railroads in
advance of settlement, and depended upon immigration to fill up in their
wake. Mexico has but an infinitesimal immigration, and presents no great
inducements to it at present. It must depend upon the local carrying
trade and natural development of the industries and commerce of the
country. It has a population per square mile but little less than that
of the United States. These are of a natural intelligence, and capable
of the stimulus of ambition when opportunities are opened. They are to
be encouraged to be no longer satisfied with a bare subsistence for
themselves, but to produce from their fertile lands a surplus, for which
a market is now opened. They are to trade upon it and become amassers of
wealth.
No less than 10,000 miles of railways are spread over what were once
the old Mexican provinces of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado,
Wyoming, Nevada, Utah, and Texas. Railways have brought these out of the
nothingness in which they recently lay so vast and desolate. What must
they not inevitably do at last for Old Mexico itself, so fully peopled,
and scattered with centres of trade and of the arts of civilized life?
VIII.
_THE QUESTION OF MONEY, AND SHOPPING._
I.
It is perhaps thought that the work of improvement is to be effected
entirely from without, the Mexican himself remaining passive, and
allowing everything to be done for him. The view is supported by the
extent to which the business of the country is already in the hands
of foreigners. The bankers and manufacturers are English. The Germans
control hardware and “fancy goods.” French and Italians keep the hotels
and restaurants; Spaniards the small groceries and pawn-shops, and
deal in the products of the country. These latter have a repute for
somewhat Jewish style of thrift. They are enterprising as administrators
of haciendas, and often marry the proprietors’ daughters, and possess
themselves on their own account of the properties to which they were
sent as agents. Whether it be due to such rivalry or not, it is to be
noted that there are few Jews in Mexico. Finally, the Americans build the
railroads.
The Mexican proper is a retail trader, an employé, or, if rich, draws his
revenues from haciendas, which in many cases he never sees, and where his
money is made for him. These are on an enormous scale. The chief part of
the land is comprised in great estates, on which the peasants live in
a semi-serfdom. Small farms are scarcely known. For his fine hacienda
in the state of Oaxaca ex-President Diaz is said to have paid over a
million of dollars; on another the appliances alone cost a million. The
revenues of Mexican proprietors have been heretofore devoted to the
purchase of more real estate, or loaned out at interest; at any rate,
“salted down” in some such way as to be of little avail in setting the
wheels of industry in motion.
Before adopting, however, the conventional view that this state of things
is due to inferiority of race or enervating climate, considerations
on the other side are to be looked at. In the first place is the
revolutionary condition of the country, which until a recent date
subjected the citizen who ventured to place his property beyond his
immediate recall to a thousand embarrassments from one or another of the
contending parties. Such immunities and advantages as there were, were
enjoyed by foreigners alone, under the protection of their diplomatic
representatives.
Again, there have been peculiar inequalities of fortune, coming down
from the old Spanish monarchical times. There has been at one extreme
of society a class too abject, and at the other, one in too leisurely
circumstances, to greatly aspire to farther improvement, and the middle
class has been of slow formation. The difficulties in the way of travel
and communication with foreign parts for the middle class, from the bosom
of which financial success chiefly springs, have been of a repressive
sort.
The climate, of the central table-land at least, must not be considered
enervating. One must lay his ideas of climate, as depending upon
latitude, aside, and comprehend that here it is a matter of elevation
above the sea. Individual Mexicans are to be met with who, under the
stimulus of the new feeling of security, have embarked their capital,
put plenty of irons in the fire, and appear to handle them with skill.
The street railways of the capital, an extensive and excellent system,
are under native management exclusively. It is as successful in mining.
It was only when the great Real del Monte Company at Pachuca, formerly
English, passed into Mexican hands that its mines became profitable.
I should be strongly of the opinion that the backwardness of the Mexican
is not the result of a native incapacity or lack of appetite for gain,
but chiefly of the physical conformation of the country. The mule-path is
traced like a vast hieroglyphic over the face of it, and in this is read
the secret—lack of transportation.
But the zealous advocate of race and “Northern energy” objects: “How long
is it since we had no railroads ourselves? And yet did we not reach a
very pretty degree of civilization without them?”
But Mexico not only had no railways, but not even rivers nor ports. It
was waterways which made the prosperity of nations before the day of
steam. It is hardly credible, the completeness of the deprivations to
which this interesting country has been so long subjected. The wonder is,
to any experienced in the diligence travel, and the dreary slowness of
the journeys, at a foot-pace, by beasts of burden, not that so little,
but so very much, has been done. On the trail to the coast at Acapulco,
for instance—in popular phrase a mere _camino de pajaros_ (road for
birds)—have grown up some charming towns, like Iguala, the scene of the
Emperor Iturbide’s famous Plan, which, it seems to me, the Anglo-Saxon
race would hardly ever have originated under such circumstances.
Commerce and trade in such a land naturally have their peculiar aspects.
There is, in the first place, the complicated tariff, already referred
to. Americans should not let a new-born enthusiasm for a promising market
hurry them into consignments without a thorough understanding of the
premises. As to engaging in undertakings in the country itself, one who
had done so held that the new-comer should make his residence there for
six months or a year, and first acquaint himself with the people, their
customs, and language.
[Illustration: MODERN SHOP-FRONTS AT MEXICO.]
“Better make it two years, on the whole,” he said, reflectively, “and
then he will go home again and let it alone altogether.”
Without sharing this saturnine view, the importance of some preliminary
acquaintance cannot be too strongly insisted upon. The great inertia
of customs and ways of looking at things so different from our own is
appreciated more and more as time goes on.
The most promising openings at present would seem to be, for capital,
to work up into manufactures the raw material with which the country
abounds. These opportunities will increase with the growth of
transportation. Labor is cheap. The peons have little inventive but
sufficient imitative talent, and make excellent mill-hands. They work
for twenty-five and thirty-seven cents a day, and have no trades-unions
nor strikes. There is little opening as yet for persons of small means.
The government has taken but its first rudimentary steps toward the
encouragement of immigration, and the path is beset with difficulties.
A commercial treaty is now in the hands of the Senate of the United
States. It will be adopted in some form before long, and may result in
the improvement of local business opportunities, as it must in the volume
of trade, between the two countries. What we want is such a reduction of
duties as to put us on the same footing at least as England (in favor of
which there is a certain discrimination), so that our goods and machinery
can be sold in the country on reasonable terms. It is predicted that a
trade which is now about $30,000,000 per annum (including both exports
and imports) can be made $100,000,000. The Mexicans, on their side,
desire admission for their sugar and hemp. The treaty has met with its
chief opposition thus far from our Southern sugar-planters. Their fear of
competition is hardly reasonable at present. Our own product seems more
likely to go to Mexico at first. It is a matter of note that sugar has
been selling at eighteen cents a pound of late at old Monterey, in the
country which professes to raise it.[1] The total value of the exports
from Mexico for the past fiscal year has been $29,000,000. Of these
$14,000,000 came to us, and $10,000,000 went to England. Our own exports
to Mexico for 1881 were somewhat over $11,000,000.
II.
At present Mexico is perhaps the most difficult country in which to do
business in the civilized world. A customer four or five hundred miles
off, even on the best roads, is five or six days’ journey distant. In
preparing for it it is not long since he was accustomed to first make his
will. The merchant has friendly as well as commercial relations with his
customer. He is more or less his banker at the same time, not for the
resulting profit, but because it is expected of him. If he does not offer
such, accommodation some other house will. Credits are long, and it is
not expected that interest will be charged even on quite liberal overlaps
of time.
Payment is made in the bulky silver currency of the country; and this is
sent in large sums by guarded convoys, the _conductas_, which converge
upon the capital four times a year—in January, April, August, and
November. There were but two banks issuing bills at this time, and these
to but a small amount, and receivable only at short distances from the
capital. One of these was a private corporation, the other the National
Monte de Piedad, or pawn-shop.
The visitor becomes early acquainted with the Mexican “dollar of the
fathers,” to his sorrow. Sixteen of them weigh a solid pound. It is
obviously impossible to carry even a moderate quantity of this money
concealed, or to carry it at all with comfort. The unavoidable exhibition
of it, held in laps, chinking in valises, standing in bags, and poured
out in prodigious streams at the banks and commercial houses, is one of
the features of life.
Guadalajara, the supply from which unites with that from Zacatecas at
Queretaro, is the northernmost point from which money is despatched by
_conducta_ to Mexico. A portion of that even from here is despatched
to San Francisco, by the port of San Blas, just as a part of that from
Zacatecas goes to Tampico through San Luis Potosi. The country north of
San Luis to the east ships its funds to Matamoras; those of Durango are
divided between Matamoras and Mazatlan; while Puebla, Oaxaca, and the
rest of the south find their natural outlet at Vera Cruz.
[Illustration: THE “PORTALES” AT MEXICO.]
The importance of the great _conducta_ in these times is diminished
by the growing safety of the transport of money by private hands. Its
days are numbered with the progress of the railways, nearing so rapidly
the central cluster of cities in which it has its origin. Even now it
no longer came wholly to town, but took the Central train at the first
feasible point, at Huehuetoca, the Spanish cut for the drainage of the
valley. Its place as a spectacle is filled by the pay _conductas_ of the
railroads.
A revision of these accounts is needed almost from moment to moment as
I write, to keep pace with the rapid changes in affairs. A National
Bank and banks of foreign incorporators have been established in the
mean time, with authority to issue large amounts of but inefficiently
secured paper. The Mexican National Bank may now issue bills to the
amount of $60,000,000, upon a capital of $20,000,000. They are legal
tender from individuals to the government, but not from the government
to individuals, nor between individuals. One of the arguments in favor
of this bank, our minister was assured, was that it would counteract in
some sort the influence of the United States: the usual patriotic leaven
cropping up, it will be seen; though how it should accomplish the purpose
in view it is by no means easy to understand. A flood of depreciated
paper is driving the solid coin out of circulation; so that, while the
traveller may be now able to carry his money comfortably about him, there
may be much worse in store for the Mexicans themselves than the handling
of bags of unwieldy dollars. It is not pleasant to see also that the
government shows some unusual pecuniary embarrassment. Its expenditures
for the last fiscal year exceeded its revenues by ten per cent., and
a loan is talked of. Should a spirit of recklessness enter into the
management of the finances, in all this whirl of novelties, complicated
by the issues of paper, a crisis might be precipitated, which would, of
course, have to be counted among the retarding influences on the railways.
III.
Shops and shopping in Mexico follow much more European than American
traditions. A fanciful title over the door of the shop takes the place of
the name of a firm or single proprietor. You have no Smith & Brown, but,
instead—on the sign of a dry-goods store, for instance—“The Surprise,” or
“The Spring-time,” or “The Explosion.” A jeweller’s is apt to be called
“The Pearl,” or “The Emerald;” a shoe-store, “The Foot of Venus,” or “The
Azure Boot.”
The windows are tastefully draped, after the way of shop-windows. Within
stand a large force of clerks, touching shoulder to shoulder. They seem
democratic in their manners, even by an American standard. They shake
hands over the counter with a patron with whom they have enjoyed a slight
previous acquaintance; ask a mother of a family, perhaps, after the
health of “Miss Lolita” and “Miss Soledad,” her daughters, who may have
accompanied her thither. One of them, they hear, is going to be married.
Perhaps this is accounted for by the presence among the minor clerks of
some of considerable social position—some of the class you meet with
afterward at the select entertainments of the Minister of Guatemala, for
instance. But a limited choice of occupations has been open to the youth
of Mexico, and those who cared to work have had to take such places as
they could. They apply now with great eagerness for the positions of
every sort offering under the new enterprises.
It was not etiquette of late for ladies of the upper class to do shopping
in public, except from their carriages, the goods being brought out to
them at the curb-stone. Now they may enter shops. A considerable part of
the buying, as of furniture and other household goods, is still done by
the men of the family. Nor was it etiquette for ladies to be seen walking
in the streets, even with a maid, except to and from mass in the morning.
The change in both respects is ascribed to the horse-cars. The point of
ceremony, it appears, was founded somewhat upon the difficulty of getting
about.
Americanism now appears in the streets with increasing frequency, in
the signs of dealers in arms, sewing-machines, and other of our useful
inventions. Our insurance companies, too, are a novel idea, to which the
Mexicans seem to take with much readiness. The principal shopping hours
are from four to six o’clock of the afternoon. From one till three, or
even four, little is done. Even the horse-cars do not run in the middle
of the day. There is a general stoppage of affairs for dinner. It is but
a short time since that enterprising person, the commercial traveller,
was unknown in the country, but now he begins to flourish here as
elsewhere.
The profits of favorably situated houses, in the absence of keen
competition, have been very large, and methods of doing business
correspondingly loose. The Mexican merchant does not go into a fine
calculation of the proportionate value of each item of a foreign invoice,
but “lumps” the profit he thinks he ought to receive on the whole. Some
articles, in consequence, can be bought at less than their real value,
while others, in compensation, are exorbitantly advanced.
It is the smaller trade, and that most removed from metropolitan
influences, which is the gayest and most entertaining as a spectacle. How
many picturesque market scenes does not one linger in! Each community has
its own market-day, not to interfere with others. The flags of the plaza
and market-houses, which are commodious and well built, are hidden under
fruits, grains, cocoa sacks and mats, striped blankets and _rebosos_,
sprawling brown limbs, embroidered bodices and kirtles, as if spread
with a thick, richly colored rug. A grade above the open market is the
_Parian_, a bazaar of small shops, in which goods, sales-people, and
customers alike might all be put upon canvas only with the most vivid of
hues.
[Illustration: A “MERCERIA” AT PUEBLA.]
I give some examples of the street architecture of the more important
shops. The approach to many is under the welcome _portales_, shady in
sunshine and dry in the wet. Not a few of the shops have been old Spanish
palaces before being adapted to their present use. I transferred to my
sketch-book a bit from the leading _merceria_ (dry-goods store) of the
important minor city of Puebla which I thought particularly interesting.
It was called, after the prevailing fashion, “The City of Mexico.” The
entire front—upon which still remained the carved escutcheon, showing
that it had been the residence of a family of rank—was faced up between
carvings, in a gay pattern in tiles, the figures glazed, the rest an
unglazed ground of red.
IX.
_SOCIAL LIFE, AND SOME NOTABLE INSTITUTIONS._
I.
The persons who once lived in these old Spanish palaces, and descendants
of the titles of nobility existing before the Independence, are still
much esteemed in a certain small circle in the country. There are pointed
out to you those who should by right be marquises and counts, and the
titles are occasionally given them. The Mexican nobles, from the time of
Cortes down, lived in magnificent style in their day. The Count of Regla,
who has left his trace after him in many directions, must have enjoyed
almost the state of royalty. A single hacienda of his in Michoacan was
thirty leagues in length by seventeen in breadth, and, sloping down from
the temperate plateau to the tropic, comprised in its extent the products
of almost every clime. He fitted out two ships of the largest size,
building them of mahogany and cedar, and presented them to the King of
Spain. Inviting his majesty to visit the country, he assured him that his
horse should tread on nothing but ingots of silver from the coast to the
capital.
A remnant of the old _noblesse_ rallied around Maximilian when he came to
assume the Emperor’s crown. With this, and what remains of Maximilian’s
court, and some few other families of a peculiarly exclusive turn, a
circle is constituted somewhat corresponding to the Parisian Faubourg
St. Germain. They are sometimes stigmatized as “Mochos,” literally
hypocrites. They are rich, pass much of their time abroad, protest
against the sequestration of the Church property, and exhibit a refined
horror at the vandalism of these later times.
“The government,” they tell you, “is in the hands of the _populacho_, the
rabble; the _gente honrada_, respectable society, has nothing to do with
it.”
In a novel which I have by a Mexican writer, Cuellar, a secretary of
legation at Washington, the scene is laid in this faction or clique.
“Chona,” or Incarnacion, the heroine, or leading feminine character,
“had been brought up from childhood more to abhor than admire. The
conversations in the family continually turned upon the utter antipathy
which the men and things of Mexico inspired.”
“They had for visitors Church notables and those of the wealthy who
still retained the parchments of their ancestry. If they made any new
acquaintance it was some Spaniard lately come into relations with them
through the business of their estates.”
The fashionable men in the story have been educated at Paris, and
become elegantly _blasé_ there as well. In contrast to these is shown
one Sanchez, a vulgar, pushing fellow, upheaved from the depths by the
revolutions. He has the “gift of gab,” which he has utilized to make
himself a figure in politics; has enriched himself with the spoils of the
Church establishment, and secured a good place under government. He more
than hints, however, when he is found to have finally lost it, that he is
ready to engage in upsetting “Don Benito”—it is now under the _régime_ of
President Juarez that the scene is laid—or in any other convulsion that
may promise to again mend his fortunes.
II.
I do not quite know which side the writer himself is on, in this
satirical work; it is so bitter all around. It is certainly interesting
as showing two such boldly distinct types, one of them at least
picturesque, evolved out of the peculiar conflicts of the country. Let us
hope that there are few of the dangerous Sanchez pattern in the present
juncture of affairs. The Mochos cannot now be numerous nor dangerous,
with the wholesale victory of middle or lower class republicanism around
them. They have taken little part, voluntarily, in the successive
revolutions since their own overthrow, leaving them rather to be fought
out by professional soldiers of fortune. They temporize a little; attend,
perhaps, the wedding of some rich railway contractor’s daughter, in
order, as they say, not to draw upon themselves a direct enmity; but they
do not open their own houses in return; they do not “entertain.”
Don Sebastian Lerdo, spoken of as the most scholarly President the
country ever had, is conceded to have been to a considerable extent “in
society.” He was expelled by Porfirio Diaz, and is now in retirement
at New York. The political class since that time has either not been
well received in the circle spoken of, or, perhaps too busy with other
affairs, has not greatly cared for it.
Such being the case, there are few reunions, and these of an informal
character. Nor do the officials give entertainments themselves. Social
gayeties, as we understand them, can hardly be said to exist in Mexico.
It is only under the neutral roofs of the foreign ministers that they
take place with some satisfaction. I had the good fortune to be at
the capital during the visit of General Grant, and to see a social
movement which, by the general testimony, was quite phenomenal. There
was, among the rest, a fashionable wedding, attended by the President
and his cabinet. A “reception” and banquet were given in the evening on
the occasion of the signing of a civil contract between the parties. The
religious ceremony took place at church next day. The interior courts of
the house were wreathed with flowers, and lent themselves palatially to
the festivity, as they always do. The banquet was spread along the bases
of the columns of the arcade.
The young Mexican women are still kept apart from the other sex, and made
love to chiefly on their balconies in the good old-fashioned, romantic
style. Their manners when met with in public, however, are not so unusual
as might be expected. They seem neither more nor less diffident than
elsewhere. They are allowed to take part at balls in a slow waltz called
the _danza_—so slow as hardly to be a dance at all—which is chiefly an
opportunity for conversation.
The high-contracting parties to the marriage above-mentioned were by
no means young, and in general the exceeding precocity of development
and early age of entering into the marriage relation supposed to be
characteristic of the tropics were not apparent. It was said that
mercenary considerations were not frequent, and claim was laid to a
good deal of simplicity and honest affection in the settlement of these
matters; though how the parties get at each other, under the restrictive
system, sufficiently to enter upon a simple and honest affection, is one
of those things that remain a mystery. It is said that the young woman
who remains single is not stigmatized for it in the common way as “old
maid.” They say very charmingly instead: “She is difficult. She is hard
to suit.”
[Illustration: INTERIOR COURT-YARD OF MEXICAN RESIDENCE.]
In the country the match-making is often taken charge of by the village
priest, who brings the parties together finally at dinner.
As a general remark, the manners of the lower class of the country
are much better than ours, and those of the upper are not as good—not
as often based upon real kindliness of heart and genuine desire to
be of service. The Mexican promises a hundred things which he has no
intention, often no ability, of performing. The American is not without
his faults—the more’s the pity—but in a general way he aims to do as he
agrees. He will often make against the Mexican the reproach of a certain
slipperiness—a lack of appreciation of the importance of adhering to his
word.
III.
Each considerable group of foreign residents, as the French, Germans, and
Spaniards, has its handsome casino, or club-house, which is a standing
resource for the diversion of members.
A French traveller as far back as 1838 complains of the unsociable
conduct of the Mexicans. If something of the kind be still observed,
therefore, it is not new. “They abound,” he says, “in a superfluity of
fine phrases, and it is in this easy way that they discharge themselves
of their obligations.”
All who know European life, however, are aware that the theatre and the
café, with people of the Latin race, largely take the place of the social
visiting and entertaining at home prevailing among Anglo-Saxons. Our
next-door neighbors, after all, may only have followed, making a little
more severe, the traditions of Old Spain. Ladies do not often appear at
the cafés, but they are often at their boxes at the theatres, to which
they subscribe by the season; and they would go more frequently yet, no
doubt, were the pieces as a rule better worth their consideration. There
are three large, well-built theatres, the Nacional, Principal, and Arbeu,
and minor ones for the working-class.
[Illustration: MEXICAN COURTSHIP.]
The entertainments esteemed of chief importance are those of the French
opera companies which come over from Havana, on their rounds. A native
Spanish opera-bouffe and ballet, called _zarzuela_, is much given at
other times. For the rest, the theatrical pieces presented are the
works, in prose and verse, of the Spanish dramatists current at home, or
occasionally of some native dramatist, announced with an extra flourish
which his production does not usually justify. They are all announced
with a sufficient flourish, so far as that is concerned. There is always
going on some especially _Gran Funcion_, as, for example:
“The grand Drama of Customs, Entirely New, in three acts and verse, by
the distinguished poet, D. Leopoldo Cano, author of the precious comedy,
‘La Mariposa,’ entitled ‘LA OPINION PUBLICA.’
“This sublime work of the distinguished poet, D. Leopoldo Cano,” the bill
goes on to say, “was received at Madrid with an astounding acclaim. The
Spanish Press has lavished upon it a thousand eulogies.... In choosing it
for the second subscription night, we feel that the public will know how
to value it as it truly merits, and to value at the same time the skill
of the Company in their most finished studies and essays.”
I do not recollect any of this as very novel, or likely to be of interest
if translated, apart from some portions depending upon such a difference
of manners and customs as to be hardly intelligible to an American
audience. My acquaintance with the theatre began with a piece at the
Nacional, called “The First Patient.” There was a young doctor on the
stage, and an acquaintance of his had fallen in love with his wife, and
put a note in her work-basket by way of telling her so. The note was
conveyed to the husband, who, instead of shooting the imprudent writer,
took occasion presently to assume a look of horror, and pretend that the
latter had gone blind. Before the Lothario could protest, a bandage was
clapped over his eyes, medicaments given to make him believe in his own
misfortune, and he was put under a course of onerous treatment.
After a series of absurd situations he was finally released, persuaded
by degrees that he was cured. The patient raised the bandage. “_Veo!
veo!_”—“I see!”—he exclaimed, in wild delight.
“Very well, then—see that!” said the husband, thrusting the offending
letter under his nose.
This was amusing enough, but I was quite as much amused all the time
with the studious efforts of a companion who had come with me—the French
engineer sent out to examine mines, before mentioned—who proposed to
turn the theatre into a school of languages. He grasped at every word
a semblance of which he seemed to catch, and dived for verifications
of it into his grammar and dictionary. He resented in his ambition any
interpretation of passages which he did not himself originate, and
constructed such a theory of the play as its author would by no means
have recognized. When the _dénouement_ came, in the bold “_Veo!_” he
seized upon it with avidity.
“_‘Veo,’ c’est bien trouvé ça—‘veo,’_” he said, reflectively, digesting
it at his leisure. “_Je vais le retenir ce ‘veo;’ vous-allez voir._”
And so he did, and proceeded to use it vigorously in the restaurants and
the like on the following day.
IV.
Though so much more be still proposed, there are certainly some reasons
for self-complacency in the country even from the American point of view.
Education is found to be provided for in a manner that awakens admiration
and surprise. The primary schools are least looked after, but the pupils
who pass through these with a disposition to go farther have an array of
advantages open to them at the capital superior to anything of a parallel
sort in the United States. The Government maintains national schools
respectively of engineering, law, medicine, agriculture, mechanic arts,
and trades (for both sexes), a conservatory of music, an academy of fine
arts, and a library, provided with an edifice that New York well might
envy. It maintains a museum, institutions for blind, deaf and dumb, and
insane, for orphans, and young criminals, and a long list besides of the
usual charities of enlightened communities. The schools are open without
money and without price to all, and there are even funds to provide
board, lodging, and pocket-money for students from a distance, who are
selected on certain easy conditions.
The students in agriculture pass some months of the year at the haciendas
to observe different crops and climates. The graduates of the School of
Arts and Measures go out into the world prepared to make their living
as carpenters, masons, photographers, electro-platers, and at numerous
other trades. Before an opinion is passed upon Mexican civilization the
accommodations and neat uniforms of the pupils of the blind institute
should be seen; the noble building erected in the last century for
the School of Mines; the beautifully clean, wide corridors, sunny
class-rooms, embroidery-rooms, dormitories, and drawing-rooms of the
_Viscaynas_, the national college for girls; and the arcades and charming
central garden of the National Preparatory School (in the professions)
for young men.
There was a fountain spouting among tropical plants in the garden of the
Preparatory School the day I went there, and by the fountain was a young
panther, or lion, of the country, as they call it, confined in a cage.
The students, young fellows, who did not differ so greatly from Yale and
Harvard undergraduates in aspect, except for the dusky Indian complexions
among them, came now and then and stirred up the lion a little,
making him play with a ball in his cage. They seemed to prepare their
recitations walking around the garden or sitting in the ample corridors.
The principal text-books are studied in French or English, in which
languages they are apt to be written, and the recitations are conducted
in the same languages; so that, what is so rare with us, graduates emerge
from these schools very tolerable linguists without ever having been out
of their own country.
All these institutions are housed for the most part in the vast ancient
convent edifices, which furnish ample quarters to whatever is in need of
them—to barracks, hospitals, post-offices, prisons, railway stations,
iron founderies, and cotton-mills.
Each state of the republic, again, has its free college. Judging from
that of the state of Hidalgo, however, which I saw at Pachuca—its
internal arrangements in a very filthy condition—all do not follow very
closely the example of the capital.
In the department of jails, unhappily, there is a deficiency. As at
present arranged, they can present but moderate terrors to evil-doers.
The really fine penitentiary at Guadalaxara is the only one in which
modern ideas of penal discipline are followed. There is by law no death
penalty at present. The number of nefarious criminals is kept down by
semi-official lynchings, shooting on capture, into which nobody ever
inquires. Others are transported to Yucatan. There still remain enough,
however, to make one look with uneasiness on the slightness of the means
of restraint employed. The bolts and bars are often only lattices of
wood instead of iron. At the city prison of Belen some two thousand
persons are confined. It seemed to me that a large part of them must
be much more comfortable than at their own squalid homes. They made a
strange spectacle indeed, looked down upon in their large courts. Of all
ages, and for sentences of all durations, they eat, sleep, and work at
various light occupations together. No attempt is made to prevent their
communicating or staring about. They have good air, light, and food, and
are allowed a part of their own earnings. They take a siesta at noon,
play checkers, gossip, and even bathe luxuriously in a central tank.
The liberality toward education spoken of is the more creditable since
the Mexican treasury is not flourishing, and a yearly deficit is more
common than a surplus. These expenses appear to be regarded as essential,
whatever else may suffer. It is the more creditable, too, since the heads
of the government do not indulge themselves in expensive surroundings.
The American legislator is not himself without his marble colonnades
and his furniture of black walnut upholstered in Russia leather; but
President and Cabinet ministers here walk upon threadbare carpets in the
National Palace. The chamber of the Senate is a modest little hall; and
the Deputies sit in shabby quarters in another part of town, which were
once simply a place of amusement, the Theatre Iturbide.
The museum, chiefly of Aztec antiquities, to which one turns with
interest, is not of the extent or informing character that may have
been expected, and is under by no means brilliant management. Its
greatest attraction is the arrangement of some of the larger fragments,
particularly the great sacrificial stone from the ancient temple of the
war-god, in the court-yard. There is a setting of shrubbery and vines
about them, and the sunlight striking in among these upon the gray old
remains, produces some charming effects.
X.
_THE FINE ARTS AND LITERATURE._
I.
The school of fine arts, on the other hand, the Academy of San
Carlos—which was to celebrate with a special exhibition the one hundredth
anniversary of its foundation—produces, both in its collections and the
ability of its directing professors, a most satisfactory and agreeable
impression. You enter galleries which carry you back again to the Louvre
and Uffizi. They used a great deal of bitumen, the old painters here.
In its darkening it has left now and then only isolated lights upon a
face or bits of drapery to glimmer out of a midnight gloom. It is an
artificial taste, no doubt, to like it, and “caviare to the general;”
but like it one does, at its most artificial, after a long absence from
anything of the kind.
The walls recall such galleries as that of Bologna in the liberal scale
of the works displayed. With such models before them, there is no reason
why students should fall into a niggling and petty style. As a matter
of fact, they do not. They seem to excel in a bold, large composition
and the rendering of grandiose ideas. This, rather than color, is their
strong point. If our New York schools of art are able to equal the
portfolio of drawings I saw as the result of a fortnightly exercise,
they are certainly not in the habit of doing so. Nor were they at all
equalled by those of the prize competition of the students of the
British Royal Academy which I saw in the first year of the presidency
of Sir Frederick Leighton. This devotion to large academical ideas—the
fortunes of Orestes, Regulus, and Belisarius—it is true, is a source of
weakness rather than strength from the money point of view. The market of
the time demands a domestic, _genre_, realistic, and not a grandiose art.
The market for art of any kind in Mexico is extremely small. There are no
government commissions farther than an occasional portrait or two, and
enlightened patrons hardly exist. There are no pictures of consequence in
the best Mexican houses. The predictions at Havana were not verified. The
abundance of native talent receives little encouragement. Many a bright
genius is forced to paint his inventions on the walls of _pulque_ shops,
and finally to quit the profession for lack of support.
The subjects are, for the most part, severely religious, in consonance
with the taste of the wealthy convents, the patrons of art for whom they
were originally painted. The series is in a declining order of merit
chronologically. The earliest Mexican masters are the best. They came
from Europe, contemporaries of Murillo, Ribera, the Caracci, trained in
the splendid Renaissance period at its acme, and they left here works
which do it no discredit. Mexico was a hundred years old already, and it
was high time that art should arise when Baltazar Echave began, somewhat
after the year 1600. There is a romantic tradition that it was his wife
who first taught him to paint.
The genius of this early school is very decorative, and marked at once
by refinement of sentiment, breadth, and vigor. It delights in rich
stuffs and patterns, in the glitter of plate and weapons. It fills up all
portions of the canvas symmetrically, and colors with a subdued richness.
I recall a St. Ildefonso, by Luis Juarez, as an exquisite work. The
saint, in a rich red mantle, by a praying-desk and chair, both draped in
the same color, is receiving from angels the paraphernalia of a bishop.
The mantle of the nearest angel is in burnt sienna, and these warm red
hues, relieved by cool whites, are repeated throughout. There is a group
of six angel heads composed in an ellipse, and, in the air, a Virgin,
with that bevy of fluttering angels about that take the place of clouds
in landscape. The minor heads, painted chiefly from the same model, are
full of sweetness and intelligence.
Arteaga has a noble St. Thomas; José Juarez, a quaint couple of child
martyrs, Saints Justo and Pastor, who trudge along hand-in-hand like a
pair of burgomaster’s children (the scenes of their martyrdom shown in
the background), while angels rain down upon them single pinks, roses,
and forget-me-nots, carefully painted. A younger Baltazar Echave, and
Juan and Nicolas Rodriguez, are of almost equal force.
A second period begins with Ibarra and Cabrera—the latter very much
the better—at the end of the same century. They are without the same
distinction. Their figures have a bourgeois air. They aim to be pictorial
instead of decorative. The crude red and blue garments with which we
are monotonously familiar in religious art come in with them; and the
draperies, in smooth, large folds, are apparently made up out of their
heads.
The foreign gallery boasts many excellent works of the school of Murillo,
and an original each of Murillo, Ribera, Carreño, Leonardo da Vinci,
Teniers the elder, and Ingres, with also probable Vandycks and Rembrandts.
A collection has also been formed of works of merit, contributed to the
regular biennial exhibitions, and purchased by the Academy to illustrate
modern Mexican art. The religious tradition still prevails to a large
extent, though the subjects are now taken from the Scriptures instead
of the Bollandists. They are Hagar and Ishmael, the good Samaritan, the
Hebrews by the waters of Babylon, and Noah receiving the olive-branch,
and the like.
[Illustration: THE DEATH OF ATALA. [By Luis Monroy.]]
There is in this contemporary work the general fault of an over-delicacy
and smoothness of painting, and a lack of realism, while the design is
excellent. These voyagers in the ark have not experienced the woes of
a deluge, and the shepherds have the complexion of Lady Vere de Vere.
Rebull, who studied at Rome under Overbeck, repeats here the dove-colors,
violets, and lemon-yellows of the modern decorations of the Vatican done
under that school.
The works of the latest period, under the able direction of Señor Salome
Pina, a pupil of Gleyre, are much more virile, and the subjects more
secular. We have now Bacchus and Ariadne; the death of Atala; the slaying
of the sons of Niobe; an arch and dainty Cupid poisoning a flower, by
Ocaranza; a charming fisher-boy, by Gutierrez. Some of the artists have
had the advantage of study also abroad. The strongest of them all, Felix
Parra, now enjoying a grand prize of Rome, produced the masterpiece,
a great canvas representing the friar Las Casas protecting the Aztecs
(from slaughter by the Spaniards)—a work in sentiment, drawing, and color
worthy to hang in any exhibition in the world—before he had seen any
other country than his own.
Velasco has set a powerful lead in landscape. He is especially a master
of great distance. His favorite theme is the curious, sienna-colored
Valley of Mexico, which he paints to the life.
There are some scattered works of the early school, besides, in the
houses of a few _dilettanti_ at the capital and Puebla; and some few in
the cathedrals of the same places, though scarcely to be seen, from their
disadvantageous positions. Good pictures need not be looked for in the
churches. No doubt they were once numerous, but they have been sacked
from the country by invaders and others, and found a profitable market
abroad.
II.
In sculpture there is talent corresponding to that in painting. The
stately system of burial, in the _panteons_, lends itself to sculpture
and furnishes opportunities which with us are relegated to the
commonplace tombstone-makers. The _panteon_ is a solid city of the dead,
walled in, paved, and with courts and arcades like a city of the living.
The monument of greatest note is that, by Manuel Islas, at the Pantheon
of San Fernando, to Benito Juarez, “the second Washington” of his
country, old Padre Hidalgo having been the first. His effigy in marble,
so realistic and corpse-like that it seems to have been modelled from
an actual cast in plaster, lies upon a mausoleum, with a figure of Fame
bending over it. The realism of the principal figure is almost repulsive,
but it is redeemed by the grace of the angel, and nobody can deny to this
large work great vigor and dignity.
The bodies are not buried, but sealed up in mausolea, or in niches
in a wall, which present somewhat the aspect of a Roman columbarium.
Some of the monuments are of the lovely Mexican onyx, with letters in
gilt. I noted one bearing only the initials M. M. They were alluring to
the curiosity, and on inquiring I found that it was that of Miramon,
general-in-chief of Maximilian, who fell by the executioners’ bullets,
with his master, and General Mejia, at Queretero.
There were no flowers on this one to-day, but the tombs of the patriots
were elaborately decked, for it was the great festival of the Cinco de
Mayo.
I walked out and stood in the round-point by the colossal bronze statue
of Charles IV. The Paseo de la Reforma and the causeways glittered
with bayonets; the cadets were coming down from the Military School
back of Chapultepec, and the garrison from the Citadel, to join in the
procession. The troops were reviewed in front of the National Palace—as
troops in smaller numbers seem always being reviewed there. They are
mainly of Indian blood, and small in stature. The cavalry especially
had a rusty look in their outfit, and did not compare with the dashing
_Rurales_. The officers, on the other hand, are trimly uniformed and
quite French in aspect. There were patriotic speeches in the Zocalo;
the main thoroughfare was strung with lanterns; and our Iturbide hotel
was very picturesque, with its three tiers of balconies draped in the
national colors—green, white, and red.
From time to time, as the procession moved, cannon were fired in the
Plaza, and the bells of the cathedral turned over and over, like the
wheels of machinery. I never saw a better-conducted crowd. There was no
fighting, no inconvenient elbowing, no drunkenness. In the evening the
lanterns were lighted, and the great square was filled with venders of
fruits and knick-knacks, around little bonfires of sticks, where they
would bivouac for the night. Later, red lights were kindled in the towers
of the cathedral, and every detail within stood out upon a lurid ground
as if they were burning. One could imagine the camped venders in the
square to be the ancient Aztecs resting upon their arms, in order to
attack Cortez in his quarters on the morrow.
III.
Scarcely the same improvement is to be got from Mexican literature as
from Mexican art, but it is not without its interest, both in itself and
as an aid to knowledge of the people.
Journals are very numerous. They are started upon slight provocation, and
as easily disappear. They attain, as a rule, but a circulation of a few
hundred copies. It is thought that the _Monitor Republicano_, by far the
most important, may circulate from six to eight thousand. The problem
of existence for many of them would be difficult without government
aid. Subventions are given, without public objection, so far as I have
observed, to the greater part of those managed with ability. The system
of subventions to the press was begun by our old friend of school
history, Santa Anna, and has been continued ever since by governments
which could not afford to have anything more than the truth told about
them, at any rate. It is an encouraging sign, however, that the _Monitor_
is not a subventioned organ, yet speaks its mind temperately and without
apparent malice.
There is no efficacious law of libel, since extreme violence of language
is often indulged in by the periodicals in their controversies with each
other and outsiders. The duel, which still survives, is somewhat of a
corrective upon this. The newspaper is about such a one in appearance
as at Paris, and includes a daily section of a serial story. A Sunday
edition is published, with literary selections, and particularly poems,
in large supply.
Actual literature as such is poorly paid. The reading public is small.
A thousand copies is a good edition even for a popular book. The chief
literary lights are found, as a rule, not of the shy, scholastic order,
but possessed of talent for oratory and bustling affairs. They take
posts in Congress, and are appointed as cabinet ministers. General Riva
Palacio, Juan Mateos, Prieto, Paz, Altimirano, Justo Sierra, Peza, are
deputies; Payno, a senator; Cuellar, who wrote under the pseudonym of
“Facundo,” a secretary of legation. These are the native writers whose
works are more frequently in the hands of the public than any others.
Prieto, who is chiefly a poet, however, has written a book of his travels
in the United States, in which some amusing things will be discovered. He
finds that with us “the totality [_lo colectivo_] is grand and admirable,
but the individual egoistic and vulgar.” He saw Booth’s Theatre, which is
all of white marble (_el Teatro de Both, todo de marmol blanco_); and,
besides our hotels, the establishment which we call a “Boarding” (_el
Boarding_). The Hudson and East rivers, he says, are two arms of the sea,
which freeze in winter, and even the immense quantity of ice collected
from these does not suffice for the demands of the summer.
The poetical talent, of which we had a premonition in Cuba, is that
which principally abounds. There is plentiful skill in versifying, with
here and there a strain of something very much higher, in the volumes of
the numerous authors. Prieto, above-mentioned, is found principally a
poet of “occasions.” He writes for the unveiling of statues, to steam,
electricity, and the like. Juan Mateos strikes a fierce patriotic note.
Altimirano, a fiery Indian orator, who models himself in Congress
rather after Mirabeau, chooses as his themes for poetry bees, oranges,
poppies, morn, the pleasures of rural life. They are excellent subjects
in themselves, but it is an artificial, and not a real, existence he
describes. He would like to be Horatian, summons nymphs to disport with
him in the shade, and abounds in florid terms, without thought.
Carpio is inspired more or less by Biblical subjects, as Pharaoh and
Belshazzar. In De Castro, Zaragoza, Gustave Baz, and Cuenca are found
charming conceits, of pensive cast, and bits of description of a limpid
purity. Jewellers in words they may be called at their best, affiliated
to the Venetian school.
The argument of Zaragoza’s “Armonias” (Harmonies) is briefly as follows:
“When the flowers are dead, and spring is over, the swallows take their
flight; and when again the flowers of spring adorn the mead, they, too,
return, bringing blessings on their wings.
“But when the illusions depart and leave behind them only the thorns
of the passions, in vain we invoke and wait for them to return. The
illusions, the swallows of the heart, return, alas! never.”
So Gustave Baz, brooding in the sere winter over some heavy sorrow,
reflects upon the return of spring. But the very contrast of its
joyousness, the fresh rippling of the brooks and melody of the birds,
will but render his sadness the heavier. “Then most keenly,” he laments,
“will break forth my grief. Then weightiest will the air be laden with my
sighs.”
The gem of the Lyra Mexicana is undoubtedly a certain fugitive sonnet,
“A Rosario,” by an unfortunate young man, Acuña, who ended by taking
his own life. The poem expresses the charming ideals in love and the
bitterness of its disappointment, in a youth of fine and sensitive
nature. It has a poignancy and realism which have, perhaps, never been
surpassed. He returned from a long journey, as the story is told, and
found his betrothed the wife of another. The shock proving unendurable,
he committed suicide, leaving to the faithless one the poem, a part of
which may be thus rendered:
“Well, then, I have to say that I love you still, that I worship you
with all my being. I comprehend that your kisses are never to be mine,
that into your dear eyes I am never to look.... Sometimes I try to sink
you into oblivion, to execrate you.... But alas, how vain it is! my soul
will not forget you. What will you, then, that I should do, oh, part of
my life? What will you that I should do with such a heart?... Oh, figure
to yourself how beautiful might have been our existence together!... But
now that to the entrancing dream succeeds the black gulf that has opened
between us—farewell! love of my loves, light of my darkness, perfume of
all flowers that bloomed for me! my poet’s lyre, my youth, farewell!”
IV.
If one try to select the most obvious trait in the native fiction it is
undoubtedly patriotism. This patriotism is rampant in the press, and
in the forms of official life. The authorities are Citizen President,
Citizen General, and the like, as in the first French Republic, and they
conclude their official documents with the formula: “Liberty In The
Constitution.” The usurpation of Maximilian served to bind the country
into a certain unity and awake this feeling to its utmost.
Two romancers, General Riva Palacio, and Juan Mateos, have made use of
the events of the French invasion in a curious class of bulky novels,
to call them so, which have scored a popular success. “The Hill of Las
Campañas,” and “The Sun of May,” of Mateos, are respectively more or less
authentic accounts of the final defeat and execution of Maximilian, and
the defence of Puebla, slightly disguised. The “Calvary and Tabor,” Riva
Palacio, treats of the career of the Army of the Centre in the same wars.
Numbers of the characters therefore are persons actually living, to be
met with every day, which gives to this fiction a singular effect.
Thus, in “El Sol de Mayo,” Manuel Payno, Altimirano, and Riva Palacio
himself are mentioned and their manners described in the debate on the
financial measure which brought on the Intervention. Lerdo, long since an
exile, resident in New York, was at that time “_el profeta inspirada de
nuestra nacionalidad_” (the inspired prophet of our nationality).
I pick out from the same book this paragraphic mention of our own civil
war: “And Edmundo Lee shone like a star in the victories of Springfield
and Bull Run.” Perhaps the friends of General Robert E. Lee would have
some difficulty in recognizing him under such a description.
These novels are printed with each sentence as a separate paragraph, for
easier reading. They first began to rival somewhat the popular Fernandez
y Gonzalez, by some called “the Spanish Dumas,” whose works are printed
in the journals, together with translations of those of Gaboriau and
Dickens. Another flimsy series, in covers of green, white, and red,
called “_Episodios Nacionales_,” aim to sugar-coat a didactic exhibition
of the events of the War of Independence. One individual after another
tells a long, dreary narrative about what happened; these fall in with
somebody else who tells more, and so it goes.
These stories are read chiefly by the middle and lower classes, the upper
class, as in most provincial states of society, preferring books from
abroad. Their favorable reception may be accounted for in part by the
lack of regular histories and of newspaper intelligence, so that the
populace may to some extent be getting their information for the first
time.
Riva Palacio has written also, with Manuel Payno, a large work
appropriately called _El Libro Rojo_ (The Red Book). It gives an account
(and graphic illustrations) of the heroes and other notables in Mexican
history who have come to violent ends. This is a fate that has overtaken
aspirants to distinction quite regularly, and the plates from the book,
hung up at the book-stalls in the Portales, are a ghastly chamber of
horrors. The three fighting curates of the early insurrection, Hidalgo,
Morelos, and Matamoras begin the series; and Maximilian, Mejia, and
Miramon, standing with bandaged eyes at the Hill of las Campañas, for the
present conclude it.
Several minor writers have feebly essayed the Aztec material for fiction.
Riva Palacio has availed himself also of the picturesque life under the
Spanish viceroys. Of him it is to be said that, though of the sensational
school, and careless in plan, he has, not unfrequently, passages of
genuine force, and unhackneyed incidents that enchain the attention.
XI.
_SOME TRAITS OF PECULIAR HISTORY, AND THE MEXICAN “WARWICK.”_
I.
It would seem that history in Mexico might be a somewhat confusing study;
and so, in fact, it is. There have been fifty-four Presidents, one
regency, and one Emperor, in fifty-six years, and a violent change of
government with nearly every one.
Picking up the little volume by Manuel Payno, used in the schools, and
opening it at random, I find—
“_Question._—What events followed?
“_Answer._—Truly imagination is lost, and memory confounds itself, among
so many plans and _pronunciamentos_; but we will follow the thread as
best we can.”
The period referred to is that of the revolt of Texas, which proceeded to
constitute itself “The Lone Star Republic.” Looking a little farther with
interest to see how this is accounted for, we find:
“The settlers were North Americans, a portion, as we have said, colonized
by Stephen Austin. They set up the pretext that they were not permitted
to sell their lands, and, later, that the Federal Constitution had been
violated; and they rose against the Government. The latter felt it
necessary to put down the rebellion, and took measures to assail that
remote and sterile State.”
These dispositions, as we know, ended in the defeat and capture of Santa
Anna at San Jacinto. There is always a fascination in being behind
the scenes, and I confess that this little opportunity of finding out
what was thought of itself by a country which has jarred so much with
our own was one of the attractions of being in Mexico. The American war
is accounted for as a wicked attempt to sustain and annex the revolted
province of Texas; and equally good solutions are found for the various
other invasions by foreign powers.
What! is there no absolute right? Are all combatants alike striking for
their altars and their fires, and resisting wanton aggression? Will
not these Mexicans even yet admit, though beaten, and though it has
passed into history, that they terrorized our frontier, and oppressed
an industrious and enterprising province? Why, then, perhaps both sides
were wrong; and let us aspire for the day when all such quarrels may be
settled by an international arbitration.
II.
The young Mexican learns first about his Aztec ancestry, the mild
semi-civilized aborigines, who built cities and temples, and were ruled
by luxurious Montezuma and scholarly Nezhualcoyotl. The latter, at
Texcoco, was a maker of verses and stoical maxims like another Marcus
Aurelius.
Cortez conquered the Aztecs in 1519. Then followed a government of
nearly three hundred years by sixty-four Spanish viceroys. A rebellion,
of eleven years’ duration, marked by many of the features of a servile
uprising, drove out the Spaniards in 1821. Grasping and inconsiderate in
their colonial management as their way has always been, the Spaniards had
probably only themselves to thank for it.
Iturbide, who commanded the revolt at the end, made himself briefly
Emperor. His generals, notably the irrepressible Santa Anna, who first
here comes into view, rose against him, and proclaimed a Federal
Republic. Santa Anna, when the opportunity offered, made himself
Dictator, and changed the Federal Republic to a centralized republic,
and the states to departments. Santa Anna had numberless ups and downs,
having obtained possession of the supreme power no less than six times,
with intervals of overthrow and banishment.
The Federal Republic was reconstituted in time, with twenty-seven states,
one territory and a federal district, pretty much on the model of our
own, and it still retains this form, as it is likely to. There is no
doubt about the democratic tendency of the people, but perhaps it is
something in the impulsive blood of the Latin race which has prevented
the leaders from conceiving a republic on the Anglo-Saxon plan. They
have been inspired almost without exception by a craving for the sweets
of power. Their rampant patriotism has been like the religion of those
persons who would die for a cause, but will not live in accordance with
the least of its dictates. There seems to have been no conception until
lately of that larger patriotism which educates the people in their
duties, and constitutes a state of society where the rights of all are
guaranteed and people go about their avocations without interference.
III.
Would you recall, by-the-way, what became of Santa Anna? He, who had
so indignantly shaken off the yoke of Iturbide, wrote a missive of
congratulation, while living in banishment in the West Indies, to
Maximilian, and endeavored to take service under him. His aid was
rejected, whereupon he turned to Juarez, only to be repulsed again. In
a rage at both sides, he fitted out an expedition on his own account,
landed in the country, and was well-nigh being shot, after the model,
and almost on the same ground, as that Iturbide whom he had pronounced
against forty-two years before. The court-martial, however, spared his
life, “in consideration of the ancient services done to his country in
Texas, at Tampico, and Vera Cruz,” and sent him again, superannuated and
poor (for he had squandered an ample fortune in this attempt), to finish
his days in banishment.
I cannot forbear going a little farther into the questions and answers of
the little history. Of the gallant generals who fought so well for the
Independence, Victoria was the first President. Bravo pronounced against
him, and was exiled to South America. Guerrero, defeated as a candidate
for the succession by Pedraza, took up arms and seized it by force. He
repelled, while in office, a new attempt by the Spaniards to recover the
country.
“_Question._—I suppose that with this triumph the government of Guerrero
was firmly established?
“_Answer._—This was to have been hoped, but that happened which always
happens in Mexico—just the contrary.”
Bustamente, in fact, pronounced against Guerrero; and when the latter
would have returned to the capital from an expedition designed to
put down the revolt, he found it closed against him, and in favor of
Bustamente also.
“_Q._—What end had this revolution?
“_A._—The most terrible that can be imagined. The Government at Mexico,
feeling that it could not overcome Guerrero ... bought over, for $70,000,
a Genoese named Picaluga, who commanded a vessel anchored in the harbor
of Acapulco. Picaluga invited Guerrero to dine on board, and this
manifestation of hospitality was accepted in good faith. When they had
dined the Genoese signified to Guerrero that he was a prisoner, and set
sail with him to the port of Huatulco and delivered him into the hands of
his enemies. This great and good man, valiant and worthy of the respect
and gratitude of the nation ... was shot in the puebla of Cuilapa, on the
15th of February, 1831.”
It was not till 1848, for the first time, that the Presidency was
transferred without violence, and under the law. The incumbent was
General Herrera, and he was succeeded peaceably by General Arista. These
two administrations “will forever place themselves before historians,
both Mexican and foreign,” says the history, “as models of honor,
economy, and order.” But Arista was deposed in two years, and in the next
three months there were four Presidents, the last of them Santa Anna, on
one of his periodic returns.
Thus the turmoil of revolutions has continued down to recent times.
A certain Don José Maria Gutierrez Estrada directed a letter to
the authorities in 1840, proposing, as a measure of relief, that a
monarchical government should be established in Mexico; and the idea, in
the distracting state of things we have seen, cannot be considered wholly
without reason. It caused great scandal nevertheless, but Gutierrez
Estrada stuck to it tenaciously, and, by a very singular coincidence, he
was one of those who, twenty-four years after, went to Miramar to present
the imperial crown to the Archduke Maximilian.
If I cite a number of such events from the past it is not for the purpose
of being disagreeable or arguing that the same state of things is to
last. It is partly because they are amusing, and partly to obtain a
more encouraging point of view for the present. It will be seen that
the later administrations, though not without their faults, are a vast
improvement upon their predecessors, and do not constitute a declining
ratio.
[Illustration: GENERAL PORFIRIO DIAZ, EX-PRESIDENT OF MEXICO.]
General Porfirio Diaz occupied unmolested a full term, from 1876 to
1880, and handed over the place to General Manuel Gonzales, who holds
it at present in the same security. Diaz began the current career of
improvement by his liberal chartering of railroads, and Gonzales follows
in his track. Both must be considered to have made a most exemplary
and promising use of their powers. But, since we have arrived at “Don
Porfirio,” let us see how he entered upon office in the beginning.
IV.
Since he is, by general admission, the power behind the throne, the
Mexican “Warwick,” the President who has been, is, and is to be, let us
inquire a little also who he was. “His influence in the country,” says
the _Monitor_, “is decisive, incontestable. Something more than Benitez
in the past, he is not only the great commoner, but the one man of the
present.”
Porfirio Diaz was born in Oaxaca, in 1830. His family destined him for
the law, but he took to soldiering instead. Beginning as a private,
he entered the city of Mexico as general-in-chief of the forces which
wrested it from the French. Once in these wars, when a prisoner at
Puebla, he let himself down by a rope from a tower and made his escape.
His career is studded with romantic incidents, but the career of what
Mexican leader is not?
The Latin race admires the military type, and “Don Porfirio,” or more
familiarly “Porfirio,” as the people delight to call him, bethought him
to turn his prestige in the field to account. He offered himself for the
Presidency against Juarez, on the platform of no re-election, in 1871.
Lerdo de Tejada, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, was also in the
field as a third candidate. Let the figures in this remarkable election
be noted, as an indication of the acute interest the Mexican voters take
in their own balloting. In a population of 8,836,411 a total of only
12,361 votes were cast. Juarez received 5837, Diaz 3555, Lerdo 2874, and
95 are recorded as “scattering.”
“_Q._—Relate to me what happened thereafter.
“_A._—General Porfirio Diaz issued, from his hacienda of La Noria, a
manifesto, hence called the _Plan of La Noria_, repudiating the existing
powers, and proposing to retain military command until the establishment
of a new order of things.”
A bloody war of more than a year followed, in which the Porfiristas
were utterly routed. Diaz, amnestied, presented himself at the capital,
and was affably received by Lerdo, who assured him, on the part of the
Government, that he might live tranquil without fear of persecution or
harm. “Nothing,” breaks forth our historian, in enthusiasm about these
times, “gives a better idea of the constancy and elevation of the Mexican
character, a heritage from its Spanish ancestry, than what passes in
our wars, both civil and foreign. It appears that defeats but serve as
stimulus and fresh aliment to the fray.”
Upon what possible theory these ambitious chiefs have always made their
partisans so ready to be slaughtered for them, is a speculation which I
shall not go into. Porfirio now remained quiet till 1876, when he issued
the _Plan of Palo Blanco_, and rose against Lerdo, who had succeeded
Juarez. He captured Matamoras by a bold stroke of strategy; was himself
captured on shipboard; and escaped from the Lerdists by leaping into the
sea, through the connivance of the French captain, whom he afterward
made consul to St. Nazaire. After a series of such-like adventures his
persistence won the day, and Lerdo took to flight. “Don Sebastian” Lerdo
is spoken of as probably the most scholarly and accomplished President
the republic ever had. He had been a school-master, however, and tried
to govern the country in the pedagogue spirit to which he had been used.
He lost favor, too, by his lack of military talent, and fled when his
fortunes were by no means desperate. The country people were strongly
on his side at first, but this singular thing happened—that, finding
him unable to protect them against the roving bands of revolutionists
favoring Diaz, they joined them in disgust, and went on with them to the
capital.
It is upon such original guarantees that the authority which Porfirio
has devoted to the extension of law and order and the benefits of
civilization reposes.
V.
The subject of these remarks is a person neither talkative nor taciturn.
He is of commanding height, a swarthy, half-Indian complexion, a figure
stalwart but not heavy, and of a military yet somewhat nonchalant
bearing, all of which may form a part of his attraction. He knows how to
utilize the arts of peace as well as war. Perhaps he believes a little in
the motto, “Let me make the songs of a nation, and I care not who makes
its laws;” for the ballad-singers at Santa Anita, on the Viga Canal,
whither the populace swarm on Sundays to indulge in dancing, _pulque_,
_tamales_, and flowers from the floating gardens, have many a long-drawn
refrain to the praises of Don Porfirio Di-i-i-az. It is hardly fair,
perhaps, to suggest that these are subsidized, since they may rest upon
pure admiration of his merits, after all.
The Mexican law prohibits re-election, except after an interval of four
years, and Porfirio Diaz was too ardent a one-termer to be able to
overstep this prohibition with any consistency. He has placed his friend
and fellow-soldier Gonzales in office as his _locum tenens_. He will
assume it himself for the next term, dating from 1884. After that—so the
plan is supposed to be arranged—he will give it to General Treviño, his
companion in arms and strong auxiliary in his pronunciamentos. Treviño
has married the daughter of an American general, Ord, and it may be
supposed that American interests will not suffer in his hands.
[Illustration: GENERAL MANUEL GONZALES, PRESIDENT OF MEXICO.]
Porfirio is romantic even in his Machiavellianism. The only source from
which he might have had anything to fear was perhaps a lingering Lerdist
sentiment. It represents, or represented, a conservative element, of
better social position than the rude democratic force in power. He set to
work to conciliate this Lerdist sentiment. He has been able to take of
late the effectual means of marrying into the very midst of it, having
chosen for his third wife the daughter of Senator Romero Rubio. Romero
Rubio was the right-hand man of Lerdo, and his companion in exile. He is
now president of the Senate, and the official who is empowered by law to
call and control a new election, in case of a vacancy in the Presidency
of the nation. Gonzales suffers from an old wound, received at Puebla,
and it has been thought by some that Diaz might need to be called to the
chair even before the appointed limit of time.
Nor could he have had any personal repugnance to overcome in this
match. His usual good-fortune attends him. The young lady is under
twenty, accomplished, and of a high-bred air. She will be recollected by
Americans as among the prettiest of the belles who took part in the round
of festivities given in honor of General Grant at his last visit. This,
too, will be pleasing to the people. Don Porfirio means that the people
shall be pleased. When General Grant, on his first visit to the country
in his tour around the world, was the curiosity and hero of the hour,
Porfirio was his inseparable attendant and courteous host. A certain
resemblance was traced between them. Both had been illustrious generals,
both presidents. When Grant returned a second time, and was now less
popular, on account of his interest in the railway concessions, and a
jealousy which had meantime arisen of American aggression, Don Porfirio
was unfortunately obliged to be far distant, distributing charity to
sufferers on the northern confines of the republic.
The work of conciliation has long been going on. Old functionaries have
been reinstated in place; veteran army officers have been approached and
offered new commands. One of these latter told me that President Gonzales
had sent for him, after having kept an espionage on his conduct for some
time, and asked him, in a bluff way,
“Why do you continue to talk against the Government, and pass your time
in idleness—you who were once so good a soldier?”
“Sir,” he replied, “you know my sentiments, and the cause for which I
fought. I cannot deny that I hold them still. I take the consequences. I
have pawned my valuables and clothing for food. If I rust in idleness it
is because I have no occupation to turn to.”
“I admire your manliness,” the President replied. “Here is your
appointment to the command of a regiment. Your cause is dead, as you
know, and cannot be revived. I ask of you no political services. I ask of
you only to be as before—a soldier.”
It is needless to say that after this there was at least one Lerdist the
less.
I do not wish to be understood as finding fault with this policy of
astute conciliation; far from it. The hammer-and-tongs method has been
so long in vogue that it is a delightful relief. The chicanery of
matrimonial alliances, and assumption of frank and soldierly manners,
will be welcomed by all the foreign capital in the country as a great
improvement upon throat-cutting.
From vast estates in Oaxaca, which with a commendable economy he has
amassed meantime, the Mexican Warwick, controls the destinies of his
country with an ease like moving one’s little finger. He pleases himself
in the interim to be governor, and commander of the forces, of this
fighting state. In the absence of any efficient electoral system the
country is under his absolute dictatorship; while, with the ostensible
division of powers, there is no way of tracing the responsibility to its
source.
Not that there is the least danger of anybody’s trying to do so. There
are apparent Brutuses in both Houses of Congress, orators and poets
who have turned off many a diatribe and many an ode to freedom on the
best classic and French republican models, but they have nothing to say
against this Cæsar. They are not very free agents, to tell the truth.
They are really sent by the governors of the respective states, and these
governors have been manipulated in advance. Porfirio can undoubtedly make
threats as well as promises; and an unlucky representative, if content
to forego a better place, may even lose the one he has. He cannot depend
upon adequate support, either, should he have a notion to resist. The
“boys” are much given to “going back” on one another in Mexican history.
I shall be found fault with by some persons, as likely as not, for undue
severity. He is a beneficent Cæsar, after all, compared with former
times; he has brought back something like a Golden Age; he oppresses
nobody, at least, not the foreigners, and gives a stimulus to every
worthy enterprise.
So be it; and probably there is no more genial government than a Cæsarism
of the beneficent sort, fairly established. But it is too full of
dangers. Porfirio is doing nothing to educate the nation. “In effect,”
one of his own papers says to him, “it is not alone with railways that
a nation so disorganized as ours can reconstitute itself; not alone
the locomotive and the telegraph that can make us happy. There should
emanate from the regions of power something like an impulse of obedience
to the law and observance of the institutions upon which the social and
political well-being of the country rests.”