Journal of New Netherland, 1647, described in the Years 1641,
1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646.
Brief Description of New Netherland.
NEW NETHERLAND (so called because it was first frequented and
peopled by the free Netherlanders) is a province in the most
northern part of America lying between New England (which
bounds it on the northeast side) and Virginia lying to the
southwest of it. The ocean washes its whole length along a
clean sandy coast, very similar to that of Flanders or Holland,
having except the rivers few bays or harbors for ships; the
air is very temperate, inclining to dryness, healthy, little
subject to sickness. The four seasons of the year are about
as in France, or the Netherlands. The difference is, the
spring is shorter because it begins later, the summer is
warmer because it comes on more suddenly, the autumn is long
and very pleasant, the winter cold and liable to much snow.
Two winds ordinarily prevail: the N.W. in winter and the
S.W. in summer; the other winds are not common; the N.W.
corresponds with our N.E. because it blows across the
country from the cold point as our N.E. does. The S.W. is
dry and hot like our S.E. because it comes from the warm
countries; the N.E. is cold and wet like our S.W. for similar
reasons. The character of the country is very like that of
France; the land is fairly high and level, especially broken
along the coast by small rocky hills unfit for agriculture;
farther in the interior are pretty high mountains (generally
exhibiting great appearance of minerals) between which flow
a great number of small rivers. In some places there are even
some lofty ones of extraordinary height, but not many. Its
fertility falls behind no province in Europe in excellence of
fruits and seeds. There are three principal rivers, to wit:
the Fresh, the Mauritius and the South River,<1> all three
reasonably wide and deep, adapted for the navigation of
large ships twenty-five leagues up and of common barks even
to the falls. From the River Mauritius off to beyond the
Fresh River stretches a channel that forms an island, forty
leagues long, called Long Island, which is the ordinary
passage from New England to Virginia, having on both sides
many harbors to anchor in, so that people make no difficulty
about navigating it in winter. The country is generally
covered with trees, except a few valleys and some large
flats of seven or eight leagues and less; the trees are as
in Europe, viz. Oak, hickory, chestnut, vines. The animals
are also of the same species as ours, except lions and some
other strange beasts, many bears, abundance of wolves which
harm nobody but the small cattle, elks and deer in abundance,
foxes, beavers, otters, minks and such like. The birds which
are natural to the country are turkeys like ours, swans,
geese of three sorts, ducks, teals, cranes, herons, bitterns,
two sorts of partridges, four sorts of heath fowls, grouse or
pheasants. The river fish is like that of Europe, viz., carp,
sturgeon, salmon, pike, perch, roach, eel, etc. In the salt
waters are found codfish, haddock, herring and so forth, also
abundance of oysters and clams.
<1> Connecticut, Hudson and Delaware.
The Indians are of ordinary stature, strong and broad shouldered;
olive color, light and nimble of foot, subtle of mind, of few
words which they previously well consider, hypocritical,
treacherous, vindictive; brave and obstinate in self-defence,
in time of need right resolute to die. They seem to despise
all the torments that can be inflicted on them without once
uttering a sigh--go almost naked except a lap which hangs
before their private parts, and on the shoulders a deer skin
or a mantle, a fathom square, of woven Turkey feathers or
peltries sewed together. They now make great use of duffel
cloths, blue or red, in consequence of the frequent visits of
the Christians. In winter they make shoes of deer skins,
manufactured after their fashion. Except their chiefs, they
have generally but one wife whom they frequently change
according to caprice; she must do all the work, as well corn-
planting as wood-cutting and whatever else is to be done.
They are divided into various nations. They differ even in
language, which would be altogether too long to be narrated
in this short space. They dwell together in tribes, mostly
of one consanguinity, over which commands a chief who is
general and is generally called Sackema, possessing not much
authority and little advantage, unless in their dances and
other ceremonies. They have no knowledge at all of God, no
divine worship, no law, no justice; the strongest does what
he pleases and the youths are master. Their weapons are the
bow and arrow, in the use of which they are wonderful adepts.
They live by hunting and fishing in addition to maize which
the women plant.
By Whom and How New Netherland was peopled.
The subjects of the Lords States General had for a considerable
time frequented this country solely for the purpose of the fur
trade. Then, in the year 1623, the Chartered West India Company
caused four forts to be erected in that country--two on the
River Mauritius and one on each of the other [rivers]; the biggest
stands on the point where the Mauritius River begins, and the
other one,<1> mentioned heretofore, which their Honors named New
Amsterdam; and six and thirty leagues upwards another called
Orange. That on the South River is called Nassauw and that on
Fresh River, the Good Hope. The Company has since continually
maintained garrisons there. In the beginning their Honors had
sent a certain number of settlers thither, and at great expense
had three sawmills erected, which never realised any profit of
consequence, on account of their great heaviness, and a great
deal of money was expended for the advancement of the country,
but it never began to be settled until every one had liberty
to trade with the Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one
calculated to remain there longer than the expiration of his
bounden time, and therefore they did not apply themselves to
agriculture. Yea, even the colony of Renselaerwyck was of
little consequence; but as soon as it was permitted, many
servants, who had some money coming to them from the Company,
applied for their discharge, built houses and formed plantations,
spread themselves far and wide, each seeking the best land, and
to be nearest the Indians in order thus to trade with them
easily, others bought barks with which to trade goods at the
North and at the South, and as the Lords Directors gave free
passage from Holland thither, that also caused some to come.
On the other hand, the English came also from both Virginia and
New England. Firstly, many servants, whose time with their
masters had expired, on account of the good opportunity to plant
tobacco here, afterwards families and finally entire colonies,
forced to quit that place both to enjoy freedom of conscience
and to escape from the insupportable government of New England
and because many more commodities were easier to be obtained
here than there, so that in place of seven farms and two or
three plantations which were here, one saw thirty farms, as
well cultivated and stocked with cattle as in Europe, and a
hundred plantations which in two or three [years] would have
become well arranged farms. For after the tobacco was out of
the ground, corn was thrown in there without ploughing. In
winter men were busy preparing new lands. Five English colonies
which by contract had [settled] under us on equal terms as the
others. Each of these was in appearance not less than a
hundred families strong, exclusive of the colony of Rensselaers
Wyck which is prospering, with that of Myndert Meyndertsz<2>
and Cornelis Melyn,<3> who began first, also the village New
Amsterdam around the fort, a hundred families, so that there
was appearance of producing supplies in a year for fourteen
thousand souls, without straining the country, and had there
been no want of laborers or farm servants twice as much could
have been raised, considering that fifty lasts of rye and fifty
lasts of peas still remained over around the fort after a large
quantity had been burnt and destroyed by the Indians, who in a
short time nearly brought this country to nought and had well
nigh destroyed this good hope, in manner following--
<1> East River, apparently.
<2> The colony of Hackensack, belonging to Meyndert Meyndertsen
van Keren and others.
<3> Cornelis Melyn's colony embraced all Staten Island except
De Vries's plantation.
The Causes of the New Netherland War and the Sequel thereof.
We have already stated that the cause of the population of
New Netherland was the liberty to trade with the Indians.
We shall now prove that it also is the cause of its ruin,
producing two contrary effects, and that not without reason
as shall appear from the following.
This liberty then which in every respect should have been
most gratefully received, of which use should have been made
as of a precious gift, was very soon perverted to a great
abuse. For every one thought that now the time had come to
make his fortune, withdrew himself from his comrade, as if
holding him suspect and the enemy of his gains, and sought
communication with the Indians from whom it appeared his
profit was to be derived. That created first a division of
power of dangerous consequence, in opposition to Their High
Mightinesses' motto<1>--produced altogether too much
familiarity with the Indians which in a short time brought
forth contempt, usually the father of hate--not being
satisfied with merely taking them into their houses in the
customary manner, but attracting them by extraordinary
attention, such as admitting them to the table, laying
napkins before them, presenting wine to them and more of
that kind of thing, which they did not receive like Esop's
man, but as their due and desert, insomuch that they were
not content but began to hate when such civilities were not
shewn them. To this familiarity and freedom succeeded
another evil. As the cattle usually roamed through the
woods without a herdsman, they frequently came into the
corn of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides,
committing great damage there; this led to frequent complaints
on their part and finally to revenge on the cattle without
sparing even the horses, which were valuable in this country.
Moreover many of ours took the Indians into service, making
use of them in their houses and thus, whilst they were being
employed, laying open before those Indians our entire
circumstances; and sometimes becoming weary of their work,
they took leg-bail and stole much more than the amount of
their wages. This freedom caused still great mischief, for
the inhabitants of Renselaerswyck who were as many traders
as persons, perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for
guns, which some of them had already received from the English,
paying for each as many as twenty beavers and for a pound of
powder as much as ten to twelve guilders, they came down in
greater numbers than was their wont where people were well
supplied with guns, purchasing these at a fair price, thus
realizing great profit; afterwards they obtained some from
their Heer Patroon for their self-defence in time of need, as
we suppose. This extraordinary gain was not kept long a
secret, the traders coming from Holland soon got scent of it,
and from time to time brought over great quantities, so that
the Mohawks in a short time were seen with firelocks, powder
and lead in proportion. Four hundred armed men knew how to
use their advantage, especially against their enemies
dwelling along the river of Canada,<2> against whom they have
now achieved many profitable forays where before they derived
little advantage; this causes them also to be respected by
the surrounding Indians even as far as the sea coast, who
must generally pay them tribute, whereas, on the contrary,
they were formerly obliged to contribute to these. On this
account the Indians endeavored no less to procure guns, and
through the familiarity which existed between them and our
people, they began to solicit them for guns and powder, but
as such was forbidden on pain of death and it could not
remain secret in consequence of the general conversation,
they could not obtain them. This added to the previous
contempt greatly augmented the hatred which stimulated them
to conspire against us, beginning first by insults which they
everywhere indiscreetly uttered railing at us as Materiotty
(that is to say) the cowards--that we might indeed be
something on water, but of no account on land, and that we
had neither a great sachem nor chiefs.
<1> Eendracht maakt macht, union makes strength.
<2> Father Jogues speaks more than once of the ill effects
of the Dutch practice of selling fire-arms to the Indians.
[Here two pages are wanting.]
he of Witqueschreek living northeast of the island Manhatans,
perpetrated another murderous deed in the house of an old
man,<1> a wheelwright, with whom he was acquainted (having
been in his son's service) being well received and supplied
with food, pretending a desire to buy something and whilst
the old man was taking from the chest the cloth the Indian
wanted the latter took up an ax and cut his head off, further
plundering the house, and ran away. This outrage obliged
the Director to demand satisfaction from the sachem, who
refused it, saying that he was sorry that twenty Christians
had not been murdered<2> and that this Indians had only
avenged the death of his uncle who, it was alleged, had been
slain by the Dutch twenty-one years before. Whereupon all
the commonalty were called together by the Director to
consider this affair, who all appeared and presently twelve
men delegated from among them<3> answered the propositions,
and resolved at once on war should the murderer be refused;
that the attack should be made on [the Indians] in the
autumn when they were hunting; meanwhile an effort should
be again made by kindness to obtain justice, which was
accordingly several times sought for but in vain.
<1> Claes Smits Rademaker.
<2> "Note A [in the original]. Capt. Patricx letter 21 August
1641." I do not find this letter in print. Captain Patrick,
formerly a soldier under the Prince of Orange, was one of the
early members of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, but had
left that colony in 1639 and settled with his Dutch wife at
Greenwich. Concerning his death, at the hands of a Dutch
Trooper, see Winthrop, II. 153-154, in this series.
<3> "Note B. Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August,
1641." This document, "from Director Kieft's copy-book," is
in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 415.
The time being come many difficulties were alleged and
operations were postponed until the year 1642, when it was
resolved to avenge the perpetrated outrage. Thereupon spies
looked up the Indians who lay in their dwelling-place
suspecting nothing, and eighty men were detailed under the
command of Ensign Hendrick van Dyck and sent thither. The
guide being come with the troops in the neighborhood of the
Indian wigwams lost his way in consequence of the darkness
of the night. The ensign became impatient, and turned back
without having accomplished anything. The journey, however,
was not without effect, for the Indians who remarked by the
trail made by our people in marching that they had narrowly
escaped discovery, sought for peace which was granted them
on condition that they should either deliver up the murderer
or inflict justice themselves; this they promised, but without
any result.
Some weeks after this Miantonimo, principal sachem of Sloops
Bay,<1> came here with one hundred men, passing through all
the Indian villages<2> soliciting them to a general war
against both the English and the Dutch,<3> whereupon some of
the neighboring Indians attempted to set our powder on fire
and to poison the Director or to inchant him by their devilry,
as their ill will was afterwards made manifest as well in fact
as by report. Those of Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter
Col, had with their neighbors killed an Englishman, a servant
of one David Pietersen, and a few days after shot dead in an
equally treacherous manner a Dutchman, who sat roofing a
house in the colony of Meyndert Meyndertz,<4> which was
established there against he advice of the Director and will
of the Indians, and which by the continual damage which their
cattle committed caused no little dissatisfaction to the Indians,
and contributed greatly to the war. The commonalty began then
to be alarmed, and not without reason, having the Indians daily
in their houses. The murderers were frequently demanded,
either living or dead, even with a promise of reward; they
always returned a scoffing answer laughing at us. Finally,
the commonalty, very much displeased with the Director,
upbraided him for conniving with the Indians, and [declared]
that an attempt was making to sell Christian blood;<5> yea,
that the will of the entire commonalty was surrendered to him,
and in case he would not avenge blood they should do it
themselves, be the consequences what they might. The Director
advised Pacham the sachem,<6> who interested himself in this
matter, warning him that we should wait no longer inasmuch as
no satisfaction had been given.
<1> I.e., of the Narragansetts.
<2> "Note C. The English Manifest, Page 2." This means that
now rare pamphlet, _A Declaration of Former Passages and
Proceedings betwixt the English and the Narrowgansets_ (Cambridge,
1645), published by order of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies. See its text, and the particular passage here referred
To, in _Records of Plymouth Colony_, IX. 50.
<3> "Note D. Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642." I have
nowhere seen this letter.
<4> "Note E. The order in the Director's letter and in the
deposition thereupon." See De Vries, p. 215, supra.
<5> "Note F. Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y, 1642."
See _N.Y. Col. Doc., I. 414-415.
<6> Of the Haverstraw Indians.
Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance on those of Witquescheck without
our knowledge through the Mahicanders dwelling below Fort Orange,
who slew seventeen of them, and made prisoners of many women and
children. The remainder fled through a deep snow to the
Christians' houses on and around the island Manhatens. They were
most humanely received being half dead of cold and hunger; they
supported them for fourteen days, even corn was sent to them by
the Director. A short time after, another panic seized the
Indians which caused them to fly to divers places in the vicinity
of the Dutch. This opportunity to avenge the innocent blood
induced some of the Twelve Men to represent to the Director that
it was now time, whereupon they received for answer that they
should put their request in writing which was done by three in
the name of them all,<1> by a petition to be allowed to attack
those of Hackingsack in two divisions--on the Manhatens and on
Pavonia. This was granted after a protracted discussion too
long to be reported here, so that the design was executed that
same night; the burghers slew those who lay a small league from
the fort, and the soldiers those at Pavonia, at which two places
about eighty Indians were killed and thirty taken prisoners.
Next morning before the return of the troops a man and a woman
were shot at Pavonia who had come through curiosity either to
look at or plunder the dead; the soldiers had rescued a young
child which the woman had in her arms.
<1> "Note G. Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1643." _N.Y. Col.
Doc._, I. 193. Its true date was February 22.
The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by
petition<1> to be allowed to attack and slay the Indians
thereabout; which was refused, as these especially had done
us no harm, and shewed us every friendship--(yea, had even
voluntarily killed some of the Raritans, our enemies,
hereinbefore mentioned). Yet notwithstanding<2> some Christians
attempted secretly with two waggons to steal maize from these
Indians, out of their cabins, which they perceiving endeavored
to prevent, thereupon three Indians were shot dead, two houses
standing opposite the fort were in return forthwith set on
fire. The Director knowing nought of this sent at once some
persons to enquire the reason of it. The Indians showing
themselves afar off, called out--"Be ye our friends? ye are
mere corn stealers"--forth with behaving as enemies. This
induced one of the proprietors of the burnt houses to upbraid
therewith one Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led the
freemen in the attack on the Indians, and who being reinforced
by an English troop had afterwards undertaken two bootless
expeditions in the open field. Imagining that the Director
had accused him, he being one of the signers of the petition
he determined to revenge himself.<3> With this resolution he
proceeded to the Director's house armed with a pistol, loaded
and cocked, and a hanger by his side; coming unawares into the
Director's room, he presents his pistol at him, saying, "What
devilish lies art thou reporting of me?" but by the promptness
of one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and he
himself immediately confined. A short time after, Marine's
man and another entered the fort, each carrying a loaded gun
and pistol. The first fired at the Director who having had
notice withdrew towards his house, the balls passing into the
wall alongside the door behind him; the sentinel firing
immediately on him who had discharged his gun, brought him
down. Shortly afterwards some of the commonalty collected
before the Director, riotously demanding the prisoner; they
were answered that their request should be presented in order
and in writing, which about 25 men did; they therein asked the
Director to pardon the criminal. The matters were referred to
them to decide conscientiously thereupon, in such wise that
they immediately went forth, without hearing parties or seeing
any complaints or documents. They condemn him in a fine of
five hundred guilders, and to remain three months away from
the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of the affair
and some considerations, it was resolved to send the criminal
with his trial to Holland, which...<4>
<1> "Note H. Their petition and the answer thereto, dated 27
Feb. 1643." Printed in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 416-417.
<2> "Note I. Contains the information thereupon."
<3> "Note K. His trial therefor."
<4> Gap in manuscript.
In this confusion mingled with great terror passed the winter
away; the season came for driving out the cattle; this obliged
many to desire peace. On the other hand the Indians, seeing
also that it was time to plant maize, were not less solicitous
for peace, so that after some negotiation, peace was concluded
in May Ao. 1643 [more] in consequence of the importunity of
some than because it was generally expected that it would be
durable.
The Indians kept still after this peace, associating daily
with our people; yea, even the greatest chiefs came to visit
the Director. Meanwhile Pachem, a crafty man, ran through
all the villages urging the Indians to a general massacre. To
this was added moreoever that certain Indians called Wappingers,
dwelling sixteen leagues up the river, with whom we never had
any the least trouble, seized on a boat coming from Fort Orange
wherein were only two men, and full four hundred beavers. This
great booty stimulated<1> others to join them, so that they
seized two boats more, intending to overhaul the fourth also,
from which they were driven off with the loss of six Indians.
Nine Christians including two women were murdered in these
captured barks, one woman and two children remaining prisoners.
The other Indians, so soon as their maize was ripe, were
likewise roused, and through semblance of selling beavers
killed an old man and an old woman, leaving another man with
five wounds, who however fled to the fort in a boat with a
little child on his arm, who in the first outbreak had lost
father and mother, and now grandfather and grandmother, being
thus twice through God's merciful blessing rescued from the
hands of the Indians, before it was two years old. Nothing
was now heard but murders, most of which were committed under
pretence of coming to put the Christians on their guard.
<1> "Note M. Their acknowledgement made before the English
16 January, 1643, English style."
Finally they took the field and attacked the farms at Pavonia.
There were here at the time two ships of war and a privateer
who saved considerable cattle and grain. Nevertheless it was
not possible to prevent the destruction of four farms on
Pavonia, which were burnt, not by open force, but by stealthily
creeping through the brush with fire in hand, thus igniting
the roofs which are all either of reed or straw; one covered
with plan was saved at that time.
The commonalty were called together; they were sore distressed.
They chose eight, in the stead of the previous twelve<1>, persons
to aid in consulting for the best; but the occupation every one
had to take care of his own, prevented anything beneficial being
adopted at that time--nevertheless it was resolved that as many
Englishmen as were to be got in the country should be enlisted,
who were indeed now proposing to depart; the third part of these
were to be paid by the commonalty; this promise was made by the
commonalty but was not followed by the pay.
<1> "Note N. Resolve of 13 Sept'r 1643." _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I.
194.
Terror increasing all over the land the Eight Men assembled,
drew<1> up a proposal in writing wherein they asked that
delegates should be sent to the north, to our English neighbors,
to request an auxiliary force of one hundred and fifty men, for
whose pay a bill of exchange should be given for twenty-five
thousand guilders, and that New Netherland should be so long
mortgaged to the English as security for the payment thereof.
One of the most influential among the Eight Men had by letter<2>
enforced by precedents previously endeavored to persuade the
Director to this course, as they had also a few days before
Resolved<3> that the provisions destined for Curacao should be
unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men
belonging to them detained, and to send the ships away thus
empty. This was not yet agreed to nor considered expedient
by the Director.
[Here four pages are wanting.]
[An expedition was despatched consisting of ---- regular
soldiers] under the command of the sergeant,<4> forty burghers
under their Captain Jochem Pietersen,<5> thirty-five Englishmen
under Lieutenant Baxter,<6> but to prevent all confusion,
Councillor La Montagne<7> was appointed general. Coming to
Staten Island, they marched the whole night, finding the houses
empty and abandoned by the Indian; they got five or six hundred
skepels of corn, burning the remainder without accomplishing
anything else.
<1> "Note O. Dated 6th Octob. 1643."
<2> "Note P. Dated 9th March, 1643."
<3> "Note Q. In their resolution 30th September, 1643."
<4> Pieter Cock.
<5> Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, one of the Twelve Men and of the
Eight Men.
<6> George Baxter, an exile from New England, now English
secretary under Kieft. The number of English colonists in New
Netherland, especially on Long Island, was rapidly increasing.
<7> Dr. Johannes la Montagne, a Hugeunot physician, who with
Kieft constituted the council of the province.
Mayane, a sachem, residing eight leagues northeast of us,
between Greenwich (that lies within our jurisdiction) and
Stantfort,<1> which is English,--a bold Indian who alone dared
to attack with bow and arrows three Christians armed with guns,
one of whom he shot dead--whilst engaged with the other, was
killed by the third Christian and his head brought hither. It
was then known and understood for the first time, that he and
his Indians had done as much injury, though we never had any
difference with him. Understanding further that they lay in
their houses very quiet and without suspicion on account of
the neighborhood of the English, it was determined to hunt
them up and attack them, and one hundred and twenty men were
went thither under the preceding command. The people landed
at Greenwich in the evening from three yachts, marched the
entire night but could not find the Indians, either because
the guide brought this about on purpose, as was believed, or
because he had himself gone astray. Retreat was made to the
yachts in order to depart as secretly as possible. Passing
through Stantfort some Englishmen were encountered who
offered to lead ours to the place where some Indians were.
Thereupon four scouts were sent in divers directions to
discover them, who at their return reported that the Indians
had some notice of our people by the salute which the
Englishmen gave us, but without any certainty, whereupon
five and twenty of the bravest men were at once commanded to
proceed thither to the nearest village. With great diligence
they made the journey, killing eighteen or twenty Indians,
capturing an old man, two women and some children, to exchange
for ours. The other troops found the huts empty, and further
came hither with the yachts.
<1> Stamford.
The old Indian captured above having promised to lead us to
Wetquescheck, which consisted of three castles, sixty-five
men were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who found
them empty, though thirty Indians could have stood against
two hundred soldiers since the castles were constructed of
plank five inches thick, nine feet high, and braced around
with thick balk full of port-holes. Our people burnt two,
reserving the third for a retreat. Marching eight or nine
leagues further, they discovered nothing but some huts, which
they could not surprize as they were discovered. They came
back having killed only one or two Indians, taken some women
and children prisoners and burnt much corn. Meanwhile we
were advised that Pennewitz,<1> one of the oldest and most
experienced Indians in the country, and who in the first
conspiracy had given the most dangerous advice--to wit, that
they should wait and not attack the Dutch until all suspicion
had been lulled, and then divide themselves equally through
the houses of the Christians and slaughter all these in one
night--was secretly waging war against us with his tribe,
who killed some of our people and set fire to the houses. It
was therefore resolved to send thither a troop of one hundred
and twenty men. The burghers under their company, the English
under the Sergeant Major Van der Hyl<2> (who within a few days
had offered his services and was accepted), the veteran
soldiers under Pieter Cock, all under the command of Mr. La
Montagne, proceed hence in three yachts, land in Scouts Bay
on Long Island,<3> and march towards Heemstede<4> (where there
is an English colony dependent on us.) Some sent forward in
advance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a spy.
Our force was divided into two divisions--Van der Hil with
fourteen English towards the smallest, and eighty men towards
the largest village named Matsepe,<5> both which were very
successful, killing about one hundred and twenty men; of ours
one man remained on the field and three were wounded.
<1> Chief of the Canarsee tribe, in western Long Island.
<2> John Underhill, whose unctuous piety and profligate life
have an important place in Winthrop and other New England
historians. With Captain John Mason he had the leading part
in the crushing of the Pequots in 1637. Banished from
Massachusetts and restored, this amusing reprobate had gone
to the Dutch, "having good offers made him by the Dutch governor
(he speaking the Dutch tongue and his wife a Dutch woman)," but
had now settled at Stamford. Later he lived at Flushing and at
Oyster Bay, where he died in 1672.
<3> Now called Manhasset Bay.
<4> Now Hempstead, Long Island, where early in 1644 Robert
Fordham and other English from Stamford had formed a colony
under New Netherland jurisdiction.
<5> Mespath, now Newtown, Long Island.
<6> Stamford.
Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt. Van der
Hil was despatched to Stantfort,<1> to get some information
there of the Indians. He reported that the guide who had
formerly served us, and was supposed to have gone astray in
the night, had now been in great danger of his life among the
Indians, of whom there were about five hundred together. He
offered to lead us there, to shew that the former mischance
was not his fault. One hundred and thirty men were accordingly
despatched under the aforesaid Genl Van der Hil and Hendrick
van Dyck, ensign. They embarked in three yachts, and landed at
Greenwich, where they were obliged to pass the night by reason
of the great snow and storm. In the morning they marched
northwest up over stony hills over which some must creep. In
the evening about eight o'clock they came within a league of
the Indians, and inasmuch as they should have arrived too
early and had to cross two rivers, one of two hundred feet
wide and three deep, and that the men could not afterwards there
rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to remain
there until about ten o'clock. The order was given as to the
mode to be observed in attacking the Indians--they marched
forward towards the houses, the latter being set up in three
rows, street fashion, each row eighty paces long, in a low
recess protected by the hills, affording much shelter from the
northwest wind. The moon was then at the full, and threw a
strong light against the hills so that many winter days were
not brighter than it then was. On arriving there the Indians
were wide awake, and on their guard, so that ours determined
to charge and surround the houses, sword in hand. They demeaned
themselves as soldiers and deployed in small bands, so that we
got in a short time one dead and twelve wounded. They were also
so hard pressed that it was impossible for one to escape. In a
brief space of time there were counted one hundred and eighty
dead outside the houses. Presently none durst come forth,
keeping within the houses, discharging arrows through the holes.
The general perceived that nothing else was to be done, and
resolved with Sergeant Major Van der Hil, to set the huts on
fire, whereupon the Indians tried every means of escape, not
succeeding in which they returned back to the flames preferring
to perish by the fire than to die by our hands. What was most
wonderful is, that among this vast collection of men, women and
children not one was heard to cry or to scream. According to
the report of the Indians themselves the number then destroyed
exceeded five hundred. Some say, full seven hundred, among
whom were also twenty-five Wappingers, our God having collected
together there the greater number of our enemies, to celebrate
one of their festivals in their manner, from which escaped no
more than eight men in all, and three of them were severely
wounded.
The fight ended, several fires were built in consequence of
the great cold. The wounded, fifteen in number, among whom
was the general, were dressed, and the sentinels being posted
the troops bivouacked there for the remainder of the night. On
the next day, the party set out very early in good order, so
as to arrive at Stantfort in the evening. They marched with
great courage over that wearisome range of hills, God affording
extraordinary strength to the wounded, some of whom were badly
hurt; and came in the afternoon to Stantfort after a march of
two days and one night and little rest. The English received
our people in a very friendly manner, affording them every
comfort. In two days they reached here. A thanksgiving was
proclaimed on their arrival.
[The remainder is wanting.]
<1> Stamford.