Among other Greek philosophers who speculated on astronomy, Dante

mentions Thales[111] and Pythagoras. The date when the latter

flourished he takes (he tells us) from Livy, and his theory that the

Universe is governed by the principle of number from Aristotle’s first

book of Metaphysics. The astronomical theories of his school are also

doubtless taken from Aristotle. Dante tells the story of Pythagoras

that he was the first man to be called “philosopher,” because when

asked if he considered himself a wise man, he replied, “No, but only

a lover of wisdom.”[112] Dionysius the Academician and Socrates are

referred to for their opinions on the influence of the stars upon

human souls;[113] and Anaxagoras and Democritus for their galactic

theories,[114] which Dante obtained from Albertus Magnus.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[111] _Conv._ III. xi. 39; _Inf._ iv. 137.

[112] _Conv._ III. xi. 22-33; II. xiv. 144-147; III. v. 29-44; III. xi.

41-47.

[113] _Conv._ II. xiv. 34, 35.

[114] _Conv._ II. xv. 56.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Except for Alfraganus, Dante refers but seldom to Arab astronomers.

He does not seem to have known Albategnius. The _De Substantia Orbis_

of Averroës is quoted in the _Quæstio de Aqua et Terra_,[115] and it

is possible that from this book Dante derived a theory about the moon

which he expounds in the _Convivio_. He quotes Alpetragius on circular

existence (dependent on the spheres),[116] Avicenna on the Galaxy, and

again with Algazel on the influence of the spheres,[117] and Albumassar

on meteors.[118] The quotation from the latter, however, is second-hand

from Albertus Magnus, and is a mistake, for the passage is not to be

found in that astronomer’s works. He was born in Turkestan, in 805.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[115] _Qu._ xviii. 38, 39.

[116] _Conv._ III. ii. 37.

[117] _Conv._ II. xv. 77, II. xiv. 32.

[118] _Conv._ II. xiv. 170-174.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

We may here remind our readers that the three Latin poets, Virgil,

Ovid, and Lucan, were among the world’s five greatest poets met by

Dante in Limbo; that next to Aristotle among the philosophers stood

Socrates and Plato, and near these were Democritus, Anaxagoras, and

Thales, Cicero and Seneca, Ptolemy, Avicenna and Averroës.[119]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[119] _Inf._ iv. 80, 81, 90, 131-144.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Among Christian writers, Dante may have gathered some information about

ancient Greek speculations from St. Augustine and Peter Lombard; and

Orosius, the Spanish friend of Augustine, was his chief authority for

that geographical system which, in connection with astronomy, plays

an important part in the time-indications of the _Divina Commedia_.

Orosius had a great reputation among geographers and map-makers.

He had travelled much between Spain, Africa, and Palestine, and he

devotes a chapter to describing the different parts of the earth in his

history _Adversus Paganos_, which he wrote to prove that Christianity

had not injured but benefitted the countries in which it had been

accepted. This fifth century geography seems to have been largely based

on the first-century geography of Strabo, who quotes Eratosthenes,

Posidonius, and Hipparchus among his authorities. Orosius states that

the land is entirely surrounded by Ocean, and is divided into three

continents—Asia, with the mouths of Ganges in the middle of its eastern

coast, Europe stretching vaguely very far to the north-east, and Africa

a narrow and long strip from east to west between the Mediterranean and

the southern ocean. This chapter is quoted in _De Mon._ II. iii. 87-90

and _Qu._ xix. 43; and Orosius is almost certainly “quell’ avocato dei

tempi cristiani,”[120] seen by Dante among the learned doctors in the

Heaven of the Sun.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[120] “The advocate of the Christian centuries.” (_Par._ x. 199).

Orosius is also mentioned by name in _Conv._ III. xi. 27; _V. E._ II.

vi. 84; and _De Mon._ II. ix. 26.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The speaker who points him out in these words also mentions his own

name and that of the spirit nearest to him:—

“Questi che m’è a destro più vicino

Frate e maestro fummi, ed esso Alberto

È di Cologna, ed io Thomas d’Aquino.”[121]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[121]

“He who is nearest to me on the right

My brother and master was, and he Albertus

Is of Cologne, I Thomas of Aquinum.”

(_Par._ x. 97-99).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

These two, so near in heaven, had been close companions on earth. The

youthful Thomas, son of Count d’Aquino in southern Italy, after six

years’ study at the University of Naples joined the Dominican Order,

and went to Cologne to learn from Albert, who was also of noble

family but born in Suabia on the Danube. Together they went to Paris,

together returned to Cologne, but after six more years there their

paths separated: Albert rose to be Bishop of Ratisbon; Aquinas, after

lecturing in Paris, Rome, and Bologna, became a professor at Naples,

and died in Italy in 1274. His master survived him by six years, dying

at Cologne at the advanced age of eighty-seven in 1280.[122]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[122] Toynbee, _Dante Dictionary_; the source also of many other

details given in this chapter.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

These two are in the foremost rank among authors of his own time who

influenced Dante. He quotes both writers and several of their books by

name,[123] and though he never mentions it he was very familiar with

the _Summa Theologica_ of Aquinas. To the works of these famous authors

he was frequently indebted for astronomical facts, theories, and

history, as already noted. Besides this, his reverence for Aristotle,

his belief in the essential harmony between religion and science, and

his whole attitude towards knowledge, are greatly due to the influence

of St. Thomas and his “brother and master,” Albert of Cologne.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[123] Albert in _Conv._ III. v. 113-115, vii. 26-28; IV. xxiii. 125-6;

Aquinas in _Conv._ II. xv. 125-6; IV. viii. 3-6, xv. 125-130, xxx.

26-30; _De Mon._ II. iv. 5-8; and see _Purg._ xx. 69.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

There are also three of Dante’s own fellow-countrymen and

contemporaries whose books he is most likely to have read, although he

does not mention them:—Brunetto Latini the Florentine, Cecco d’ Ascoli,

professor at Bologna, and Ristoro the monk of Arezzo.

Brunetto Latini is only mentioned once in Dante’s works, besides the

passage in the _Inferno_ already referred to. In the _De Vulgari

Eloquentia_ Brunetus Florentinus is mentioned with admiration as a

distinguished man of letters, but blamed with other Tuscans for writing

in his own local dialect.[124] Brunetto, who was born in Florence

about 1210, was sent on an embassy in 1260 to Alfonso X. of Castile,

the learned king under whose guidance the famous astronomical Tables

had been drawn up. But on his way back to Florence he was met by the

news that the Florentine Guelphs had been defeated at the disastrous

battle of Montaperti,[125] and expelled from Florence; and as he

belonged to this party he took refuge in France, first at Montpellier

and afterwards in Paris. When the Guelphs had regained the ascendancy

through their victory at Benevento in 1266 (where Manfred lost his

life),[126] Brunetto returned to Florence, and his name subsequently

appears in no less than thirty-five public documents as having been

consulted by the government of his native city on various important

matters. For the most part, moreover, it is recorded that his advice

was followed. He died at a venerable old age in Florence in 1294, and

was buried in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[124] _V. E._, I. xiii. 1-11.

[125] _Inf._, xxxii. 81, and x. 85, 86.

[126] _Purg._, iii. 112-129.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It was while exiled in France that Brunetto wrote the Italian poem

_Il Tesoretto_, in which he represents himself as a pilgrim on

an allegorical journey; and from this Dante perhaps derived some

suggestions for his Vision. The poem is incomplete, and breaks off

at a tantalizing point, for Brunetto has just met Ptolemy on Mount

Olympus, and has put a question to him: Ptolemy “rispose in questa

guisa”[127]—and here the poem ends!

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[127] “Replied after this fashion.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

In France also he wrote _Li Louvres dou Trésor_, a great compendium of

learning, in French prose. The first part treats of the Creation and

Biblical history, and of the natural sciences; the second of ethics,

rhetoric, and politics. In the section on astronomy which is included

in the first part, Brunetto gives a very brief account of Ptolemy’s

system, and the sizes and distances of the heavenly bodies as estimated

by the Arabs: it seems to be based chiefly on Alfraganus. But beside

the periods of the planets he adds in each case their astrological

properties, as for instance:—

“Saturnus, qui est le souverain sor tous, est cruex

et felons et de froide nature ... Jupiter ... ast

dous et piteus et plains de biens.... Mars et chaus

et bataillereus, et mauvais, et est apelez Diex de

batailles.”[128]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[128] _Li Louvres dou Trésor_, Chabaille, Paris 1863.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

When speaking of the two principal movements of the skies, he quotes

a curious old idea which had been mentioned by Isidore of Seville,

that they are in contrary directions because the tremendous speed of

the diurnal motion would shake the whole universe to pieces if it were

not that the seven planets go as it were to meet it, and soften its

vehemence:—

“Li firmamenz court de orient en occident entre

jor et nuit une fois, si roidement et si fort

que sa pesanteur et so grandor la feroient tout

tressaillir, se ne fussent les VII. planetes qui

vont aussi comme a l’encontre dou firmament, et

atemprent son cours selonc son erre.”[129]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[129] _Ibid._

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The _Acerba_ of Cecco d’Ascoli was another encyclopædic work, but in

Italian verse. It was very much the fashion in those days to undertake

a compilation of all kinds of knowledge, and this was doubtless very

useful when few books could be owned by any single reader. Cecco had a

considerable knowledge of natural science, and astrology was of great

importance in his eyes. Though Dante never mentions him or his work,

he can hardly have been ignorant of it, especially as he himself is

mentioned in it.

Nor does he mention Ristoro of Arezzo, yet we find many ideas and

expressions in Dante’s writings which are also in the _Composizione del

Mondo_. Even if he did not borrow from it, the book is worth study by

anyone interested in the popular astronomy of the thirteenth century.

We learn from the author that he wrote his book in Arezzo, finishing it

in the year 1282, that is about thirty years before Dante’s _Convivio_

appeared. The opening words run:—

“Incominiciasi il libro della Composizione del

Mondo colle sue cagioni: composto da Ristoro di

Arezzo in quella nobilissima città ... etc.”[130]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[130] “Here beginneth the book of the _Composition of the World

together with its Causes_: written by Ristoro of Arezzo in that most

noble city.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

and the closing words are:—

“Compiuto e questo libro sotto li anni di Cristo

nel mille dugento ottantadue. Ridolfo imperadore

aletto. Martino quarto papa residente. Amen.”[131]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[131] “Here endeth this book, in the year of our Lord one thousand

two hundred and eighty-two. Rudolph Emperor at this date. Martin IV.

resident Pope.” Amen.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

We learn further that he was a monk and a native of Arezzo in an

interesting passage where he describes a total eclipse of the sun seen

by himself from his monastery: the sky was very clear, and it must

have been a specially dark eclipse, for besides Mercury he saw many

stars; totality lasted for as long as a man could easily walk 250

steps; there was a feeling of chill, and birds and wild animals were so

frightened that they allowed themselves to be caught. Fra Ristoro made

a calculation and found that on that day sun and moon were in the same

position in the sky. It was perhaps this event which induced him to

study astronomy.

The extent and depth of Ristoro’s reading evidently bore no comparison

to Dante’s, but he was able to sit writing in his quiet cell, day after

day, and had such books as he wanted at hand. The monastery seems

to have been furnished with astronomical tables, a celestial globe,

and the books of Alfraganus and other Arab writers. All these he had

studied, and he was something of an observer too. Alfraganus must have

been always at his elbow when writing, for he turns to it constantly,

quoting (unlike Dante) the chapter referred to:—

“Alfragano pose nell’ ottavo capitolo;” “è

testimonio l’Alfragano nelli venti e due capitoli

del suo libro;”[132]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[132] “Alfraganus said in the 8th chapter”; “Alfraganus bears witness

in the 22nd chapter of his book.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

one chapter is avowedly taken whole from Alfraganus, and where the

opinions of “il grande Tolommeo”[133] are quoted they are evidently

copied from the same source. Other Arab writers are quoted once or

twice, for instance, Albumassar,

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[133] “The famous Ptolemy.”

“il quale fu altissimo maestro d’astrologia,”[134]

[134] “Who was a very great teacher of astrology.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

and several lines are copied from a Latin translation of Algazel,[135]

giving some astrological jargon about the twelve zodiacal signs.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[135] “An Arabian philosopher of Baghdad, 1058-1111.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

We have already quoted from Ristoro’s preface, showing the high

opinion he held of astronomy. But it is disappointing to find that the

greatest part of his book is devoted to the “cagioni,” that is, to

purely fanciful “reasons,” for all the facts and fallacies concerning

nature which he has here brought together.

He gravely argues about the constellation figures as if they were real

pictures of animals and things pricked out by nature in stars on the

vault of heaven, and not a human convention. He notes their paucity in

the southern hemisphere, and that nearly all have their heads towards

the north, and from this he draws the conclusion that the northern part

of the sky is the nobler, for we can see it is the upper side, just as

we know the top side of a book by the position of its letters.

It is for this reason, he thinks, that only the northern hemisphere of

the earth contains land and is inhabited. Some, especially the great

Averroës, had indeed held that there is inhabited land south of the

equator, because the sun goes there. But this is because his movements

of recession and approach are necessary to produce the seasons, and

hence the growth of plant life, in the north. The constellations are

upside down for the south, so they can have no effect there, therefore,

there are no animals there (since every race of animals is under the

protection of a constellation); therefore no plants, since they exist

for animals, and therefore, Ristoro concludes his chain of argument

triumphantly, there are no men, and no lands, for land without life

would be useless.

Ristoro reproduces Alfraganus’ description of the sun’s movements as

seen in different latitudes, quotes him as saying that the equatoral

regions are inhabited, and Avicenna that the temperature there is

equable because days and nights are always equal. The city Arym which

is exactly on the equator has a perfect climate, and as it has two

summers and two winters there are two harvests; moreover, all the stars

in the sky are visible at the equator; therefore, the best astronomers,

and the wisest and richest men, ought to live there, says Ristoro. When

writing thus, he seems to have had before him one of the “climate maps”

which were common in Europe in the eleventh and following centuries,

having been introduced by Arab cartographers, who adopted the idea from

Greek maps. For he goes on to point out that the first “climate” is

much the longest, and that the others diminish gradually towards the

pole, all the “terra scoperta”[136] being thus contained in one quarter

of the earth, and having the shape of the moon when we see it half

full.[137]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[136] “The uncovered earth,” _i.e._ not hidden under the ocean.

[137] Bk. VI. cap. xi.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[Illustration: Fig. 38. The half-moon shape of the habitable earth.

(Ristoro).

There is nothing but sea south of the equator, and

the habitable earth lies wholly in one half of the

northern hemisphere, the other half being sea. The

habitable earth, therefore, is the same shape as

the half-moon, _i.e._ a quarter sphere.]

The accompanying climate map shows all these features, the famous

city Arym—occupying nearly half the space, although it is supposed to

be merely on the equator—the seven climates, and the region beyond the

seventh, near the north pole, marked as uninhabitable through the cold.

The half-moon shape of Earth’s habitable quarter is obvious. The map

betrays Arab influence in the orientation, the south being at the top;

and Arym, or Aren, was an Arab myth, perhaps derived from the Mount

Meru of the Hindus, which is said in the Vedas to be “in the middle of

the earth.”

According to Ristoro, the positions of the constellation figures do

not only explain why one hemisphere of earth has land and the other

none; they also explain the movements of the skies. For the figures

of the zodiac face west (those that have faces), and this is why the

diurnal movement of the whole heaven is towards the west, so that the

constellations may move straightforward, in the natural way. On the

other hand, the planets move in the opposite direction because it would

not be seemly for them to pass each figure of the zodiac arriving first

at the back and moving on to the head. This is the true reason of the

contrary direction of the two principal celestial movements. Ristoro

does not approve of the solution quoted by Brunetto Latini. He adds

that the width of the zodiac was designed to contain the figures of the

animals!

After this, we are not surprised to hear that the red colour of the

planet Mars is the cause of its martial nature (not the reason for

which such a nature is attributed to it). The markings on the moon

Ristoro explains by saying that some body must exist in the World

which is neither polished and shining all over, like the stars, nor

altogether rugged and dark, as the earth was supposed to be, but

partaking of both natures; and this body must be the moon, because of

her intermediate position between the earth and the nearest of the

other planets (Mercury).

[Illustration: CLIMATE MAP, OF ABOUT A.D. 1110. [_To face p. 248._

_Reproduced by permission from Beazley’s “Dawn of Modern Geography.”_]

Of the influence of the heavens on the earth Ristoro has very much to

say, from general statements such as that the spheres impress their

influence on things of Earth, just as a seal impresses wax, down to

details about the births of horses. If the moon is strong in Aries,

and Aries is powerful, then, because the moon signifies white among

the colours and Aries signifies the head, the horse will be born

with a white mark on its head, and if the influence is very strong

it will be a beautifully-shaped mark. Again and again he tells us

about the various properties and “virtues” of the seven planets, but

he does not omit to mention that the powers which move the planets

and cause them to influence Earth are spirits, which we call Angels,

and the philosophers call Intelligences. These have their several

dwelling-places in the spheres, and the nobler their nature the higher

is the sphere which they inhabit.

From these quotations the reader may judge of the general trend of the

eight books comprised in _La Composizione del Mondo colle sue Cagioni_:

we shall have occasion to refer to it again, by way of comparison and

contrast, when dealing with Dante’s works in detail.

It is rather curious that there is no trace in Dante’s writings of

acquaintance with the great Roger Bacon, or with Sacrobosco, especially

as Brunetto Latini knew the former personally, and Cecco d’Ascoli

wrote a commentary on the latter, but Dante may have known them, and

also the works of Isidore and Bede, who are both mentioned in _Par._,

x. 131, as well as other books which are now completely lost. Those we

have described above would, however, be enough to supply him with all

the astronomical data, except one, which we find in his writings. It is

now time to examine these, and see what use he made in literature of

the knowledge he possessed.

_IV. ASTRONOMY IN DANTE’S WRITINGS._

ASTRONOMY IN DANTE’S WRITINGS.

If we except the seven _Penitential Psalms_ and the _Profession of

Faith_, which are only paraphrases, and are very doubtfully ascribed

to Dante, no work of his can be mentioned which does not contain some

reference to the heavenly bodies.

When writing the _Vita Nuova_, that story of his love for Beatrice

which he calls the work of his boyhood,[138] he was haunted by the

sublime idea of the rolling spheres. Beatrice at her first appearance

as a little girl of eight, and Beatrice when she died, suggested

thoughts of the nine heavens;[139] almost the first words of the book

allude to the circling spheres of the sun and of the stars:[140] and

the last sonnet soars beyond them all to the Empyrean.[141] Already he

seems to have read Alfraganus, for he takes a suggestion which occurs

in the first chapter of the _Elementa Astronomica et Chronologica_.

Alfraganus there describes the different methods of reckoning days,

months, and years, in use among different nations, and gives a special

list of the Syrian months with their corresponding Roman months; and

Dante, by using the Arabian system of days and the Syrian months, is

able to prove to himself that the day and the month when Beatrice died

were both at the sacred number of nine.[142] According to our method of

reckoning, the time was sunset on the eighth of June, but this was the

first hour of the ninth day according to Arabian usage, and our sixth

month corresponds with the ninth of the Syrians.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[138] _Conv._ I. i. 125, 126. Compare _Conv._ IV. xxiv. 1-13.

[139] _V. N._ ii. 9-12, xxx. 13-24.

[140] _V. N._ ii. 1-12.

[141] _V. N._ xlii. 47.

[142] _V. N._ xxx. 1-6.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dante had also read at this time Aristotle’s doctrines about the

spheres and their Movers, for he quotes from the _Metaphysics_,[143]

and this is the work in which they are found.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[143] _V. N._ xlii. 30.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Yet a familiarity with Alfraganus and Aristotle so early as this is

hardly consistent with the difficulty he says he found in understanding

Latin books of philosophy some time after the death of Beatrice.[144]

Perhaps the latter part of the _Vita Nuova_ was written a good deal

later; or it may be not altogether frivolous to suggest that in his

youth Dante had read the first chapters of Alfraganus, which are easy,

but did not master the rest of the book till later.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[144] _Conv._ II. xiii. 22-26.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Out of his fifty-three short poems (including all in Moore’s Oxford

Edition, except those which form part of the _Vita Nuova_ or

_Convivio_), twelve, or nearly a quarter, contain some reference to

sun, moon, or stars, planets, or spheres; and from these alone we could

form some idea of Dante’s acquaintance with astronomy. He speaks of

the sun as measuring time,[145] and giving light to the stars[146]

(according to the general belief); the moon[147] and each of the

planets[148] is mentioned, some of the constellations also,[149]

especially with reference to the seasons; the theory of the several

heavens and their First Mover,[150] and the supposed influences of the

stars and planets are alluded to.[151] These poems were written at

different times, and some belong to a much later period than the _Vita

Nuova_.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[145] _Son._ xxxvi. 2; _Canz._ xx. 89.

[146] _Canz._ xix. 117; _Canz._ ix. 16, 17.

[147] _Canz._ xx. 89; _Son._ xxviii. 11.

[148] _Son._ xxviii.; _Canz._ xv. 4, 7.

[149] _Canz._ xv. 3, 29, 41.

[150] _Son._ xxviii. 2.

[151] _Son._ xxviii. _Canz._ xix. 77, _Ball._ vi. 11, 12, _Canz._ xv.

41., _Son._ xxvi. 14.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It is when we come to examine the _Convivio_, the work of his

manhood,[152] that we find the clearest evidence of Dante’s careful

study of astronomy. This book was written with the professed intention

(as one of its aims) of sharing with others the learning he had been

happy enough to acquire—not indeed as one of the guests at the Table

of Wisdom, but as one sitting at their feet and gathering up the

crumbs.[153] The thread which connects his discourse is a collection

of his own Odes, on each of which he had intended to write a treatise

or commentary, but the book never advanced beyond the fourth treatise.

These Odes were nearly all love-poems, but the poet explains that

they are a figurative expression of his devotion to Philosophy, and

the whole book is a glorification of the pursuit of knowledge. In the

opening sentences, with the reference to Aristotle, the manner of

reasoning, the assumptions of our innate desire for absolute knowledge

and the bliss brought by its attainment, Dante is the spokesman of his

period.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[152] _Conv._ I. i. 111-113 and 125-127.

[153] _Conv._ I. i. 67-86.

“Siccome dice il Filosofo nel principio della

_Prima Filosofia_, Tutti gli uomini naturalmente

desideranno di sapere: La ragione di che puote

essere, che ciascuna cosa, da providenza di

propria natura impinta, è inclinabile alla sua

perfezione. Onde, acciochè la scienza è l’ultima

perfezione della nostra anima, nella quale sta la

nostra ultima felicità, tutti naturalmente al suo

desiderio siamo soggetti.”[154]

[154] “As the Philosopher says at the beginning of the _First

Philosophy_, ‘All men naturally desire to have knowledge.’ The reason

of this may be that everything, being impelled by foresight belonging

to its own nature, tends to seek its own perfection. Wherefore inasmuch

as knowledge is the final perfection of our soul in which our final

happiness consists, all men are naturally subject to the desire for

it.” _Conv._ I. i. 1-11.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

And from a study of the _Convivio_ we may learn much of the authors

most esteemed, the methods of study pursued, and the results obtained,

by thirteenth-century scholars seeking to gain the ultimate perfection

of the soul.

Astronomy is frequently introduced, especially in the second and third

treatises. The Ode which forms the text of the second treatise is

that which is quoted by Charles of Hungary in _Par._ viii. 37—“Voi

che intendendo il terzo ciel movete,”[155] and it gives Dante the

occasion to speak first of the heaven of Venus, explaining Ptolemy’s

system of epicycles, and later of all the heavens in their order, and

the celestial bodies contained in them. The ode of the third treatise

contains the line “Non vede il Sol, che tutto il mondo gira ...”[156]

and upon this he hangs a complete little essay describing the movements

of the sun, and how they appear from different parts of the earth, as

well as a short dissertation on the question whether it is Sun or Earth

which actually moves.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[155] “Oh ye whose intellectual ministry

Moves the third heaven.”—_Carey._

[156] “The sun sees not, though circling all the world.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Latin works, _De Monarchia_, _De Vulgari Eloquentia_, the

_Eclogues_, and the _Letters_, do not give much scope for astronomical

references; yet there are many similes drawn especially from the sun

and moon, and the thought of the spheres as instruments of God’s Will

in bringing about events on earth is constantly recurring. In the

curious work _Quæstio de Aqua et Terra_, Dante argues learnedly about

the spheres, the orbit of the moon, and her effect on the tides, and

the influences of the stars. The book purports to have been written at

Verona in 1320 as the outcome of a discussion in which Dante had taken

part as to the respective heights of land and ocean, a problem which

had been dealt with by Ristoro d’ Arezzo some forty years earlier. Its

authenticity has been questioned, partly under the mistaken idea that

facts such as gravity, the spherical form of Earth, and the connection

of tides with the moon were not known until much later; but as a matter

of fact the discussion is quite in the manner of Dante’s day, and no

facts or theories are put forward which he could not have learned

from books with which we believe he was acquainted.[157] The internal

evidence of his authorship is strong, and belief in it seems to be

gaining ground among experts.[158]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[157] The spherical form of Earth, and the action of gravity at the

earth’s surface, were commonplaces with the Greeks, as we have seen

in Part I. of this book. Posidonius, Strabo, and other classical

writers speak of the tides as following the revolution of the heavens,

and having periods similar to those of the moon; Albertus Magnus and

Aquinas ascribe them to the influence of the moon, and so does Dante

himself in _Par._ xvi. 83.

[158] See Moore, _Studies in Dante_, II. “The Genuineness of the

_Quæstio de Aqua et Terra_,” for a complete discussion of the question.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Finally, the _Divine Comedy_, the work of Dante’s maturity, which took

him so many years to write, and for which he had studied ever since he

closed the _Vita Nuova_ with the resolve to write more worthily one day

of Beatrice,[159] focuses in one unique and finished work the thoughts

and ideals, the knowledge and fancies, of the poet and his age. The

subject of the poem, taken in its literal sense, is cosmical, for it

describes a journey in which the author penetrates to the centre of

the universe, and passes from planet to planet until he reaches the

outermost sphere. Moreover, the journey is assumed to take a definite

space of time, and the passing of the hours by day and by night is

indicated by the successive positions of sun or stars, and the phases

and movements of the moon. The _Divine Comedy_ contains more than twice

as many allusions to the heavenly bodies as all the other works of

Dante put together.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[159] _V. N._ xliii. 3-7.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

But we must discriminate in drawing conclusions from these

astronomical references so freely distributed in all Dante’s writings.

If he wrote the _Quæstio_, it is his only professedly scientific

work, written for scientific men, and astronomy is only brought in

incidentally. The _Convivio_, in which astronomical facts and theories

are set forth in much greater detail and fulness than elsewhere, was

a popular work meant for those who had no inclination, or else no

opportunity, for prolonged serious studies. We expect, therefore, that

technical details will be avoided. Still more will they be omitted in

the _Divine Comedy_ and other poetical works, where difficult problems

and pedantical accuracy would be most unsuitable. We can _infer_ the

knowledge which lay in Dante’s mind, behind his popular use of it in

literature; and we can often find an explanation in the prose of the

_Convivio_ for a slight allusion in the poetical works; but we must

not deal with any as if they were text-books, and set forth precisely

and completely all that Dante knew of his favourite science. It is

the poet’s artistic use of the astronomy of his day which merits our

admiration quite as much as the scholar’s proficiency.

This being premised, we may now proceed to quote from his works,

showing how he has dealt with first the facts, and secondly the

theories, of astronomy. Finally we shall be able to form a clear mental

picture of the universe as it was believed to exist by Dante, and not

only by his contemporaries but by his successors for many generations.

_V. OBSERVATIONAL ASTRONOMY._

“The heavens declare the glory of God; and the

firmament sheweth His handy-work. Day unto day

uttereth speech, and night unto night sheweth

knowledge. There is no speech nor language where

their voice is not heard. Their line is gone out

through all the earth, and their words to the end

of the world. In them hath he set a tabernacle for

the sun; which is as a bridegroom coming out of his

chamber, and rejoiceth as a strong man to run a

race.”

1. MOVEMENTS OF THE MOON.

Of all the seven sciences of the Trivium and Quadrivium, Astronomy,

Dante thought, was the noblest, and for two reasons. Aristotle had said

that a science is noble in proportion to the nobility of its subject,

and the certainty of its conclusions; and in both of these Astronomy

excels. Its subject is the Movement of the Heavens, and its certainty

is perfect. “E nobile e alta per nobile e alto suggetto, ch’è del

movimento del cielo: è alta e nobile per la sua certezza, la quale è

senza ogni difetto.”[160] If astronomers are sometimes mistaken, the

fault lies in them, as Ptolemy said, and not in the science.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[160] _Conv._ II. xiv. 244-217. “It is noble and lofty because of its

noble and lofty subject, which is the movement of the heavens; it is

lofty and noble because of its certainty, which is without flaw.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

This quotation from Ptolemy is from his book on “judicial

astronomy,”[161] and it may be that Dante was partly thinking of

astrological predictions, as he almost certainly was in the passage

that follows, where he adds that astronomy takes a long time to

learn, not only because of its great range, but because experience is

necessary to form a correct judgment. Nevertheless, it is probable that

by its flawless certainty he meant that unchanging laws govern the

celestial phenomena, so that they may always be predicted without error

when the laws are known.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[161] See p. 156.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

His definition of astronomy was accurate, for it was not until the

middle of the nineteenth century that physical astronomy began to take

its place beside the old “astronomy of position,” and in Dante’s day

practically the only subject open to research concerning the heavenly

bodies was their movements. Of these, and especially the “prime motion”

of the diurnal revolution, he was vividly conscious. His favourite name

for the heavens is “wheels”—“le ruote magne,” “eterne ruote,” “stellate

ruote”;[162] and he often refers to them as a standard of motion. Thus

when with Beatrice he was rapt from the summit of Mount Purgatory, to

express the swiftness of their flight he says it was almost as rapid

as the movement of the sky—“veloci, quasi come il ciel vedete.”[163]

Constantine moving the capital of the Roman Empire eastwards is

described as turning the Roman Eagle contrary to the course of the

sky—“contra il corso del ciel,”[164] and the sky itself is described as

a sphere which is ceaselessly at play like a lively child:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[162] “The great wheels,” “eternal wheels,” “starry wheels.”

[163] “Swift, almost as the heaven ye behold.” _Par._ ii. 21.

[164] “Against the course of the sky.” _Par._ vi. 2.

... “la spera,

Che sempre a guisa di fanciullo scherza.”[165]

[165] ... “That sphere,

Which aye in fashion of a child is playing.”

_Purg._ xv. 2, 3. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

To Dante, as to the Greeks, it is not the unusual or startling that

appeals, but the unfailing harmony of the regular celestial movements.

Comets he mentions only twice, and shooting stars twice, eclipses seven

times; but there are scores of allusions to the rhythmical progression

of Sun and stars, Moon and planets. The skies were familiar to him

in all their daily aspects—sunset and dawn and radiant noons; cloudy

nights “sotto pover cielo,”[166] brilliant starlit nights, nights of

clear moonlight. He had seen the stars fade one by one, till at last

even the brightest vanished in the glow of dawn:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[166] “Under a poor sky.” _Purg._ xvi. 2.

“E come vien la chiarissima ancella

Del sol più oltre, così il ciel sì chiude

Di vista in vista, infino alla più bella.”[167]

[167] “And as advances, bright exceedingly,

The handmaid of the sun, the heaven is closed,

Light after light, to the most beautiful.”

_Par._ xxx. 7-9. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

he had watched for their first appearance in the evening twilight:—

“E sì come al salir di prima sera

Comincian per lo ciel nuove parvenze,

Sì che la vista pare e non par vera....”[168]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[168] “As at evening hour

Of twilight, new appearances through heaven

Peer with faint glimmer, doubtfully descried.”

_Par._ xiv. 70-72. (_Carey_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Numberless other passages and expressions will occur to every Dante

reader, proving how keenly he felt the beauty of the skies.

But they prove more than this. Other authors have felt and have

described poetically the beauties of the skies, but they often remember

imperfectly what they saw, or draw upon their imagination without any

knowledge of the celestial movements, and so fall into absurd mistakes.

The moon especially is a stumbling-block, and it is quite a rare thing

for a modern novelist to introduce one without making it do something

impossible. A new moon will rise at midnight, or a waning moon at

sunset; she has even been known to rise and then to set in the dark

hours of one short midsummer night;[169] and a well known author sees

her in two phases at the same moment: “the full moon rose, yellow _and

gibbous_!”[170]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[169] In Kenneth Grahame’s delightful book, full of sympathy with

Nature, _The Wind in the Willows_. The moon rose when it was “past ten

o’clock,” and “sank earthwards reluctantly and left them” before dawn.

[170] H. G. Wells, _The Time Machine_.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dante’s moon does indeed give us a little trouble once or twice, but

he never makes flagrant mistakes of this kind. His consistency and

truth of description prove his knowledge of astronomy, and also imply

intelligent thoughtful watching of the celestial movements; for it

is notorious that book-knowledge, if unassisted by acquaintance at

first-hand with the facts of a subject like astronomy, will not save a

writer from glaring inaccuracies.

His allusions to the motions of the moon, both diurnal and monthly,

show plainly that he understood them well. His new moon appears in

the evening, his waning moon rises late at night and sets in morning

sunshine,[171] and his full moon comes on the meridian at midnight, for

when he wishes to describe her at her brightest, as a comparison with a

very brilliant light, he places her in a clear sky at midnight in her

mid-month.[172] In the middle of a lunar month the moon is full, and

being exactly opposite the sun will reach the meridian at midnight:

this therefore is the time when she gives all the light she possibly

can. In the _Quæstio_[173] Dante mentions that the moon does not move

in the celestial equator, but sometimes north of it, and sometimes an

equal amount south; in the _Convivio_ he indicates the length of her

period, and briefly describes her phases and their cause—“Ora luce da

un lato, e ora luce dall’ altro, secondo che ’l sole la vede.”[174]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[171] _Inf._ xv. 18, 19; _Purg._ xviii. 76-81; _Purg._ x. 14, 15, _Cf._

ix. 44.

[172] _Purg._ xxix. 53, 54.

[173] _Qu._ xx. 61-63.

[174] “Now she shines on one side, and now on the other, according to

the way the sun looks upon her.” _Conv._ II. xiv. 77-79.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Her position in the zodiac is mentioned several times. In one passage

he indicates a very brief space of time in the following curious way:—

“Quando ambo e due i figli di Latona,

Coperti del Montone e della Libra,

Fanno dell’ orizzonte insieme zona,

Quant’ è dal punto che il zenit inlibra.

Infin che l’uno e l’altro da quel cinto,

Cambiando l’emisperio, si dilibra,

Tanto, col volto di riso dipinto,

Si tacque Beatrice.”[175]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[175]

“At what times both the children of Latona,

Surmounted by the Ram and by the Scales,

Together make a zone of the horizon,

As long as from the time the zenith holds them

In equipoise, till from that girdle both

Changing their hemisphere disturb the balance,

So long, her face depicted with a smile,

Did Beatrice keep silence.”

_Par._ xxix. 1-8.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

That is to say, when Sun and Moon (the children of Latona) are both

on the horizon, but one being in Aries and the other in Libra they

are opposite one another, the zenith for a moment holds them, as it

were, in balance; but the next moment one will drop below the horizon

while the other rises above it, thus changing from the visible to

the invisible hemisphere and _vice versa_, as each frees itself (“si

dilibra”) of the common horizon that girdled them. The pause of

Beatrice was as brief as the time during which sun and moon would thus

hang in the balance.

Yet, though Dante shows that he was familiar with the movements

and appearances of the moon, his allusions to her are cold and

comparatively rare. Unlike modern poets, moonlight does not seem to

have had any great fascination for him. In all his works there are

only fifty-one references to the moon, and far the greater number of

these are remarks about the measurement of time, or else her phases,

her markings, her share in causing eclipses etc. In all his short poems

(including those of the _Vita Nuova_ and _Convivio_) there are but two

references, and those as dry as possible. “Più lune”[176] is once used,

meaning several months, and in a sonnet which describes the influences

of each heaven on his lady, all he can find to say of the moon’s is “E

’l primo ciel di sè già non l’è duro.”[177]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[176] “Many moons.” _Canz._ xx. 89.

[177] “And the first heaven is not grudging to her.”—_Sonetto_ xxviii.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The chill of moonlight is spoken of as with a shudder on the hill of

Purgatory;[178] and its usefulness is recognized rather grudgingly

when Virgil remarks that yesternight the moon was full, and adds that

Dante must remember it, since it did him no harm in the depths of the

Forest.[179] It is true there is some beauty in the description of the

aurora which preceded moonrise[180] on the first night in Purgatory,

but Dante gives it an ugly name, and the waning moon when seen on the

following night, four days after full, is oddly compared to a bucket

in shape. Dante did not admire this gibbous form, for he instances

the outline of the moon when not quite full as an ignoble curve,

contrasting it with the beauty of a perfect circle.[181]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[178] _Purg._ xix. 1, 2.

[179] _Inf._ xx. 127-129.

[180] _Purg._ ix. 1-9.

[181] _Conv._ IV. xvi. 89-93.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[Illustration: Fig. 39. Sun, moon, and zenith.

To illustrate _Par._ xxix. 1-6. (_See p. 265_).

In the first figure the sun and moon are balanced, as it were, being at

equal distances from the zenith: in the second, a few minutes later,

by the rising of the sun and the setting of the moon, the balance is

disturbed, and each changes its hemisphere.]

Hardly ever does he find a beautiful epithet for her: she is ruler of

Hell,[182] Cain and the Thorns[183] (in reference to the legend which

sees this figure in her dark markings); or she is simply Delia,[184]

Trivia,[185] the daughter of Latona,[186] or with a little warmth

the sister of the sun,[187] and with the sun one of the two Eyes of

Heaven.[188] One exception to this harsh treatment is in the beautiful

description of reaching the heaven of the moon,[189] for there she is

the first star, the eternal pearl; and the sudden burst of eloquence in

the midst of a grave argument in _De Monarchia_ startles us doubly when

we find that Justice is compared to the moon—not, as one might expect,

resplendent in a dark sky, but Phœbe gazing at her brother opposite,

in the purple of the morning calm.[190] The passage from _Par._ xxix.

quoted above helps us to understand why the moon in this position

should symbolize Justice, for here again is suggested the perfect

balancing of the two great orbs, as the sun rises and the full moon

sets.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[182] _Inf._ x. 80.

[183] _Inf._ xx. 126.

[184] _Purg._ xxix. 78; _Ep._ vi. 54.

[185] _Par._ xxiii. 26.

[186] _Par._ x. 67; xxii. 139; xxix. 1.

[187] _Purg._ xxiii. 120.

[188] _Purg._ xx. 132.

[189] _Par._ ii. 25-36.

[190] _De Mon._ I. xi. 35-37.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Add to these passages two similes drawn not indeed from the moon

itself but from the halo surrounding her,[191] and two descriptions

of brilliant moonlight nights,[192] and we have all that Dante has

written in praise of the moon. It is true that throughout the _Inferno_

and _Purgatorio_ the sun typifies Divine Grace, and the moon is his

opposite, but this cannot altogether explain the difference in their

treatment, even in the _Divine Comedy_. A deeper reason seems to be

Dante’s true southerner’s love of the sun; and he doubtless had the

astronomer’s feeling that moonlight always means loss of starlight,

which he dearly loved (see _Purg._ xviii. 76, 77). Perhaps too the

astrological views of the moon influenced him, consciously or not.

According to Ristoro, the moon represents the poorest and lowest

classes of people, who are servants and messengers to the rest; and as

all the planets were supposed to be either masculine or feminine, he

ungallantly adds—“E questa Luna, a cagione di sua viltà, potemo dire

per ragione ch’ella sia femmina.”[193] Her only house, too, which is

Cancer, is also poor and base. The moon, moreover, is nearer Earth than

any other planet, and shows by her dark markings that she is less pure

than the rest.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[191] _Par._ x. 67-69; and _Purg._ xxix. 78.

[192] _Purg._ xxix. 53, 54; and _Par._ xxiii. 26.

[193] “And this moon, because of her inferiority, is rightly called

feminine.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

2. MOVEMENTS OF THE SUN.

Whatever the reason, Dante’s fifty-one references to the moon are in

strong contrast to his allusions to the sun. These are four times as

many, and they include warm expressions of admiration and delight,

and beautiful epithets and similes. The sun is Titan with his chariot

and horses,[194] he is a Mirror, a Car of Light, the Lantern of the

World, the Prince of the Stars, the Father of all mortal life.[195] His

beautiful form is admired, “la perfetta sua bella figura,”[196] and his

intense brilliance often noted.[197] He is the guide that leads all

aright,[198] to whom Virgil appeals:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[194] _Ecl._ ii. 1-4.

[195] _Purg._ iv. 62, 63; _Purg._ iv. 59; and xxix. 117, 118; _Par._ i.

38; _Canz._ xix. 114; _Par._ xxii. 116.

[196] “The perfection and beauty of his shape.” _Canz._ xix. 76.

[197] _V. N._ xlii. 29; _Canz._ ix. 2; _Conv._ II. xiv. 126, 127;

_Purg._ xvii. 52, 53; _Par._ i. 54; and x. 48, etc.

[198] _Inf._ i. 17, 18.

“O dolce Lume, a cui fidanza i’ entro

Per lo nuovo cammin, tu ne conduci.”[199]

[199]

“O pleasant light, my confidence and hope!

Conduct us thou,” he cried, “on this new way.”

_Purg._ xiii. 16, 17. (_Carey_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Under his rays the rose expands, the air is gladdened, mists are

dispelled, snow melts, and all things are quickened into life.[200]

Unlike the moon, the sun is the bringer of warmth and comfort, chasing

away cold and darkness,[201] sunrise is the hour of renewed hope and

confidence,[202] it strengthens our limbs, paralysed by the cold of

night,[203] it is eagerly awaited through the darkness by the little

bird on her nest;[204] and delicate flowers, bowed and closed during

the cold night, rise upright on their stems and open as soon as the sun

shines once more upon them.[205] The exquisite sunsets and sunrises of

the _Purgatorio_ are favourite passages with all readers.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[200] _Par._ xxii. 55, 56; _Inf._ vii. 122; _De Mon._ II. i. 37-39; and

_Par._ ii. 106-108; _Canz._ xi. 37; _Conv._ III. xii. 59, 60, etc. etc.

[201] _Canz._ ix. 5.

[202] _Inf._ i. 41-43.

[203] _Purg._ xix. 10, 11.

[204] _Par._ xxiii. 1-9.

[205] _Inf._ ii. 127-129.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Love is compared with the summer sun,[206] the generosity of a noble

nature resembles “the great planet.”[207] The Emperor Henry VII., from

whom Dante expected the regeneration of Italy and the whole Christian

world, is likened to the rising sun;[208] the birth of St. Francis is

described as “nacque al mondo un sole,”[209] and his birthplace ought

rightly to be called not Assisi but Orient.[210] Virgil is addressed

as “O Sol che sani ogni vista turbata;”[211] Beatrice is “Il sol degli

occhi miei.”[212] Finally the sun is the best symbol of God,[213]

and so it is used many times in the _Divine Comedy_: “Il Sol degli

angeli,”[214] “Il Sol che raggia tutto nostro stuolo;”[215] a spirit

turns to “il Sol che la riempie,”[216] and when Virgil laments that he

is shut out of heaven it is in these words: “Ho i’ perduto Di veder l’

alto Sol che tu disiri.”[217]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[206] _De Mon._ II. i. 36-41.; _Canz._ ix.

[207] _Canz._ xix. 96-114.

[208] _Ep._ v. 10; and vii. 19, 20, 25.

[209] “A sun rose upon the world.” _Par._ xi. 50.

[210] _Par._ xi. 52-54.

[211] “O sun that healest all imperfect vision,” _Inf._ xi. 91.

[212] “The sun of my eyes.” _Par._ xxx. 75 (See also _Par._ iii. 1-3).

[213] _Conv._ III. xii. 52-63.

[214] “The Sun of the angels.” _Par._ x. 53.

[215] “That Sun which enlightens all our company.” _Par._ xxv. 54.

[216] “The Sun which satisfies it.” _Par._ ix. 8.

[217] “I have lost the sight of that high Sun whom thou desirest.”

_Purg._ vii. 25, 26. Compare _Par._ xxx. 126; xv. 76; xviii. 105.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

But we may not dwell on those thoughts of the sun as the typical giver

of light and life; we must ask what Dante says about his movements,

since this was the chief subject-matter of mediæval astronomy.

His daily course, “il cammin del Sole,”[218] is often spoken of, and

is indicated both by his position in the sky, and the length and

direction of shadows. The second _Eclogue_ begins with a description of

a breathlessly hot midday, when objects, which are usually shorter than

their own shadows, now surpassed them in length.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[218] “The path of the sun.” _Purg._ xii. 74.

“Resque refulgentes, solitae superarier umbris,

Vincebant umbras.” _Ecl._ ii. 5, 6.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

At this time the sun appears most brilliant, and seems to move most

slowly, since he is scarcely changing his position with regard to the

horizon.

“E più corrusco, e con più lenti passi,

Teneva il sole il cerchio di merigge.”[219]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[219] “Shining more brightly and with slower steps, the sun had gained

the circle of midday.” _Purg._ xxxiii. 103, 104.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The greatest number of references to the sun’s daily journey occur in

the _Purgatory_, and we shall quote them in a later chapter.

His yearly journey through the zodiac is also very often referred to.

When relating his first meeting with Beatrice, Dante names his age, not

by simply saying that he was nearly nine years old, but by counting the

number of the times that the “heaven of light,” that is, of the sun,

had returned to the same point since his birth:—

“Nove fiate già, appresso al mio nascimento, era

tornato lo cielo della luce quasi ad un medesimo

punto, quanto alla sua proprio girazione.”[220]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[220] “Nine times already since my birth had the heaven of light

returned to the selfsame point almost, as concerns its own revolution.”

_V. N._ ii. 1-4. (_Rossetti_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The sun’s “own revolution” is of course its apparent yearly movement,

as distinct from the diurnal movement which it shares with all the

heavenly bodies.

The same thought is expressed in a sonnet:

“Io sono stato con Amore insieme

Dalla circolazion del Sol mia nona.”[221]

We know further that Dante was born in either May or June, because he

says, when he finds himself among the stars of Gemini, that the sun was

rising and setting in this sign at the time of his birth.[222]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[221] “I have dwelt with Love since my ninth revolution of the sun.”

_Son._ xxxvi. 1, 2.

[222] See diagram on p. 276.

“O gloriose stelle

Con voi nasceva e s’ascondeva vosco

Quegli ch’è padre d’ogni mortal vita,

Quand’ io senti’ da prima l’ aer tosco.”[223]

[223]

“O glorious stars ...

With you was born, and hid himself with you,

He who is father of all mortal life,

When first I tasted of the Tuscan air.”

_Par._ xxii. 112-117. (_Longfellow_).

At this date the sun entered the _constellation_ of Gemini on June

1 (Old Style), but was in the _sign_ from May 11 to June 11, and it

is always to the signs that Dante refers in the _Divine Comedy_. The

anonymous fourteenth century commentator known as “l’Ottimo” interprets

this passage as indicating the time “between the middle of May and the

middle of June.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Boccaccio tells us that a Mayday feast, given by the father of

Beatrice, was the occasion of Dante’s first meeting with her, and also

that not long before his death in Ravenna he told a friend that he had

completed his fifty-sixth year in the preceding May, so we may conclude

that May was the month of his birth.

Dante seems to have taken some trouble to find out the exact period of

the sun’s revolution. His text-book, the _Elementa_ of Alfraganus, only

gives it as 365¼ days nearly:—“Sol ... orbem confecit diebus 365 et

propè ¼.” Ristoro d’Arezzo and Brunetto Latini were content to repeat

this rough estimate, and call the year 365 days 6 hours, but Dante

wished to be more exact, and somehow contrived to obtain a value which

was much nearer the modern estimate of 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes,

46 seconds. We know this from two passages. In the _Convivio_ he gives

the half period as less than 182 days 15 hours; and in the _Paradiso_

Beatrice says that January will in time cease to be a winter month,

because of a neglected fraction of time.

“Prima che gennaio tutto si sverni

Per la centesma ch’ è laggiù negletta.”[224]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[224]

“Ere January be unwintered wholly

By the centesimal on Earth neglected.”

_Par._ xxvii. 142-143. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

January was in fact receding from the winter, and steadily though

slowly advancing towards the spring, because the Julian year (as we

saw, p. 171) was 11 minutes 14 seconds longer than the true solar

tropical year. When Julius Cæsar reformed the Calendar, March 25 was

made (as of old) to coincide with the spring equinox, but by Dante’s

time this date was 13 days late, and the true equinox fell on March 12.

Consequently though the day called January 1 still came 84 days before

March 25, it was only 71 days before the spring equinox.

If Beatrice meant to speak with scientific precision, and was correct

in her hundredth part of a day per annum, that is, if the difference

between the astronomical and the Julian year was one day in a hundred

years, it would be 7100 years before the first of January came to

coincide with the spring equinox, and January became a spring month.

But the error quoted is really rather too large, for a hundredth part

of a day is 14 minutes 24 seconds, and it was in fact only 11 minutes

14 seconds.

It would be interesting to know where Dante found this value, which

is practically the only astronomical datum not given in Alfraganus.

Ptolemy, following Hipparchus, had given the tropical year as ¹/₃₀₀

part of a day less than 365¼; Albategnius gave a more accurate figure,

and one which agrees well with the “centesma,” for his tropical year

differs from the Julian by a little less than ¹/₁₀₆ of a day; but he

also improved the value of precession, and Dante does not seem to have

known this, so he was probably not acquainted with this astronomer’s

work. The Alfonsine Tables gave a value which was very close indeed to

the correct one, making the tropical year only 30 seconds longer than

the modern value, and the difference between the Julian and true year

¹/₁₃₄ of a day. (The correct value is ¹/₁₂₈). Either of these figures

may have been known to Dante indirectly: perhaps he had obtained the

Alfonsine value in conversation with Brunetto Latini, who had visited

Alfonso’s court. His fraction was evidently only approximate, but it is

interesting to know that he had found out more than popular books could

tell him about the period of the sun’s revolution, and that he had been

sufficiently struck by the small difference between the calendar and

astronomical years to mention it in a picturesque way in his poem. It

is possible that he had heard of Roger Bacon’s appeal to the Pope in

1267 to correct the calendar because the date of the spring equinox was

of importance in connection with the observation of Easter.

It is hardly necessary to remind my readers that this was done by

another Pope three hundred years later, before January had made much

more advance towards becoming a spring month. The hundredth part of a

day, of which Beatrice complained, is now subtracted from the year by

omitting to make century years leap years; but as the error was really

not quite so great as she said, an exception is made for century years

divisible by 400. Thus 1600 was a leap year, but not 1700, 1800, or

1900.

[Illustration: Fig. 40. The Zodiac and the Months.]

Dante seems to have connected any season of the year with the sun’s

path in the zodiac as readily as with the name of a month. The sun’s

yearly course through the signs is shown diagrammatically in figure 40,

and a glance at this will make clear a number of allusions without any

explanation.

Starting from the first point of Aries at the spring equinox, which in

Dante’s time fell in the middle of March, and taking one-twelfth of

the year to traverse each sign, it is evident that during the end of

March and beginning of April the sun was in Aries; he entered Cancer

and reached the summer solstice in June, the autumnal equinox in Libra

in September, and the winter solstice when he entered Capricornus in

December. The six signs above the horizontal line are northern, the six

below are southern.

The following are a few typical examples.

When Dante wishes to express the transition of his feelings from

despondency to courage, at seeing the stern and troubled face of his

guide melt suddenly to a smile, he compares himself to a poor shepherd

who wakes early and sees the fields covered, as he thinks, with snow,

but in a short time finds that it is only hoar-frost which has put on

the semblance of her white sister, and seeing the face of the world

changed he gladly leads out his sheep to pasture. The time at which

this may happen is

“Quella parte del giovinetto anno,

Che il sole i crin sotto l’Aquario tempra,

E già le notti al mezzodì sen vanno.”[225]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[225]

“In that part of the youthful year wherein

The sun his locks beneath Aquarius tempers,

And now the nights draw near to half the day.”

_Inf._ xxiv. 1-3. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

That part of the youthful year when the sun cools his locks beneath

Aquarius is clearly the end of January or beginning of February, but

the last line may bear one of two meanings. If we translate “mezzodì”

as “half the day” it means that the nights are growing shorter, and

very soon (in March) when the sun will have reached the equinox, they

will be just twelve hours long. If we take “mezzodì” as meaning “the

south,” we must interpret the passage in the light of others in the

_Divine Comedy_ where Night is personified, and considered as circling

in the zodiac always opposite to the sun. For instance in _Purg._ ii.

1-6 (a passage which will be more fully explained later) Night is

described as circling opposite to the sun, “La notte, che opposita a

lui cerchia,”[226] and as the sun at that time was in Aries, Night was

in Libra, “le Bilance.” Henceforth for six months the sun will be in

the northern signs, and the days longer than the nights, but as soon as

Night begins to assert her supremacy, and the nights begin to be longer

than the days, the sun enters Libra and then it is not visible all

night. This is the meaning of

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[226] “Night that opposite to him revolves.” (_Longfellow_).

“le Bilance,

Che le caggion di man quando soverchia.”[227]

[227]

“The Scales, that from her hands are dropped

When she reigns highest.”

_Purg._ ii. 5, 6. (_Carey_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

When Night becomes dominant, the Scales fall from her hand, for the sun

is in that sign.

Applying this idea to the passage quoted above, it will mean “The

nights are going southward,” for the sun in Aquarius is not far from

the point where he crosses the equator to the north, therefore Night

circling opposite to him is nearing the point where she goes south.

Either interpretation is faithful to fact, but perhaps the circumstance

that the plural noun is used favours the first.

[Illustration: Fig. 41. The Ram on the Ecliptic. [_To face p. 279._

_From the “Cosmi Historia” of Robert Flud, a.d. 1612._

(_Reproduced from Brown’s Phainomena of Aratos._)]

Conrad Malaspina prophesied to Dante that his favourable opinion of the

Malaspina family would be justified “before the sun had come to rest

again seven times in the bed which the Ram covers and bestrides with

his four feet.”

“Ed egli: Or va, che il Sol non si ricorca

Sette volte nel letto che il Montone

Con tutti e quattro i pie copre ed inforca

Che cotesta cortese opinione ...”[228]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[228]

“And he: Now go, for the sun shall not lie

Seven times upon the pillow which the Ram

With all his four feet covers and bestrides.

Before that such a courteous opinion ...”

_Purg._ viii. 133-136. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The sun was at the time in the Ram, and Malaspina means that less

than seven years would elapse, before his prophecy was fulfilled.

The aptness of the description may be seen by the figure of Aries

as portrayed in an old seventeenth century book in which the Ram is

uncomfortably trying to sit on the ecliptic.

Another instance is in the beautiful midwinter Ode, “Io son venuto al

punto della rota.”[229] Each stanza pictures a feature of a severe

winter—snow and rain, the absence of summer birds, bare trees and dead

flowers, the favourite walk become a torrent; but the first describes

the position of stars and planets. When the sun sets, the Twins

appear on the eastern horizon, hence we know at once that the sun is

in Sagittarius and the time is November or December. To confirm his

melancholy, the poet adds that the Star of Love (Venus) is hidden from

us by the sun’s rays which now shine athwart her, and that the planet

which strengthens the cold (Saturn, the “frigida stella” of Virgil)

displays himself in that arc of the sky in which all the seven planets

cast the shortest shadow;[230] that is, either he is on the meridian at

sunset, or he is in the most northerly part of the zodiac, in Gemini or

Cancer. A planet in this place, as for instance the sun at midsummer,

is visible longer, describes a longer arc, and casts shorter shadows,

than in any other part of the zodiac. And as this is the part which

rises over the eastern horizon as the sun sets, Saturn would also rise

at that time and remain visible all night.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[229] “I have come to that part of the wheel.” _Canz._ xv.

[230] Like all mediæval writers, Dante includes the sun and moon among

the seven planets. The others do not cast perceptible shadows, except

Venus and Jupiter at their brightest.

The opening lines of the Ode run thus:—

“Io son venuto al punto della rota,

Che l’orizzonte, quando il Sol si corca,

Ci parturisce il geminato cielo;

E la stella d’amor ci sta rimota

Per lo raggio lucente, che la ’nforca

Sì di traverso, che le si fa velo;

E quel pianeta che conforta il gelo

Si mostra tutto a noi per lo grand’ arco,

Nel qual ciascun de’ sette fa poca ombra.”[231]

[231]

“I to that point in the great wheel have come,

Wherein the horizon, when the sun doth set,

Brings forth the twin-starred heaven to our sight;

And Love’s fair star away from us doth roam,

Through the bright rays obliquely on it met

In such wise that they veil its tender light;

That planet which makes keen the cold of night

Shows himself to us in the circle great,

Where each star of the seven casts little shade.”

(_Plumptre_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It is astonishing that Giuliani should so completely miss the point of

the “twinned sky,” that he substitutes “ingemmato” for “geminato,” and

reads—

“ ... la rota,

Ch’ all orizzonte, quando il Sol si corca,

Ci parturisce l’ingemmato cielo.”[232]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[232] “The Wheel which, when the sun sets, brings forth for us on the

horizon the jewelled sky.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

He understands the hour of evening to be meant, when the Wheel of

Day and Night brings a jewelled, _i.e._ starry sky on the horizon as

the sun sets. But it is not only on the horizon that stars appear at

sunset; and the mention of Gemini to indicate the time of year is

thoroughly characteristic of Dante. The Wheel is the revolving year

which has carried the sun into Sagittarius.

Angelitti remarks that the whole description was literally true for

December 1296, since Venus was then in conjunction with the sun, and

Saturn in Cancer;[233] and as this poem is a complaint of the hardness

of his lady, to whom the poet is nevertheless wholly devoted, it may

well have been written in that time when the lady Philosophy refused to

smile upon her lover.[234]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[233] _Sulla Data del Viaggio Dantesco_ p. 90, note.

[234] Comparing _Conv._ II. ii. 12, xiii. 49-52, and IV. i. 60-62, we

learn that in August 1293 (_vide infra_, p. 314), Dante first became

acquainted with the Lady Philosophy; that in the early part of 1296 he

was completely under her spell; and that some time afterwards she for a

while estranged herself from him.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Further on in the same poem the effects of the sun in spring, when he

is in the sign of Aries, are alluded to as “the virtue of Aries”:—

“Passato hanno lor termine le fronde,

Che trasse fuor la virtù d’Ariete,

Per adornare il mondo, e morta è l’ erba.”[235]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[235]

“Scattered and faded now is all the foliage

Which had burst forth, beneath the power of Aries,

To beautify the world, the grass is withered.” _Canz._ xv. 40-42.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Contrast with this the passage in the _Paradiso_ where “nocturnal

Aries” is used as a synonym for autumn.

“Questa primavera sempiterna

Che notturno Ariete non dispoglia.”[236]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[236]

“This everlasting spring

Nocturnal Aries never can despoil.”

_Par._ xxviii. 116-117.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

For although Aries may be seen during some part of the night in the

greater part of the year, it is most emphatically a noctural sign when

it rises as the sun sets, and remains above the horizon until he rises;

this happens when the sun is in the opposite sign of Libra, which he

enters at the autumnal equinox.

A rather curious passage in the _Paradiso_ is incomprehensible unless

we think of the sun’s path in the zodiac, and realize that Dante is

comparing the brightness of the spirit of St. John in an indirect way

with the brightness of the sun.

“Poscia tra esse un lume si schiarì,

Sì che, se il Cancro avesse un tal cristallo,

L’inverno avrebbe un mese d’un sol dì.”[237]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[237]

“Thereafterward a light among them brightened

So, that if Cancer one such crystal had

Winter would have a month of one sole day.”

_Par._ xxv. 100-102. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

If a light as dazzling as this spirit were to shine forth in Cancer,

there would be perpetual day for a whole month in winter. For when the

sun entered Capricornus, which he does in December, he would be exactly

opposite, so that as one light set the other would rise, and there

would be no darkness until the sun passed into another sign.

To many similar instances the diagram (p. 276) will be found to supply

a key, and some we shall have occasion to notice presently in another

connection.

3. THE STARS.

If our poet did not love moonlight, there is no doubt that starlight

was very dear to him. Never are stars spoken of as cold, or placed in

antithesis to the sun. Rather are they classed together, as in the

pathetic letter, written when he heard of the possibility that the

Florentines might receive him again if he would consent to return as a

disgraced but pardoned criminal. If this is the only path to Florence,

never will he re-enter the beloved city. “What then?” he cries. “Can he

not see the mirrors of the sun and of the stars, wherever he may be?

can he not meditate on precious truths under any sky?”[238]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[238] _Ep._ ix. 46-49.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

He describes the Inferno as bereft of stars as well as of sun;[239]

he hopes to escape those dark abysses to see the beautiful stars

again,[240] and the terror of the sounds of weeping and crying is

heightened indescribably by the simple words:—“risonavan per l’aer

senza stelle.”[241] When he does at length come forth to see “le cose

belle che porta il ciel”[242] how eagerly he gazes, not only at Venus,

but at the new stars in the south! how his “greedy eyes”[243] seek

the same region as soon as dusk begins to fall! and how radiantly the

stars look down upon him on that last night on the rocky slopes of the

Mountain, near the summit![244]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[239] _Inf._ iii. 23.

[240] _Inf._ xvi. 82, 83.

[241] “Resounded through the air without a star.” _Inf._ iii. 23.

[242] “The fair things that heaven holds.” _Inf._ xxxiv. 137, 138.

[243] _Purg._ viii. 85.

[244] _Purg._ xxvii. 89, 90.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

This is all allegorical, no doubt, but it is because of Dante’s

feeling for the real “belle stelle”[245] that he uses them as symbols

of truth and holiness, and concludes each Cantica of the _Divine

Comedy_ with their name:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[245] “Beautiful stars,” _Inf._ xvi. 83.

“E quindi uscimmo a riveder le stelle.”[246]

“Puro e disposto a salire alle stelle.”[247]

“L’Amor che move il sole e l’altre stelle.”[248]

[246] “Thence issuing we beheld again the stars.”

[247] “Pure and disposed to mount unto the stars.”

[248] “The Love that moves the sun and the other stars.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Here “stelle” has the wider meaning of the French “astres,” for which

we have no equivalent in English except the clumsy “heavenly bodies;”

but most of Dante’s hundred references are to stars in the more special

sense, and often to particular stars or constellations. Over eighty

occur in the _Divine Comedy_.

Stars are jewels, torches, flames, immortal nymphs adorning every

region of the sky.[249] Heaven is made beautiful by their light, and

the joy of the angels is expressed in their shining, as mortal joy

shines forth in human eyes.[250] If the spirits in the fourth heaven

are described as glowing suns,[251] the “splendours” that descend upon

the golden ladder in the seventh, make Dante think that all the stars

in the sky are gathered together there.[252]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[249] _Purg._ ix. 4; _Purg._ viii. 89; _Purg._ i. 25; _Par._ xxiii. 26.

[250] _Par._ ii. 130, 142-144.

[251] _Par._ x. 76.

[252] _Par._ xxi. 28-33.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The eyes of Beatrice shone brighter than stars;[253] light comes as

from many stars in reading the sacred books;[254] faith gleams like a

star in the sky;[255] and truth appears in a mind cleared of falsehood

and error like the radiance of stars in a sky which has been wholly

swept of cloud and mist by a north wind.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[253] _Inf._ ii. 55.

[254] _Par._ xxv. 70. See also _Conv._ II. xvi. 4-12, where the

writings of Boëthius and Cicero, and all instructive books, are called

stars full of light.

[255] _Par._ xxiv. 147.

“Come rimane splendido e sereno

L’emisperio dell’ aer, quando soffia

Borea da quella guancia ond’ è più leno,

Perchè si purga e risolve la roffia

Che pria turbava, sì che il ciel ne ride

Con le bellezze d’ogni sua paroffia:

Così fec’ io, poi che mi provvide

La Donna mia del suo risponder chiaro,

E come stella in cielo il ver si vide.”[256]

[256]

“Even as remaineth splendid and serene

The hemisphere of air, when Boreas

Is blowing from that cheek where he is mildest,

Because is purified and resolved the wrack

That erst disturbed it, till the welkin laughs

With all the beauties of its pageantry:

Thus did I likewise, after that my Lady

Had me provided with her clear response,

And like a star in heaven the truth was seen.”

_Par._ xxviii. 79-87. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stars, as well as the sun, are used as symbols for the objects of

Dante’s deepest reverence; for the Blessed Virgin is called “la viva

stella,”[257] and the Final Vision in which the redeemed find their

ultimate bliss is a Trinal Light seen as a single star:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[257] “The shining star.” _Par._ xxiii. 92.

“O trina Luce, che in unica stella

Scintillando a lor vista sì gli appaga,

Guarda quaggiù alla nostra procella.”[258]

[258]

“O Trinal Light, that in a single star

Sparkling upon their sight so satisfies them,

Look down upon our tempest here below!”

_Par._ xxxi. 28-30. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The diurnal motion of the stars is referred to many times. As Dante

watched the mystical procession in the Earthly Paradise, and saw one

group follow in the footsteps of another across the flowers and the

grass, he thought of the stately procession of stars which we see here

by night, star following star across the sky.[259] Their movement marks

for him the passage of time, as we see in the first sonnet of the _Vita

Nuova_:—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[259] _Purg._ xxix. 91.

“Già eran quasi ch’ atterzate l’ ore

Del tempo che ogni stella è piu lucente.”[260]

[260]

“Of those long hours wherein the stars above

Wake and keep watch, the third was almost nought.”

_V. N._ iii. 81, 82. (_Rossetti_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

and in the _Inferno_, where Virgil hastens Dante, saying that all

the stars are sinking which were rising when he started on his long

journey.[261]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[261] _Inf._ vii. 98, 99.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The motion of those stars which neither rise nor set, but are always

seen circling round the pole, is clearly described. In the heaven

of the sun, spirits gather round Dante and Beatrice, and circle

round them, “Come stelle vicine ai fermi poli;”[262] and the motion

of the stars near the pole is said to be slow, like the part of a

wheel which is near the axle.[263] We may compare these descriptions

with the statement of Alfraganus:—“Eæ stellæ (_i.e._ the northern

circumpolar) vertuntur omnes circa idem punctum. Et quei ex iis

puncto huic est vicinior, minorem conficit circulum: motusque ejus

appâret lentior.”[264] Dante assumes that his readers understand this

motion when he describes himself as seeing unknown stars near the

South Pole. The Mount of Purgatory is supposed to be situated in the

southern hemisphere, and at his first arrival, before dawn, he turns

to the right, after looking at Venus in the east, therefore to the

south, and sees near the pole four stars so brilliant that the whole

sky seems to rejoice in their radiance, and he pities the “widowed”

northern hemisphere because they are invisible there.[265] In the

evening, as soon as it begins to grow dark, although he is engaged

in an interesting discourse with a friend with whom he had exchanged

warm greetings, he looks eagerly once more towards the pole (note the

intensity expressed by the repeated “pure”)—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[262]

“Like unto stars neighbouring the stedfast poles.”

_Par._ x. 78.

[263] _Purg._ viii, 86, 87.

[264] “These stars all revolve round the same point, and the nearer a

star is to this point, the smaller is the circle that it makes, and the

slower its motion appears.” _El. Ast._ cap. ii.

[265] _Purg._ i. 22-27.

“Gli occhi miei ghiotti andavan pure al cielo,

Pur là dove le stelle son più tarde,

Sì come rota più presso allo stelo.”[266]

[266]

“My insatiate eyes

Meanwhile to heaven had travelled, even there

Where the bright stars are slowest, as a wheel

Nearest the axle.”

_Purg._ viii. 85-87. (_Carey_).

He now sees three bright stars which make this pole glow with light,

and Virgil says that the stars he saw in the morning are low, while

those now visible have risen higher to take their place.

“Ed egli a me: Le quattro chiare stelle

Che vedevi staman son di là basse,

E queste son salite ov’ eran quelle.”[267]

[267]

“And he to me: The four resplendent stars

Thou sawest this morning are down yonder low,

And these have mounted up to where those were.”

_Purg._ viii. 91-93. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The diurnal movement of the starry heaven is also alluded to in the

_Convivio_, and contrasted with that immensely slow movement which was

discovered by Hipparchus, and is called by us Precession. The starry

heaven, says Dante, displays one of its poles to us, and keeps the

other hidden; and in like manner it displays only one movement to us,

and keeps the other almost hidden. By the first, it revolves once in

every day from east to west; the other is nearly insensible, being only

one degree in a hundred years, and it is from west to east.[268] This

is the value of precession as given by Alfraganus, following Ptolemy.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[268] _Conv._ II. xv. 10-14, and 96-104.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It was this stupendous and mysterious cycle which was used by Dante

to measure the age of Beatrice, though for his own he used (as we

saw) the ordinary measure of the sun’s period. When he first saw “la

gloriosa donna”[269] she had only been in this life so long that the

starry heaven had moved towards the east one-twelfth part of a degree.

Therefore, she was one-twelfth of a hundred years old, or 8 years 4

months, “so that it was near the beginning of her ninth year that she

appeared to me, and I saw her nearly at the end of my ninth.”[270]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[269] “The glorious Lady.”

[270] _V. N._ ii. 9-15.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dante tells us how many stars had been counted by “the sages of Egypt,”

by whom he means Ptolemy and the other Alexandrians: he did not know

that the star catalogue of the _Almagest_ was originally made by

Hipparchus of Rhodes.

“Dico ch’ il cielo stellato ci mostra molto stelle;

chè, secondochè li savi d’Egitto hanno veduto,

infino all’ultima stella che appare loro in

meridie, mille ventidue corpora di stelle pongono,

di cui io parlo.”[271]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[271]

“I say that the starry heaven displays a multitude

of stars to us, for as the Sages of Egypt have

perceived, including the last star which appears

to them in the south, they reckon one thousand

and twenty-two starry bodies, of which I am now

speaking.”

_Conv._ II. xv. 18-22. (_Jackson_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It will be noted that he carefully avoids saying that this is the

number of all the stars visible from the whole earth. Had he, like

Ristoro, run away with the idea that a blank space on the globe meant

a blank in the sky, his night sky seen from Purgatory would have been

strangely bare and dull! Yet both writers used the same text-book.

Dante is here following Alfraganus closely, for he had written in his

nineteenth chapter:—

“Sciendum itaque sapientes inivisse mensuram

stellarum fixarum omnium, quoad instrumentis

observari eæ potuerunt, extremam usque meridiei

partem, in tertio climate ipsis conspicuam....

Stellæ universae quarum agi mensura potuit sunt

mille viginti duæ.”[272]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[272] “You are to know that the Sages measured the places of all the

fixed stars as accurately as possible with their instruments, as far

south as they could see in the third climate.... The number of all the

stars which he was able to measure is one thousand and twenty-two.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Both in the _Quæstio_ and the _Paradiso_ Dante notes how stars differ,

not only in their brightness or “magnitude,” but also in the quality of

their light, by which he probably means their colour:—

“Videmus in eo [_sc._ cœlum stellatum] differentiam

in magnitudine stellarum et in luce.”[273]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[273] “We see in it (the starry heaven) a difference in the magnitude

of the stars and in their light.” _Qu._ xxi. 19-21.

“Lumi, li quali nel quale e nel quanto

Notar si posson di diversi volti.”[274]

[274]

“Lights many the eighth sphere displays to you

Which in their quality and quantity

May noted be of aspects different.”

_Par._ ii. 65-66. (_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It seems as if it were the beauty and the movement of the starry sky

as a whole which appealed to Dante, rather than the distinguishing of

special stars and constellations. Those which he mentions are almost

all either in the zodiac, and used to denote the hour, the season, or

the position of one of the seven planets; or else they are near one of

the poles and illustrate the circumpolar motion.

All the zodiacal constellations are mentioned except Virgo and

Sagittarius. Besides the ordinary names of “Ariete,” “Libra,” etc.,

Aries is called “il Montone;”[275] Gemini “il segno che segue il

Tauro,” “gli eterni Gemelli,” and “il bel nido di Leda,”[276] in

reference to the mother of Castor and Pollux, its two brightest

stars; Libra is “le Bilance”;[277] Scorpio “il freddo animale”;[278]

Capricornus is “il Capra del ciel”;[279] and Pisces “la celeste

Lasca.”[280]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[275] “The Ram.” _Purg._ viii. 134; _Par._ xxix. 2.

[276] “The sign which follows Taurus,” _Par._ xxii. 110, 111; “The

eternal Twins,” xxii. 152; “The fair nest of Leda,” xxvii. 98.

[277] “The Balance.” _Purg._ ii. 5.

[278] “The cold creature.” _Purg._ ix. 5.

[279] “The Goat of the sky.” _Par._ xxvii. 69.

[280] “The celestial Carp.” _Purg._ xxxii. 54.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

In one place Castor and Pollux are mentioned, but merely as a synonym

for the whole constellation of Gemini.[281] “Il petto del Leone

ardente”[282] is perhaps Cor Leonis, the Heart of the Lion, for this is

the name given to Regulus by both Ptolemy and Alfraganus. The “Maggior

Fortuna”[283] of _Purg._ xix. 4, is a group of stars belonging to the

two constellations of Aquarius and Pisces, in which the geomancers, who

told fortunes by means of certain points traced at random, thought they

saw a special series of these points,-:::..

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[281] _Purg._ iv. 61.

[282] “The burning Lion’s breast.” _Par._ xxi. 14.

[283] “Greater Fortune.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It is generally agreed that the “gemme” of _Purg._ ix. 4, “poste in

figura del freddo animale, Che con la coda percote la gente,”[284] are

some stars of Scorpio which were shining on the eastern horizon just

before the moon rose on the first night in the Island of Purgatory.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[284]

“Gems ... set in the shape of that cold animal

Which with its tail doth smite amain the nations.”

(_Longfellow_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The zodiacal constellations in general are spoken of as “all the

lights of his [the sun’s] path:” “Tutti i lumi della sua strada.”

(_Par._ xxvi. 121, 122).

The pole star is described as the point of the axle round which the

first sphere revolves.[285] The first sphere (or wheel, as it is

called, with reference to its circling motion) is here the Primum

Mobile, which was thought to cause the diurnal motion. This unique

position gains for the pole star the name of “the star,” as for

instance in _Conv._ III. v. 84, 85, where Dante says that a man

standing at the north pole would have “la stella” directly over his

head. And in Paradise he hears a voice among the spirits which makes

him turn in its direction as the needle turns to the star—

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[285] _Par._ xiii. 11, 12.

“Voce, che l’ago alla stella

Parer mi fece in volgermi al suo dove.”[286]

[286]

“A voice,

That made me seem like needle to the star,

In turning to its whereabout.”

_Par._ xii. 29, 30. (_Carey_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

This property of the magnet was known in Dante’s day, as well as its

power of attracting iron, though only the latter had been known to

Ptolemy and the classical world. Whether the discovery came from China,

where it is said that some form of compass has been used since the

second century A.D., or whether it had been discovered independently

by Arab or Italian navigators, we do not know: but scholars and poets

in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries write of the “ugly brown

stone” used by sailors to make an instrument that cannot lie. For a

needle, rubbed by it and run through a straw, when floated on water

turns so surely to “the star” that one need never doubt its guidance.

Thus writes Guyot, the poet of Languedoc, about 1200:—

“Un art font qui mentir ne puet,

Par la vertu de la manete,

Une pierre laide et brunete,

Ou le fers volentiers se joint,

Ont: si esgardent le droit point,

Puis c’une aiguile i ont touchie,

Et en un festu l’ont couchie,

En l’eve la metent sanz plus,

* * * * *

Puis se torne la pointe toute

Contre l’estoile si sanz doute,

Que ja nas hom n’en doutera.”

And thus Ristoro:—

“L’angola, che guidi li marinari, chè per la virtu

del cielo è tratta e rivolta alla stella la quale è

chiamata tramontana.”[287]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[287] “The needle which guides mariners, for by the virtue of the

heavens it is attracted and turned towards that star which is called

the North Star.” _Composizione del Mondo_, Bk. VII. part iv. ch. 2.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Albertus Magnus speaks of it in the same way, as something well known

to mariners.

It seems strange to us how Dante and his contemporaries failed to see

the importance of this discovery; Brunetto Latini, when the ugly stone

was shown to him on his visit to Roger Bacon at Oxford, even professing

to regard it as a mere toy, of no practical use. Dante discusses the

number of the stars known to Ptolemy, and describes the last mad voyage

of Ulysses, who saw all the stars of the other pole, while ours sank

low on the ocean floor;[288] but he does not seem to guess that the new

toy would make possible even longer voyages than these, and that in

time the blank in his celestial globe would be filled.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[288] _Inf._ xxvi. 127-129.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Yet even in his own life-time plucky little Genoa fitted out two

galleys which ventured through the forbidden Straits, with intent to

circumnavigate Africa and find a new route to India. And meanwhile,

travelling by old overland or coasting routes, Italian missionary

monks, and Italian traders, were visiting southern countries and

describing southern skies. Friar Giovanni de Monte Corvino, who was

in South India with Nicolo of Pistoia, writes home in 1291, telling

of his disappointment that he had never been able to see “the other

pole star” (l’altra tramontana), though he saw new stars moving round

and evidently near to it, close to the southern horizon. A few years

later Marco Polo the Venetian was dictating the story of his travels to

a Pisan in Genoa: he had been further south than the missionaries, for

in a certain island (probably Sumatra) he had seen the south pole “a

spear’s length” above the horizon; and in the land of Zinzi (Zanzibar?)

he had seen a marvellous star as big as a sack (which was evidently the

Greater Magellanic Cloud). This he drew a picture of with his own hand.

Dante’s silence, and probable incredulity, regarding these experiences

of his own countrymen and contemporaries is characteristic of his

age; for scholars were too eager to explore the precious classical

lore lately recovered from oblivion, to realize that they were on the

threshold of a new era in knowledge, of which these men were pioneers.

It is sometimes thought, however, that Dante made use of contemporary

observations of southern skies in his description of the stars he

feigned himself to have seen when the Wain disappeared under his

northern horizon.[289] Quite correctly, he does not place any single

bright star to mark the south pole; his two constellations, one of four

bright stars seen above the pole in the morning,[290] one of three

which takes its place after sunset,[291] are these real or fictitious?

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[289] _Purg._ i. 30.

[290] _Purg._ i. 26.

[291] _Purg._ viii. 89.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

It is a fact that there are four bright stars in the form of a cross,

lying between 56° and 63° south: are these Dante’s “quattro chiare

stelle,” “quattro luci sante?”[292] They were not recognized as a

separate constellation until the beginning of the sixteenth century,

when Amerigo Vespucci described them in his letters about his southern

voyages, and the Florentine Andrea Corsali wrote about the marvellous

Cross which was so beautiful that in his opinion no other constellation

in the sky was worthy to be compared with it. This, he believed, was

the very cross of which Dante had spoken in a prophecy.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[292] “Four bright stars, four sacred lights.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Even among Dante’s most enthusiastic admirers, I suppose none will be

found to-day to support this view; but many think that he must have

heard of the Cross from travellers. True, these stars are visible

during at least part of the year in all places south of 34° north, and

therefore in North Africa, and they had been catalogued by Ptolemy as

part of the Centaur, so that no astronomer could take them to be a

newly-found constellation, but might not some unscientific traveller

like Marco Polo have brought a vague report of their position?

[Illustration: MAP OF STARS VISIBLE BEFORE DAWN IN PURGATORY. _To face

p. 295_]

To this we might reply that Dante never says his four stars were in

the form of a Cross; that there had to be four to represent the four

Pagan virtues, the other constellation of three representing the three

Christian virtues (compare the group of four handmaidens who sing, “Noi

siam qui ninfe, e nel ciel siamo stelle,”[293] and are followed by a

group of three);[294] and that this other constellation was certainly

imaginary, since there is no group of three bright stars anywhere near

the south pole.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[293]

“We are nymphs here, and in heaven we are stars.”

_Purg._ xxxi. 104-106.

[294] _Purg._ xxxi. 111.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

But the fact is that conjectures and arguments are unnecessary, since

Dante has expressly said that his four stars had never been seen before

by anyone except the first people—“non viste mai fuor che alla prima

gente,” (_Purg._ i. 24)—that is, our first parents, in that Eden of his

imagining which was in the southern hemisphere, and on the island where

he was then standing in his vision.

As a matter of curiosity I have included a map showing what stars

would have been really visible to Dante at the supposed latitude of

Purgatory, when Pisces was on the eastern horizon, as described in

_Purg._ i. It will be seen that the Southern Cross is low, and would

have been hidden behind the Mountain of Purgatory at five o’clock in

the morning.[295]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[295] Antonelli thinks the four stars were α and β Crucis, α and β

Centauri, all of which had been mentioned by Ptolemy, and all lie

near the circle which marks the limit of circumpolar stars in the

supposed latitude of Purgatory (32° south). The three stars he says

were ζ Navis, Canopus, and Achernar:—Antonelli, _Accenni alle Dottrine

Astronomiche nella Divina Commedia_.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Among northern constellations, Ursa Major is frequently spoken of by

Dante, under different names, but always with reference to its high

northern latitude. As the Wain, “il Carro,” it is said to be lying

in the north-west when Pisces is on the eastern horizon, and to have

disappeared from view in the southern hemisphere.[296] The wain-pole

or shaft is pictured as sweeping round in the diurnal revolution,

but always remaining above our horizon day and night, throughout its

turning:

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[296] _Inf._ xi. 113, 114; _Purg._ i. 30.

“Quel Carro, a cui il seno

Basta del nostro cielo e notte e giorno,

Sì ch’ al volger del temo non vien meno.”[297]

[297]

“The Wain, that in the bosom of our sky

Spins ever on its axle, night and day.”

_Par._ xiii. 7-9. (_Carey_).

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The same idea is expressed in the Midwinter Ode, where the

constellation is called the Seven Frosty Stars, never lost to sight in

Europe:—

“Fuggito è ogni augel che ’l caldo segue

Dal paese d’Europa, che non perde

Le sette stelle gelide unquemai.”[298]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[298]

“Fled is every bird that seeks the warmth,

From European lands which never lose

The seven cold stars.”

_Canz._ xv. 27-29.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

This is a reminiscence of some lines of Boëthius quoted by Dante in

_De Monarchia_, in which the northern nations are described as under

the sway of the “septem gelidi triones.”[299] The Septem Triones, the

Seven Ploughing Oxen, was one of the Latin names for Ursa Major, whence

comes “septentrional” for North. This name also is used by Dante in

_Purg._ xxx. 1, where the Seven Candlesticks of the mystic procession

seen in the Garden of Eden are likened to these seven stars, and are

named the Septentrion of the First Heaven (the Empyrean). This divine

Septentrion was guiding the Procession, as the starry Septentrion of a

lower heaven guides the mariner into port:

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[299]

“Seven cold oxen.”

_De Mon._ II. ix. 96.

Dante and the early astronomers · 第 7 / 11 章