I now come to the main object of my letter.

Subscriptions are advertised for the purpose of raising monuments

to Sir Robert Peel; and a motion has been made in Parliament for

one in Westminster Abbey at the public expense, Whatever may be the

precedents, surely the house of God should contain no object but

such as may remind us of His presence and our duty to Him. Long ago I

proposed that ranges of statues and busts should commemorate the great

worthies of our country. All the lower part of our National Gallery

might be laid open for this purpose. Even the best monuments in

Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's are deformities to the edifice. Let

us not continue this disgrace. Deficient as we are in architects,

we have many good statuaries, and we might well employ them on the

statues of illustrious commanders, and the busts of illustrious

statesmen and writers. Meanwhile our cities, and especially the

commercial, would, I am convinced, act more wisely, and more

satisfactorily to the relict of the deceased, if, instead of statues,

they erected schools and almshouses, with an inscription to his

memory.

We glory in about sixty whose busts and statues may occupy what are

now the "deep solitudes and awful cells" in our national gallery. Our

literary men of eminence are happily more numerous than the political

or the warlike, or both together. There is only one class of them

which might be advantageously excluded, namely, the theological; and

my reasons are these. First, their great talents were chiefly employed

on controversy; secondly, and consequently, their images would excite

dogmatical discord. Every sect of the Anglican Church, and every

class of dissenters, complaining of undue preferences. Painture and

sculpture lived in the midst of corruption, lived throughout it, and

seemed indeed to draw vitality from it, as flowers the most delicate

from noxious air; but they collapsed at the searching breath of free

inquiry, and could not abide persecution. The torch of Philosophy

never kindled the suffocating fagot, under whose smoke Theology was

mistaken for Religion. Theology had, until now, been speculative

and quiescent: she abandoned to Philosophy these humbler qualities:

instead of allaying and dissipating, as Philosophy had always done,

she excited and she directed animosities. Oriental in her parentage,

and keeping up her wide connections in that country, she acquired

there all the artifices most necessary to the furtherance of her

designs: among the rest was ventriloquism, which she quite perfected,

making her words seem to sound from above and from below and from

every side around. Ultimately, when men had fallen on their faces at

this miracle, she assumed the supreme power. Kings were her lackeys,

and nations the dust under her palfrey's hoof. By her sentence Truth

was gagged, scourged, branded, cast down on the earth in manacles; and

Fortitude, who had stood at Truth's side, was fastened with nails and

pulleys to the stake. I would not revive by any images, in the abode

of the graceful and the gentle Arts, these sorrowful reminiscences.

The vicissitudes of the world appear to be bringing round again the

spectral Past. Let us place great men between it and ourselves: they

all are tutelar: not the warrior and the statesman only; not only the

philosopher; but also the historian who follows them step by step, and

the poet who secures us from peril and dejection by his counter-charm.

Philosophers in most places are unwelcome: but there is no better

reason why Shaftesbury and Hobbes should be excluded from our

gallery, than why Epicurus should have been from Cicero's or Zeno from

Lucullus's. Of our sovereigns, I think Alfred, Cromwell, and William

III alone are eligible; and they, because they opposed successfully

the subverters of the laws. Three viceroys of Ireland will deservedly

be placed in the same receptacle; Sir John Perrot, Lord Chesterfield,

and (in due time) the last Lord-Deputy. One Speaker, one only, of the

Parliament; he without whom no Parliament would be now existing;

he who declared to Henry IV. that until all public grievances were

removed, no subsidy should be granted. The name of this Speaker may be

found in Rapin; English historians talk about facts, forgetting men.

Admirals and generals are numerous and conspicuous. Drake, Blake,

Rodney, Jervis, Nelson, Collingwood; the subduer of Algiers beaten

down for the French to occupy: and the defender of Acre, the first who

defeated, discomfited, routed, broke, and threw into shameful flight,

Bonaparte. Our generals are Marlborough, Peterborough, Wellington, and

that successor to his fame in India, who established the empire that

was falling from us, who achieved in a few days two arduous victories,

who never failed in any enterprise, who accomplished the most

difficult with the smallest expenditure of blood, who corrected

the disorders of the military, who gave the soldier an example of

temperance, the civilian of simplicity and frugality, and whose sole

(but exceedingly great) reward, was the approbation of our greatest

man.

With these come the statesmen of the Commonwealth, the students of

Bacon, the readers of Philip Sidney, the companions of Algernon, the

precursors of Locke and Newton. Opposite to them are Chaucer, Spenser,

Shakspeare, Milton; lower in dignity, Dryden, Pope, Gray, Goldsmith,

Cowper, Scott, Burns, Shelley, Southey, Byron, Wordsworth; the author

of _Hohenlinden_ and the _Battle of the Baltic_; and the glorious

woman who equaled these, two animated works in her _Ivan_ and

_Casabianca_. Historians have but recently risen up among us: and long

be it before, by command of Parliament, the chisel grates on the brow

of a Napier, a Grote, and Macaulay!

International Weekly Miscellany of Literature, Art and Science - Volume 1, No. 9, August 26, 1850 · 第 27 / 47 题