CHAPTER VIII

THE TERROR OF POISON

The Marquise de Brinvilliers--Homicidal mania--Mysterious

death of her father, M. D'Aubray--Death of her eldest brother

and her second brother--Sainte Croix's sudden death--Fatal

secret betrayed--Marchioness flies to England--Brought

to Paris--Her trial--Torture and cruel sentence--Others

suspected--Pennautier--Trade in poisoning--The _Chambre

Ardente_--La Voisin--Great people implicated--Wholesale

sentences--The galleys, or forced labor at the oar a common

punishment--War galleys--Manned with difficulty--Illegal

detention--Horrors of the galleys.

Paris was convulsed and shaken to its roots in 1674, when the

abominable crimes of the Marchioness of Brinvilliers were laid

bare. They have continued to horrify the whole world. Here was

a beautiful woman of good family, of quiet demeanor, seemingly

soft-hearted and sweet tempered, who nevertheless murdered her nearest

relations,--father, brother, sisters, her husband and her own children

by secret and detestable practices. It could have been nothing less

than homicidal mania in its worst development. The rage to kill, or,

more exactly, to test the value of the lethal weapons she recklessly

wielded, seized her under the guise of a high, religious duty to visit

the hospitals to try the effects of her poisons on the sick poor.

There were those at the time who saw in the discovery of her murderous

processes the direct interposition of Providence. First, there was the

sudden death of her principal accomplice, and the sure indications

found among the papers he left; next, the confirmatory proofs afforded

by a servant who had borne the "question" without opening his lips, and

only confessed at the scaffold; last of all, the guilty woman's arrest

in Liége on the last day that the French king's authority was paramount

in that city; and more, there was the fact that when taken, she was in

possession of papers indispensable to secure her own conviction.

Marie-Madeleine d'Aubray was beautiful, the daughter of the d'Aubray

who filled the high legal office of Lieutenant-Criminel, and she

married the Marquis de Brinvilliers at the age of twenty-one.

She was possessed of great personal attraction: a small woman of

slight, exquisite figure, her face round and regular, her complexion

extraordinarily fair, her hair abundant and of a dark chestnut color.

Everything promised a happy life for the young people. They were drawn

together by strong liking, they were fairly rich and held their heads

high in the best circle of the court. They lived together happily for

some years, and five children were born to them, but presently they

fell into extravagant ways and wasted their substance. The Marquis

became a roué and a gambler, and left his wife very much alone and

exposed to temptation, and especially to the marked attentions of a

certain Godin de St. Croix, a young, handsome and seductive gallant,

whom the Marquis had himself introduced and welcomed to his house. At

the trial it was urged that this St. Croix had been the real criminal;

he is described as a demon of violent and unbridled passion, who had

led the Marchioness astray, a statement never proved.

The liaison soon became public property, but the husband was altogether

indifferent to his wife's misconduct, having a disreputable character

of his own. The father and brothers strongly disapproved and reproached

the Marchioness fiercely. The elder d'Aubray, quite unable to check the

scandal, at last obtained a _lettre de cachet_, an order of summary

imprisonment, against St. Croix, and the lover was arrested in the

Marchioness' carriage, seated by her side. He was committed at once

to the Bastile, where he became the cellmate of an Italian generally

called Exili; although his real name is said to have been Egidi, while

his occult profession, according to contemporary writers, was that of

an artist in poisons. From this chance prison acquaintance flowed the

whole of the subsequent crimes. When St. Croix was released from the

Bastile, he obtained the release also of Exili and, taking him into

his service, the two applied themselves to the extensive manufacture

of poisons, assisted by an apothecary named Glaser. St. Croix was

supposed to have reformed. When once more free, he married, became

reserved and grew devout. Secretly he renewed his intimacy with the

Marchioness and persuaded her to get rid of her near relatives in order

to acquire the whole of the d'Aubray property; and he provided her with

the poisons for the purpose.

M. d'Aubray had forgiven his daughter, and had taken her with

him to his country estate at Offémont in the autumn of 1666. The

Marchioness treated him with the utmost affection and seemed to have

quite abandoned her loose ways. Suddenly, soon after their arrival,

M. d'Aubray was seized with some mysterious malady, accompanied by

constant vomitings and intolerable sufferings. Removed to Paris

next day, he was attended by a strange doctor, who had not seen the

beginning of the attack, and speedily died in convulsions. It was

suggested as the cause of his death, that he had been suffering from

gout driven into the stomach.

The inheritance was small, and there were four children to share it.

The Marchioness had two brothers and two sisters. One sister was

married and the mother of two children, the other was a Carmelite

nun. The eldest brother, Antoine d'Aubray, succeeded to his father's

office as Lieutenant-Criminel, and within four years he also died

under suspicious circumstances. He lived in Paris, and upon entering

his house one day called for a drink. A new valet, named La Chaussée,

brought him a glass of wine and water. It was horribly bitter to the

taste, and d'Aubray threw the greater part away, expressing his belief

that the rascal, La Chaussée, wanted to poison him. It was like liquid

fire, and others, who tasted it, declared that it contained vitriol.

La Chaussée, apologising, recovered the glass, threw the rest of the

liquid into the fire and excused himself by saying that a fellow

servant had just used the tumbler as a medicine glass. This incident

was presently forgotten, but next spring, at a dinner given by M.

d'Aubray, guests and host were seized with a strange illness after

eating a tart or _vol au vent_, and M. d'Aubray never recovered his

health. He "pined visibly" after his return to Paris, losing appetite

and flesh, and presently died, apparently of extreme weakness, on the

17th of June, 1670. A post mortem was held, but disclosed nothing, and

the death was attributed to "malignant humours," a ridiculously vague

expression showing the medical ignorance of the times.

The second brother did not survive. He too was attacked with illness,

and died of the same loss of power and vitality. An autopsy resulted

in a certain suspicion of foul play. The doctors reported that the

lungs of the deceased were ulcerated, the liver and heart burned up and

destroyed. Undoubtedly there had been noxious action, but it could not

be definitely referred to poison. No steps, however, were taken by the

police to inquire into the circumstances of this sudden death.

Meanwhile the Marchioness had been deserted by her husband, and she

gave herself up to reckless dissipation. When St. Croix abandoned her

also, she resolved to commit suicide. "I shall put an end to my life,"

she wrote him in a letter afterwards found among his papers, "by using

what you gave me, the preparation of Glaser." Courage failed her, and

now chance or strange fortune intervened with terrible revelations. St.

Croix's sudden death betrayed the secret of the crime.

He was in the habit of working at a private laboratory in the Place

Maubert, where he distilled his lethal drugs. One day as he bent

over the furnace, his face protected by a glass mask, the glass

burst unexpectedly, and he inhaled a breath of the poisonous fumes,

which stretched him dead upon the spot. Naturally there could be no

destruction of compromising papers, and these at once fell into the

hands of the police. Before they could be examined, the Marchioness,

terrified at the prospect of impending detection, committed herself

hopelessly by her imprudence. She went at once to the person to whom

the papers had been confided and begged for a casket in which were a

number of her letters. She was imprudent enough to offer a bribe of

fifty louis, and was so eager in her appeal, that suspicion arose and

her request was refused. Ruin stared her in the face, she went home,

got what money she could and fled from Paris.

The casket was now opened, and fully explained her apprehensions.

On top was a paper written by St. Croix which ran: "I humbly entreat

the person into whose hands this casket may come to convey it to the

Marchioness Brinvilliers, rue Neuve St. Paul; its contents belong to

her and solely concern her and no one else in the world. Should she die

before me I beg that everything within the box may be burned without

examination." In addition to the letters from the Marchioness, the

casket contained a number of small parcels and phials full of drugs,

such as antimony, corrosive sublimate, vitriol in various forms. These

were analysed, and some portion of them administered to animals, which

immediately died.

The law now took action. The first arrest was that of La Chaussée,

whose complicity with St. Croix was undoubted. The man had been in St.

Croix's service, he had lived with Antoine d'Aubray, and at the seizure

of St. Croix's effects, he had rashly protested against the opening

of the casket. He was committed to the Châtelet and put on his trial

with the usual preliminary torture of the "boot." He stoutly refused

to make confession at first, but spoke out when released from the

rack. His conviction followed, on a charge of having murdered the two

Lieutenants-Criminel, the d'Aubrays, father and son. His sentence was,

to be broken alive on the wheel, and he was duly executed.

This was the first act in the criminal drama. The Marchioness was still

at large. She had sought an asylum in England, and was known to be in

London. Colbert, the French minister, applied in his king's name for

her arrest and removal to France. But no treaty of extradition existed

in those days, and the laws of England were tenacious. Even Charles II,

the paid pensioner of Louis and his very submissive ally, could not

impose his authority upon a free people; and the English, then by no

means friendly with France, would have resented the arbitrary arrest

of even the most dastard criminal for an offence committed beyond the

kingdom. History does not say exactly how it was compassed, but the

Marchioness did leave England, and crossed to the Low Countries, where

she took refuge in a convent in the city of Liége.

Four years passed, but her retreat became known to the police of Paris.

Desgrez, a skilful officer, famous for his successes as a detective,

was forthwith despatched to inveigle her away. He assumed the disguise

of an abbé, and called at the convent. Being a good looking young man

of engaging manners, he was well received by the fugitive French woman,

sick and weary of conventual restriction. The Marchioness, suspecting

nothing, gladly accepted the offer of a drive in the country with the

astute Desgrez, who promptly brought her under escort to the French

frontier as a prisoner. A note of her reception at the Conciergerie is

among the records, to the effect, that, "La Brinvilliers, who had been

arrested by the King's order in the city of Liége, was brought to the

prison under a warrant of the Court."

On the journey from Liége she had tried to seduce one of her escort

into passing letters to a friend, whom she earnestly entreated to

recover certain papers she had left at the convent. These, however,

one of them of immense importance, her full confession, had already

been secured by Desgrez, showing that the Abbess had been cognisant of

the intended arrest. The Marchioness yielded to despair when she heard

of the seizure of her papers and would have killed herself, first by

swallowing a long pin and next by eating glass. This confession is

still extant and will be read with horror--the long list of her crimes

and debaucheries set forth with cold-blooded, plain speaking. It was

not produced at her trial, which was mainly a prolonged series of

detailed interrogatories to which she made persistent denials. As the

proceedings drew slowly on, all Paris watched with shuddering anxiety,

and the King himself, who was absent on a campaign, sent peremptory

orders to Colbert that no pains should be spared to bring all proof

against the guilty woman. Conviction was never in doubt. One witness

declared that she had made many attempts to get the casket from St.

Croix; another, that she exulted in her power to rid herself of her

enemies, declaring it was easy to give them "a pistol shot in their

soup;" a third, that she had exhibited a small box, saying, "it is

very small but there is enough inside to secure many successions

(inheritances)." Hence the euphemism _poudre de succession_, so often

employed at that time to signify "deadly poison."

The accused still remained obstinately dumb, but at last an eloquent

priest, l'Abbé Pirot, worked upon her feelings of contrition, and

obtained a full avowal, not only of her own crimes, but those also

of her accomplices. Sentence was at once pronounced, and execution

quickly followed. Torture, both ordinary and extraordinary, was to

be first inflicted. The ordeal of water, three buckets-full, led her

to ask if they meant to drown her, as assuredly she could not, with

her small body, drink so much. After the torture she was to make

the _amende honorable_ and the acknowledgment, candle in hand, that

vengeance and greed had tempted her to poison her father, brothers and

sisters. Then her right hand was to be amputated as a parricide; but

this penalty was remitted. The execution was carried out under very

brutal conditions. No sooner were the prison doors opened than a mob of

great ladies rushed in to share and gloat over her sufferings, among

them the infamous Comtesse de Soissons, who was proved later to have

been herself a poisoner. An enormous crowd of spectators, at least one

hundred thousand, were assembled in the streets, at the windows and

on the roofs, and she was received with furious shouts. Close by the

tumbril rode Desgrez, the officer who had captured her in Liége. Yet

she showed the greatest fortitude. "She died as she had lived," writes

Madame de Sévigné, "resolutely. Now she is dispersed into the air. Her

poor little body was thrown into a fierce furnace, and her ashes blown

to the four winds of heaven."

Another person was implicated in this black affair, Reich de

Pennautier, Receiver-General of the clergy. When the St. Croix casket

was opened, a promissory note signed by Pennautier had been found.

He was suspected of having used poison to remove his predecessor in

office. Pennautier was arrested and lodged in the Conciergerie, where

he occupied the old cell of Ravaillac for seven days. Then he was put

on his trial. He found friends, chief of them the reticent Madame

de Brinvilliers, but he had an implacable enemy in the widow of his

supposed victim, Madame de St. Laurent, who continually pursued him

in the courts. He was, however, backed by Colbert, Archbishop of

Paris, and the whole of the French clergy. In the end he was released,

emerging as Madame de Sévigné put it, "rather whiter than snow," and

he retained his offices until he became enormously rich. Although his

character was smirched in this business he faced the world bravely to a

green old age.

In France uneasiness was general after the execution of the Brinvilliers

and the acquittal of Pennautier. Sinister rumors prevailed that secret

poisoning had become quite a trade, facilitated by the existence of

carefully concealed offices, where the noxious drugs necessary could be

purchased easily by heirs tired of waiting for their succession, and

by husbands and wives eager to get rid of one another. Within a year

suspicion was strengthened by the picking up of an anonymous letter in

the confessional of the Jesuit Church of the rue St. Antoine, stating

that a plot was afoot to poison both the King and the Dauphin. The

police set inquiries on foot, and traced the projected crime to two

persons, Louis Vanens and Robert de la Nurée, the Sieur de Bachimont.

The first of these dabbled openly in love philtres and other unavowable

medicines; and he was also suspected of having poisoned the Duke of

Savoy some years previously. Bachimont was one of his agents. From

this first clue, the police followed the thread of their discoveries,

and brought home to a number of people the charge of preparing and

selling poisons, two of whom were condemned and executed. A still

more important arrest was that of Catherine Deshayes, the wife of one

Voisin or Monvoisin, a jeweller. From this moment the affair assumed

such serious proportions that it was decided to conduct the trial

with closed doors. The authorities constituted a royal tribunal to

sit in private at the Arsenal, and to be known to the public as the

_Chambre Ardente_ or Court of Poisons. La Reynie and another counsellor

presided, and observed extreme caution, but were quite unable to keep

secret the result of their proceedings. It was soon whispered through

Paris that the crime of poisoning had extensive ramifications, and that

many great people, some nearly related to the throne, were compromised

with la Voisin. The names were openly mentioned: a Bourbon prince, the

Comte de Clermont, the Duchesse de Bouillon, the Princesse de Tingry,

one of the Queen's ladies in waiting, and the Marchionesse d'Alluye,

who had been an intimate friend of Fouquet. The Duc de Luxembourg and

others of the highest rank were consigned to the Bastile. Yet more, the

Comtesse de Soissons, the proudest of Cardinal Mazarin's nieces and one

of the first of the King's favorites, had, by his special grace, been

warned to fly from Paris to escape imprisonment.

No such favor was shown to others. Louis XIV sternly bade La Reynie

to spare no one else, to let justice take its course strictly and

expose everything; the safety of the public demanded it, and the

hideous evil must be extirpated in its very root. There was to be no

distinction of persons or of sex in vindicating the law. Such severity

was indeed necessary. Although the King wished all the documents in

the case to be carefully destroyed, some have been preserved. They

exhibit the widespread infamy and almost immeasurable guilt of the

criminals. Colbert stigmatised the facts as "things too execrable to

be put on paper; amounting to sacrilege, profanity and abomination."

The very basest aims inspired the criminals to seek the King's favor;

disappointed beauties would have poisoned their rivals and replaced

them in the King's affections. The Comtesse de Soissons's would-be

victim was the beautiful La Vallière, and Madame de Montespan was

suspected of desiring to remove Mdlle. de Fontanges. Madame La Féron

attempted the life of her husband, a president of Parliament. The Duc

de Luxembourg was accused of poisoning his duchess. M. de Feuquières

invited la Voisin to get rid of the uncle and guardian of an heiress

he wished to marry. The end of these protracted proceedings was the

inevitable retribution that waited on their crimes. Two hundred and

forty-six persons had been brought to trial, of whom thirty-six went

to the scaffold, after enduring torture, ordinary and extraordinary.

Of the rest, some were sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, some to

banishment, some to the galleys for life. Among those who suffered the

extreme penalty were la Voisin, La Vigouroux, Madame de Carada, several

priests and Sieur Maillard, who was charged with attempting to poison

Colbert and the King himself. The Bastile, Vincennes and every State

prison were crowded with the poisoners, and for years the registers of

castles and fortresses contained the names of inmates committed by the

_Chambre Ardente_ of the Arsenal.

The edict which dissolved this special tribunal laid down stringent

laws to protect the public against future poisoning. A clean sweep

was made of the charlatans, the pretended magicians who came from

abroad and imposed upon the credulity of the French people, who united

sacrilege and impious practices with the manufacture and distribution

of noxious drugs. Several clauses in the edict dealt with poisons,

describing their action and effect,--in some cases instantaneous, in

others slow, gradually undermining health and originating mysterious

maladies, that proved fatal in the end. The sale of deleterious

substances was strictly regulated, such as arsenic and corrosive

sublimate, and the use of poisonous vermin, "snakes, vipers and frogs,"

in medical prescriptions was forbidden.

A few words more as to the Comtesse de Soissons, who was suffered

to fly from France, but could find no resting place. Her reputation

preceded her, and she was refused admittance into Antwerp. In Flanders

she ingratiated herself with the Duke of Parma, and lived under his

protection for several years. Finally she appeared in Madrid, and was

received at court. Then the young Queen of Spain died suddenly with

all the symptoms of poisoning, and Madame de Soissons was immediately

suspected, for unexpected and mysterious deaths always followed in her

trail. She was driven from the country, and died a wanderer in great

poverty.

No account of the means of repression of those days in France would be

complete without including the galleys,--the system of enforced labor

at the oars, practised for many centuries by all the Mediterranean

nations, and dating back to classical times. These ancient warships,

making at best but six miles an hour by human effort under the lash,

are in strong contrast with the modern ironclad impelled by steam. But

the Venetians and the Genoese owned fine fleets of galleys and won

signal naval victories with them. France long desired to rival these

powers, and Henry III, when returning from Poland to mount the French

throne, paused at Venice to visit the arsenal and see the warships in

process of construction. At that time France had thirty galleys afloat,

twenty-six of the highest order and worked by convicts (_galeriens_).

This number was not always maintained, and in 1662 Colbert, bidding for

sea power and striving hard to add to the French navy, ordered six new

ships to be laid down at Marseilles, and sought to buy a number, all

standing, from the Republic of Genoa and the Grand Duke of Tuscany.

These efforts were crowned with success. In 1670 there were twenty

galleys under the French flag, and Colbert wrote the intendant at

Marseilles that his Master, Louis XIV, was eager to possess one royal

ship which would outvie any hitherto launched on the seas. The increase

continued, and in 1677 the fleet numbered thirty, rising to forty-two

by the end of the century.

It was not enough to build the ships; the difficulty was to man them.

The custom of sending condemned convicts to ply the oar was ancient,

and dated back to the reign of Charles VII. But it was little used

until Francis I desired to strengthen his navy, and he ordered

parliaments and tribunals to consign to the galleys all able-bodied

offenders who deserved death and had been condemned to bodily

penalties, whatsoever crimes they had committed. The supply of this

personnel was precarious, and Colbert wrote to the judges to be more

severe with their sentences, and to inflict the galleys in preference

to death, a commutation likely to be welcome to the culprit. But some

of the parliaments demurred. That of Dijon called it changing the

law, and the President, protesting, asked for new ordinances. Colbert

put the objection aside arbitrarily. He increased the pressure on the

courts and dealt sharply with the keepers of local gaols, who did not

use sufficient promptness in sending on their quotas of convicts to

Marseilles and Toulon. Many escapes from the chain were made by the

way, so carelessly conducted was the transfer.

This "chain," a disgrace to humanity, was employed in France till quite

within our own day. The wretched convicts made their long pilgrimage

on foot from all parts of the country to the southern coast. They

were chained together in gangs and marched painfully in all weathers,

mile after mile, along their weary road under military escort. No

arrangements were made for them by the way. They were fed on any coarse

food that could be picked up, and were lodged for the night in sheds

and stables if any could be found; if not, under the sky. Death took

its toll of them ere they reached their destination. They were a scarce

commodity and yet no measures were adopted to preserve their health and

strength. The ministers in Paris were continually urging the presidents

of parliaments to augment the supplies of the condemned, and were told

that the system was in fault, that numbers died in their miserable

cells waiting removal, and many made their escape on the journey.

Still the demands of the galleys were insatiable, and many contrivances

were adopted to reinforce the crews. Colbert desired to send to them

all vagabonds, all sturdy beggars, smugglers and men without visible

means of support, but a change in the law was required and the

authorities for a time shrank from it. Another expedient was to hire

_forcats_ from the Duke of Savoy, who had no warships. Turkish and

Russian slaves were purchased to work the oars, and Negroes from the

Guinea coast. As a measure of retaliation against Spain, prisoners of

war of that nation were treated as galley slaves, a custom abhorrent

to fair usage. It was carried so far as to include the Red Indians,

Iroquois, captured in Canada in the fierce war then in progress.

Numbers were taken by unworthy stratagem and passed over to France, and

the result was an embittered contest, which endured for four years.

A fresh device was to seek volunteers. These "bonne-voglies," or

"bonivoglios," the Italian form most commonly used, were so called

because they contracted of their own free will to accept service in

the galleys, to live the wretched life of the galley slave, to submit

to all his hardships, meagre fare and cruel usage, to be chained to

the oar, and driven to labor under the ready lash of the overseers.

These free _forcats_ soon claimed greater consideration, and it was

necessary to treat them more leniently and in a way injurious to

discipline in the opinion of the captains and intendants. The convicts

were more submissive and more laborious, and still the authorities

sought to multiply them. A more disgraceful system than any of these

already mentioned was now practised,--that of illegal detention long

after the sentence had expired. By an old ordinance, any captain who

thus detained a convict was liable to instant dismissal. Other laws,

however, fixed a minimum term of ten years' detention, what though the

original sentence was considerable. Under Louis XIII it was ruled that

six years should be the lowest term, on the ground that during the two

first years a galley slave was useless on account of weak physique and

want of skill in rowing. Later a good Bishop of Marseilles pleaded the

cause of convicts who had endured a term of twice or three times their

first sentence. A case was quoted in which _thirty-four_, convicted

between 1652 and 1660, and sentenced to two, three or four years, were

still languishing in chains in 1674. An official document of that

year gives the names of twenty who had served fifteen to twenty years

beyond their sentence. The intendant of the galleys at Marseilles

reports in 1679, that on examining the registers he had found a certain

soldier still in custody who was sentenced by a military court in

1660 to five years, and who had therefore endured fourteen. Again, a

man named Caneau was sentenced in 1605 to two years and was still in

confinement twelve years later. True it was open to the _galerien_ to

buy a substitute, a Turkish or other "bonivoglio," but the price, eight

hundred or one thousand francs, was scarcely within the reach of the

miserable creatures at the _bagnes_.

It is difficult to exaggerate the horrors of the galleys. No wonder

that many preferred suicide or self-mutilation to enduring it! Afloat

or ashore, the convict's condition was wretched in the extreme. On

board ship each individual was chained to his bench, day and night,

and the short length of the chain, as well as the nearness of his

neighbors, limited his movements. His whole clothing consisted of

a single loose blouse of coarse red canvas, with neither shoes nor

stockings and little underlinen. His diet was of brown beans cooked in

a little oil, black bread and a morsel of bacon. Personal cleanliness

was entirely neglected, and all alike suffered from scurvy and were

infested with vermin. Labor was incessant while at sea, and the

overseers, walking on a raised platform, which ran fore and aft between

the benches of rowers, stimulated effort by using their whips upon the

bending backs below them. At times silence was strictly required,--as

when moving to the attack or creeping away from an enemy and the whole

ship's company was gagged with a wooden ball inserted in the mouth. In

the barracks ashore, when the ships were laid up for the winter, the

convicts' lot was somewhat better, for they were not at the mercy of

the elements, and there was no severe labor; but the other conditions,

such as diet, clothing and general discomfort, were the same. Now and

again if any distinguished visitor arrived at the port, it was the

custom to treat them to a cruise in one of the great galleys. The ship

was dressed with all her colors, the convicts were washed clean, and

wore their best red shirts, and they were trained to salute the great

folk who condescended to come on board, by a strange shout of welcome:

"Hou! Hou! Hou!" a cry thrice repeated, resembling the roar of a wild

beast.

The merciless treatment accorded by Louis XIV to the Protestants, who

dared to hold their own religious opinions, will be better realised

when it is stated that great numbers of them were consigned to the

galleys, to serve for years side by side with the worst malefactors,

with savage Iroquois and infidel Turks, and to endure the selfsame

barbarities inflicted on the wretched refuse of mankind. No greater

stain rests upon the memory of a ruler, whom the weak-kneed sycophants

of his age misnamed La Grande Monarque, than this monstrous persecution

of honest, honorable people, who were ready to suffer all rather than

sacrifice liberty of conscience. How deep and ineffaceable is the

stain shall be shown in the next chapter.

Early French Prisons Le Grand and Le Petit Châtelets; Vincennes; The Bastile; Loches; The Galleys; Revolutionary Prisons · 第 8 / 11 章