THE MOHAMMEDAN REBELLION IN CHINA, 1895–6.
While all Europe was busily engaged watching the progress of the war
between China and Japan, and speculating as to what its ultimate result
would be, the Province of Kansu was passing through a time of war
and murder, fire and pillage, such as has rarely been known, and the
severity of which can scarcely be realized, except by those who have
visited the scene of it.
So scanty were the reports which appeared in the English or Indian
papers, that Malcolm and I were little prepared for the scenes of
devastation we passed through, or for the stories we heard from the
missionaries, who spoke only from their own experiences.
The first signs of disturbance occurred in March, 1895, arising out
of a quarrel between the two sects of Mohammedans—the "Salars" or
"white-capped" sect, and the "black-capped" Mohammedans. The former
came into China about 400 years ago. They are far more devout and far
more fanatical than the "black caps," and to this day they preserve very
many traces of their western origin. They live in eighteen villages, or
"kung," on the south side of the Yellow River, and number nearly 20,000
souls.
The Tao T'ai of Sining, a high district official, went to
Hsiun-Hua-Ting, about eighty miles from Sining, the scene of the
disturbance, with a view to inquiring into and settling it. In a moment
of indiscretion he seized and put to death an important Salar chief;
this was the signal for an outbreak. The Salars rose _en masse_, the
Tao T'ai was imprisoned, and the rebellion, which was to last for more
than a year, had begun. Towards the end of March a body of soldiers,
under a Major Uang, was treacherously attacked by Salars; twenty-four
were killed and many wounded.
The outcome of this attack was a proclamation by the governor-general
of the province of Kansu, to the effect that all Salars were to be
killed without mercy. This was a hasty and ill-advised step, as its
immediate result was to cause great excitement and disaffection among
all Mohammedans of both sects—a very serious matter—comprising as they
did about one quarter of the whole population of the province, while
in wealth and enterprise they represented an even larger proportion. A
second proclamation to the effect that there were good and bad Salars,
and that only the latter were to be destroyed, did nothing to allay the
feeling of uneasiness.
During April people from the villages crowded into Sining, bringing
in what grain and family belongings they could carry. Meanwhile
all available soldiers from Lancheo, the capital of the province,
Liang-Cheo, and other towns to the east, were sent up to Sining; but
they were sadly insufficient to cope with the work there was before
them. A reward of Ts.10 for every living Salar, and Ts.5 for every dead
one was offered, and Tibetan soldiers were induced to help the Chinese
by promises of Salar territory.
By the end of April three Salar villages had been taken, but the
Tao T'ai was still a prisoner, and the rising was undoubtedly on the
increase. Luckily for Kansu, there was one man in Sining at this time
who was thoroughly able to cope with the difficulties which arose.
This was General Teng, the general in command at Sining. Throughout the
rebellion he behaved in a truly heroic manner, and succeeded in winning
the entire confidence and affection of the people, a bright contrast to
most Chinese officials, whose only idea is self. He was also an able
commander; his troops followed him as they followed no one else, with
the natural result that when led by him they were almost invariably
victorious.
General Teng left Sining for the disturbed district about the end of
April, and was absent about two months, defeating the rebels in two
battles, and taking the city of Hsiun-Hua-Ting. Soon after his return,
however, disquieting rumours were heard of further risings at Ho-Cheo
and other places.
Ho-Cheo is the principal Mohammedan city in Kansu. Their chief colleges
are there, and it is one of the few places where Arabic is well known.
An outbreak there was almost certain to ensure the rebellion becoming
general, and no longer remaining confined to the "white-capped" sect.
Since the last rebellion, which ended some twenty-three years ago, no
Mohammedans have been allowed to reside inside the cities, but have been
compelled to reside in the suburbs, and seeing that in 1895 nearly every
town of importance in Kansu had a Mohammedan suburb, the seriousness of
a general outbreak can be imagined.
On the 11th July, General Teng again left Sining for the seat of war,
and in a very few days he inflicted a severe defeat on the rebels,
killing 700, with but slight loss to his own side; but the tide of
rebellion was now too strong to be checked, and the death of a few
hundreds made no appreciable difference. Sining was gradually being
closed in, and was now almost shut off from the seat of war. To add to
the trouble, a rumour got about that 10,000 Mohammedans in the east
suburb of Sining itself were on the eve of rebelling, a danger which
would be rendered even more serious by the absence of the general with
every available soldier from the garrison.
Towards the end of July the enemy gradually closed in on the
city, burning villages, and murdering men, women, and children; in
Sin-Tien-Pu, a city to the west, about 2,000 people were killed.
To-Pa, a walled town, was able to hold its own, but in most places the
inhabitants were powerless to defend themselves, greatly owing to want
of able and determined leaders. Sining itself was little better, but
happily for all within the walls General Teng suddenly returned.
Shortly after his arrival it became known that certain influential
people in the city had made a plot, which would, they hoped, result
in his degradation, thereby removing the greatest obstacle in the way
of Mohammedan success. A certain gentleman of the name of Chu, backed
up by three other men of position, had drawn up a petition, which he
had presented to the Taitai general, with a request that it might be
forwarded to Lancheo. The petition was to the effect that after his
last big fight, General Teng had ruthlessly butchered 700 harmless
individuals, and that he ought to be disgraced. It seems incredible
that even Chinamen could be so lost to any sense of patriotism, that
they could accept Mohammedan silver as a reward for bringing about the
downfall of the one man on whom the safety of their fellow-countrymen
depended. The news of this plot soon spread among the people, and
retribution swiftly followed. Mr. Chu was caught in the streets, and
paid the penalty for his treachery with his life, while his three
colleagues narrowly escaped. Their houses were wrecked, and every stick
of property was destroyed by the infuriated mob.
The villages in the immediate vicinity of Sining were the next to
suffer, and on the 26th July a large number of wounded people, mostly
women and children, arrived in the city. The Temple of the God of
Literature was turned into a temporary hospital, and the missionaries
were begged to go and see what they could do for the sufferers. Needless
to say, they lost not a moment in answering this appeal, and from that
time on their hands were full, from early morning to late at night.
How some of the wounded ever managed to struggle as far as the city
is more than the missionaries could tell us. One old woman, sixty-four
years of age, had fourteen lance thrusts and a sword cut on her body,
while a six-months-old child had three sword cuts on its face alone,
and yet both these and many others in similar cases had travelled a
distance of seventeen English miles before they could get any aid. So
badly wounded were some of them, that they had taken three and four days
on the road, and yet they had lived through it all.
All August the enemy ravaged the country, burning and pillaging, and
a few small engagements took place. On the 16th August two rebels were
caught and brought into the city. They said that there were 9,000 rebels
in the valley to the north of Sining, that they were going to block the
road from Lancheo, under Han-Uen-Sheo, the chief insurrectionary leader,
and that Sining itself was to be surrounded on the 15th of the seventh
moon—_i.e._, on the 3rd September.
A curious story came in about this time from Sin Ch'eng, whether true
or not I cannot say; but the story goes that the rebels had succeeded
in cutting the people off from the river, their only water supply. Death
stared them in the face, for to surrender meant death without mercy; but
Providence was on their side, for the rats in the town had worked a way
to the river bed, and through this the water trickled into the city,
slowly at first, but gradually increasing in volume until the supply
was sufficient for man and beast.
At last the event which had been feared so long occurred; the rebels
in the east suburb of Sining broke out on the 1st September, and the
inhabitants had to make up their minds to withstand a prolonged siege
with all its attendant horrors. Several times the general had applied
to Lancheo for reinforcements, but had been met with the reply that
these Mohammedans were good people, and that there was no fear of their
not remaining loyal. The Tao T'ai had also been of the same opinion,
or said he was, with the result that they now had to pay dearly for
their undue confidence. On the news of this fresh outbreak the city was
thrown into a state of wild confusion. Common people and soldiers rushed
promiscuously on to the walls, while those on guard hastened to the city
gate. In the suburb the Mohammedans set fire to all the Chinese houses,
and piled up furniture in the streets to act as a protection against an
attack from the city, while above all the noise and confusion was the
firing of guns and cannon from the city walls.
The 3rd September was a day of heavy fighting; a number of rebels came
down from the north valley, and the men of the garrison went out to meet
them. Fighting went on all day, decidedly in favour of the Chinese; but
late in the day an attack on the suburb, made through a mistaken order,
ended most disastrously, so that what should have been a very successful
day ended as the reverse. Han-Uen-Sheo himself arrived in the suburb a
few days later. Prices began to rise in Sining, oil being sold at three
times its usual cost. Distrust of the officials was again excited by
a statement being made that the Tao T'ai had received Ts.5,000 from
the Mohammedans to promise that their submission would be accepted,
should they wish it. This report was undoubtedly believed by many of
the people, though on what grounds is hard to say.
The 21st September was another day of hard fighting, ending in favour
of the Chinese, although the enemy managed to fire some temples and
grain outside the city. The Chinese had a great advantage in arms, the
horse soldiers being armed with European rifles, while the infantry
and Tibetans all had guns of native manufacture; the rebels, on the
other hand, having very few of any kind. Seventy of them were killed or
wounded in this day's fighting.
Towards the end of this month the garrison was increased by 130
soldiers and 300 faithful Salars and Tibetans, a welcome addition,
as they are both far bolder men than the average Chinaman. About the
middle of October news reached the besieged city that eleven battalions
had reached Ping-Chong-i, about sixty li only from Sining, but that
the rebels were holding the narrow gorges of Siao Hsia in force, and
blocking their further progress.
In one engagement, some rebels, disguised as Chinese soldiers, met
these relieving battalions on the march. The latter took the rebels for
troops from Sining, and were preparing to greet them, when suddenly
the disguise was thrown off, and the Chinese, being caught at a
disadvantage, suffered severely, over a hundred of them being killed,
and a number of rifles with a large amount of ammunition being lost.
Every day the Mohammedans gave proofs of their individual courage,
showing that had they been anything like as well armed as the Chinese,
they would in all probability have got into Sining.
In the same way another month passed, the wretched inhabitants of Sining
anxiously awaiting news and relief from the east, while every few days
fighting took place outside the walls. Diphtheria added to the trials of
the defenders, and the missionaries were all more or less worn out with
their labours. One can scarcely picture to oneself the horror of Mrs.
Ridley's position at this time. She, the only white lady in the city,
had to face the daily uncertainty as to whether the enemy would succeed
in getting in or not, and the possibility (always present in China) of
the populace turning against her as well, actuated by the wild idea that
their troubles were all caused by the "foreign devils" in their midst.
On the 16th of November, a fresh rumour arrived to the effect
that reinforcements had not yet reached Lancheo, but the resulting
disappointment was somewhat alleviated by the arrival of two men who
had been sent down to Niempe, a walled town, 120 li from Sining, to try
and find out the truth about a supply of guns and ammunition reported
to have arrived there. These men each brought back a specimen of the
rifles, which proved to be Remingtons, and which so delighted the
General that he sent off eighty men through the hills to bring back as
many rifles and as much ammunition as they could manage. These men got
safely through, and returned a week later with a number of Remingtons
and some French repeating rifles and ammunition.
On the 30th November, the news arrived of another fight at Ping-Chong-i,
resulting in a decisive victory for the rebels, who captured all the
arms from the Chinese troops. A few days later 200 people were killed in
the south valley, and rumours of relief were very conflicting. At one
time the reliefs were expected in a few days, at another they had not
yet left Lancheo; but at last what seemed to be reliable information
was received that thirteen battalions of veteran soldiers had arrived
at Ping Fang, 120 miles from Sining.
A day or two afterwards the besieged were further encouraged by the safe
arrival of a large convoy with oil, grain, and other useful articles,
including a large quantity of pipe-lighters.
Every one was greatly delighted, especially at the news of the
reinforcement, coming, as it did, so close on the news of the defeat at
Ping-Chong-i, and when all hope of relief for some time had apparently
vanished. The escort with the convoy got into the city unmolested, but
about a thousand men belonging to it made two unsuccessful attempts to
leave, being driven back on both occasions. But the end was soon to come
now, and the rebels seemed to have heard the news of the large bodies
of men coming up to the relief of the beleaguered city, for numbers of
them began to offer their submission, which, needless to say, was not
accepted, partly through mistrust, and partly from a desire on the part
of the Chinese to avenge the deaths of those who had fallen, and the
destruction of their property.
On the 2nd of January, 1896, about twelve horse soldiers arrived and
demanded admission to the city, saying that they had come from Lancheo,
that General Li, Commander-in-Chief of the Kansu forces, was a few miles
behind, and that a Colonel T'ang, from Lancheo, was also following.
However, they had no official documents, and admission was refused until
the Commander-in-Chief himself should arrive. Meanwhile the excitement
in the city at the prospect of the siege shortly coming to an end
was intense, an excitement which was increased by the non-arrival of
the Commander-in-Chief, and by a very large body of men, apparently
soldiers, being seen to pass into the rebel quarters in the suburb. Next
day the excitement increased, if possible. Colonel T'ang arrived, and
was admitted; but it was reported that General Li was afraid to come
into the city, lest the people should attack him. However, the next
day he arrived, the rebels apparently making no efforts to prevent his
entry.
As soon as the Commander-in-Chief had been received officially by the
city dignitaries, he was intercepted by a deputation of the gentry,
who presented him with a memorandum they had prepared, showing the
places which had been destroyed, and a list of the 40,000 people slain.
The General then explained that the rebels had submitted to him at
Ping-Chong-i, and that through want of ammunition, and having already
suffered two defeats, he had been compelled to accept their submission,
instead of being able to punish them.[12] The procession then wound
its way to the principal yamen. The streets were crowded with people,
all begging and beseeching the Commander-in-Chief on no account to
make terms with the enemy, but to avenge the deaths of those they had
lost. This must have been a most affecting sight, especially when one
remembers that there can have been few, if any, in all that crowd, who
had not lost a husband, a wife, a brother, a sister, or some other near
relative, in those terrible months of civil war. But there were not yet
sufficient troops in Sining to enable the Chinese to take the offensive.
On the 7th of January the first news of the outer world since the 24th
of July reached the missionaries in Sining, as a small party of soldiers
brought them up a quantity of letters from Lancheo. All danger was now
at an end; there were plenty of troops near at hand, and communication
with the east had been established. The final relief was effected on
the 14th of the same month, when the first batch of troops, 2,000 in
number, arrived amid general rejoicing, especially as their leader was
General Ho, a native of the district, in whom the people had far greater
confidence than they had in the Commander-in-Chief.
The work of retribution now began. The submission accepted by
Commander-in-Chief Li was set aside, and the Chinese gave full play to
their lust for vengeance. First the south suburb was absolutely wrecked,
the rebels' houses were gutted, and their mosque razed to the ground.
About thirty of them who were hiding in cupboards and other places were
promptly killed. Some notices were put up in the city the same evening,
saying that, as the people had submitted to the Commander-in-Chief their
property was to be respected. The only answer from the infuriated mob
was to tear down the notices, smash up the notice boards, and drag the
responsible officials from their houses into the streets, where they
were mercilessly beaten, and but for the prompt action of General Teng,
to whom alone the people looked for orders, they would certainly have
been killed. Had the Commander-in-Chief been in the city at the time he
would have fared no better, and possibly worse.
For the next month Generals Ho and Teng were occupied driving the rebels
out of the villages and strongholds they had captured, and restoring
order in the district, the method employed being the somewhat drastic
one of putting to death without question every Mohammedan who fell into
their hands; thus at Shen-Chong, a village twenty miles up the south
valley, 600 to 700 were slaughtered, while many set fire to their houses
and were burnt to death.
This cleared the south valley and opened the road to T'ah-rï-sï, where
the festival of the Chinese New Year was held as usual, on the 12th
February. The north valley and the east suburb still had to be dealt
with.
On the 15th February a number of Chinese went up the north valley to
worship at the graves of their ancestors, some soldiers having preceded
them the day before. While engaged in their devotions, and thinking
little of danger, 200 rebels wearing Chinese uniforms suddenly swept
down upon them from the west, and finding them defenceless, cut them
down right and left; fortunately, some cavalry from the city came to
the rescue promptly and so saved many lives, but fifty had already
been killed and numbers wounded. One boy was brought into Sining with
twenty-four wounds, another with seventeen, and a third with sixteen.
How these ever recovered is a marvel, but recover they did, thanks to
the missionaries. Can one wonder after this that the Chinese soldiers
refused to spare any, even when ordered to do so by their officers.
Village after village now fell into the hands of the two generals, who,
on the 19th February, were reinforced by ten battalions (5000 men) from
the south, under General Uei-Kuang-Tao, commander-in-chief of the Hunan
troops. These troops were quartered in the east suburb, and on their
arrival Commander-in-Chief Li took the earliest opportunity to leave a
city where he was so cordially disliked, and where his safety was very
doubtful. With a view to getting away, he summoned those leaders who had
tendered their submission at Ping Chong Island, handed them and their
affairs over to General Teng, and left for Lancheo with thirty or forty
followers.
Commander-in-Chief Li's departure was the signal for a general slaughter
to commence, and the quicker we pass over this painful subject the
better. Suffice it to say that the name of every rebel of any importance
was extracted from these leaders, those in the suburb were called
out, any refusing to come were killed on the spot, and the remainder
murdered after a semblance of a trial; the only thing we can say is that
torture, so common a feature of Chinese justice, was never resorted
to—retribution was sure and swift. For many days this continued, as
rebels were brought in from the villages to be dealt with in the city,
the heads of important men being hung up in cages just inside the west
gate.
Meanwhile the Hunan soldiers under General Uei were not distinguishing
themselves; they were worsted in nearly every engagement, and Generals
Ho and Teng constantly had to come to their assistance. One little
incident rather tended to dim their fame in the eyes of those who had
been so long besieged. Eight battalions went to retake a small village
called Su-kia-pu. For four days they bombarded it steadily without a
shot being fired in reply, but fearing some deep-laid plot, they dared
not attempt an assault; on the fourth day General Ho came to their
assistance. Encouraged by these reinforcements, the Hunan troops rushed
to take the stronghold by storm. They had just got to the gate when
they were met by an old woman, who meekly inquired why they had been
firing so long, for besides herself there were only two old women in
the village; she herself was lame and the other two blind, for which
reasons they had stayed when every one else had run away.
By the middle of March the last places in the north valley had been
relieved, but the rebels still held the fortress of To-Pa, the honour
of reducing which was left to General Uei, a task he and his soldiers
(15,000) proved quite unable to accomplish. He was at length superseded
by General Teng, who was ordered back to Sining from the district
where he had been very successful. His return was followed by many of
the worst of the rebels leaving the country, and by the fall of To-Pa,
when the execution of ringleaders was recommenced, and went on without
cessation for many days, about sixteen being brought in daily for
justice.
After this, there was one more outbreak in the south-east; about 400
rebels were killed in a fight, the Chinese losing about a hundred. This
was on the 10th of June, some fifteen months after the disturbance at
Hsiun-Hua-Ting, and was the last of the regular fighting that occurred.
Law and order was gradually restored; business became brisk, but for a
long time disease, especially diphtheria, was rampant, and the stench
in the streets was appalling. By the time we passed through Sining,
towards the end of October, all signs of the rebellion had passed away
from within the city walls, but outside was ample testimony to the
severity of the struggle, nor could it be otherwise when one reflects
that 10,000 rebels were reported to have fled to the north-west, 10,000
more, chiefly old men, women, and children, to have died of cold and
starvation on the mountains, and 18,000, almost entirely women and
children, to have submitted. Excepting the 10,000 who got away to the
north-west, all the able-bodied young men had been simply wiped out.
Such bloody disturbances affected the homes of other people as well, for
the rebels who fled north-west over the districts in the neighbourhood
of the Koko Nor, spread a feeling of the greatest consternation amongst
the inhabitants through whose land they passed. The Mohammedans were
fleeing for their lives, and being without the necessaries of life
hesitated at no deeds of plunder whenever a chance occurred. On the
other hand, the poor Mongols, being of a more peaceful nature, and
possessing but inferior arms, had no resource left but abandoning their
homes to seek safety in flight until the hungry wave had rolled on.
These cruel acts of devastation naturally caused some anxiety to the
Chinese officials residing in Chinese Turkistan, so much so, that they
deemed it expedient to make appeals to the Russians for help in case it
might be required. It must not be lost sight of that the Mohammedans
of Chinese Turkistan might have become contaminated and followed the
example of their co-religionists in the east. Had that been the case,
the results might have been extremely serious.
As soon as the rebellion had been completely quelled, there remained
in the recently disturbed districts thousands of idle soldiers who had
received their arms for the occasion. These men, although they had been
marched up from Shantong and other provinces, were disbanded in Kansu,
many hundreds of miles away from their homes, and, having spent all
the pay they had received, they started a system of highway robbery,
and in other ways became a source of danger to all. This was to some
extent carried on with impunity, as there was a scarcity of men of the
district, for in addition to the 40,000 Chinese who had been slain,
there were some 5,000 more who had died from diseases contracted through
the overcrowding and filthiness of the streets.
Before the soldiers had squandered their money, trade, in spite of the
high prices demanded, was brisk.
The difference in the prices of food before and after the rebellion,
will give some idea of the privations undergone by the poorer classes,
more especially by the women and children:—
BEFORE THE REBELLION. AFTER.
Wheat, rose from 700 cash. 1700 cash.
Oats " " 450 " 1250 "
Barley " " 400 " 1000 "
Peas " " 600 " 1250 "
Bran " " 150 " 550 "
Salt " " 1200 " 2500 "
Chickens, each 60 " 140 to 160 "
Pheasants " 80 " 125 to 150 "
Oil, per pound 43 " 110 "
Coals " 2½ " 4½ "
Pork " 80 " 140 "
Mutton " 35 " 60 "
Winter pears from 6 to 15 to 25 to 50 cash each; vegetables
in the same proportion.
Another unaccountable calamity befell these unfortunate people, in the
shape of the sudden appearance of a mighty army of mice, which, just at
the time when the grain was ready for reaping, devoured up the entire
crops in the north and west valleys. From whence they sprung, or whither
they disappeared, nobody knew. After such misfortunes, it is hard to
realize how the people managed to exist at all.
It was rumoured that the Emperor had sent money to help them, but even
if it reached them, it would have been useless in a place where there
was no food to buy. All the grain captured from the rebels had been
expended in feeding the soldiers.
It would appear that the severe and cruel treatment by both soldiers and
the people displayed on the Mohammedans who remained, and the massacre
of many hundreds of others who had submitted, notably at To-Pa, their
chief stronghold, would merely have the effect of sowing the seeds of
a future and more disastrous rebellion.
There is no doubt that the hatred between the Mohammedans and Chinese
is more intense than ever. There are, I believe, still some thirty or
forty thousand Mohammedans left in the north and south-east valleys.
Were these to rise, there is the still more serious possibility of the
Government Mohammedan soldiers casting in their lot with them. Were such
a coalition to take place, very grievous trouble would be caused, and
the north-west provinces would, before very long, be in the hands of
the rebels.
It would be wise for the Chinese Government to enquire into the cause
of the last rebellion, and by that means discover a remedy to prevent
another one. Like the majority of wars, the cause was a religious one.
It was, I am told, merely due to the interference of a Chinese official
in a religious squabble between two Mohammedan sects called the white
and black caps.
The judgment finally given was considered to be a one-sided decision,
and ignited the first spark of the rebellion. Had the difference that
had arisen between these two fanatical sects been entrusted to the
arbitration of a few Mohammedan representatives chosen from each party,
an amicable understanding might have been arrived at.
The hatred between the Chinese and the Mohammedans is so deeply rooted,
that even if an impartial judgment is given, the Mohammedans, whose
minds are so prejudiced, will scarcely credit the truth. There have been
for years, and certainly will be for many more, internal squabbles in
the homesteads and villages of the two sects, and, as long as these are
judged by Chinese officials, there will always be the chance of another
outbreak.
It seems remarkable that, although there have been two previous
outbreaks during the present century, the last coming to an end only
twenty years ago, no adequate means are taken to remove either the cause
of another rebellion, or to cope with one which has risen.
First, the cause might be avoided by the appointment of certain
Mohammedan officials, elected from amongst those who had remained
loyal during the last rebellion, to manage all their internal affairs,
and more especially those of a religious nature. Unless something of
this kind is attempted it is utterly impossible for these two peoples,
differing so vastly in their character and religious ideas, to live in
harmony for any length of time. Secondly, the coping with the insurgents
could more easily and speedily be accomplished, were powerful garrisons
maintained at Ho Cheo and Lancheo, and other cities of importance and
Mohammedan centres, properly trained, equipped, and kept in this state
by efficient officers, existing in reality instead of merely on paper.
It seems incredible that the Chinese Government, with their previous
experience, and their knowledge of the restless and fanatical
dispositions of the Mohammedans, more especially of the black caps
or Salar sect, and well aware of their greater enterprise and energy
besides, should have been powerless at the time of the outbreak.
The rebellion, in consequence, spread at an alarming rate, not to be
suppressed before many thousands of men, women, and children had been
killed or massacred. Even then the penalty was scarcely paid, for years
of starvation and misery were lying in store for those who had escaped
the calamity.