Notes

[1] Livy, x. 47, 7, _Ep._ 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2; Strabo, xii. p. 567;

Ovid, _F._, i. 291; _M._, xv. 622; Oros, iii. 22; Lactant., _Inst._,

II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, _C. D._, iii. 17; Aurel.

Vict., _De V. Ill._, 25; Dion., v. 13; Pliny, _N. H._, 29, 16.

[2] Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, p. 162.

[3] _Religionsgeschichte_, ii. 203.

[4] Meyer, _Indogermanische Mythen_, ii. p. 612.

[5] Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_^2, iii. p. 2.

[6] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, i. 173.

[7] _Ibid._; _cf._ Roscher, _Lexikon_, s.v. _Ianus_.

[8] Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube_, ii. 136.

[9] Wuttke, _Deutscher Volksaberglaube_^2, § 57.

[10] _Ibid._, § 177, 388.

[11] _Ibid._, § 395; _cf._ Pliny, _N. H._, 28, 86.

[12] Marquardt, iii. 6.

[13] De la Saussaye, ii. 203.

[14] Marquardt, p. 7.

[15] De la Saussaye, i. 53.

[16] Marquardt, p. 6.

[17] _Folk-Lore_, vol. ii. p. 235.

[18] Marquardt, p. 25.

[19] "Chez les Chinois _Ti_ est bien et uniquement la terre ... qui n'a

aucun personalité, aucun aspect anthropologique."—De Rialle,

_Mythologie Comparée_, i. 235. As in Rome, so in China, though the

sky advanced to the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.

[20] Preller, _R. M._, i. 1 and 2, points out that Italian mythology is

"quite different" from the Greek; that it is only in "a certain

sense" that there can be said to be a Roman mythology; that it is a

very different thing from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and

Scandinavian mythology; that the Romans had not advanced far in

personifying and individualising their gods, and consequently could

not develop much mythology. Finally, Italian religion was "far less

widely removed" from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion

and mythology were.

[21] Livy, ii. 21; Dion., vi. i.

[22] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_, i. 482 _ff._

[23] According to Schwegler, _Röm. Gesch._, i. 354-383, Εὔανδρος is simply

Greek for _Faunus_ = _Favinus_, "the benevolent" or "good" god. _Cf._

Fauna = Bona Dea.

[24] "Rapi ... similatur virgo ex gremio matris ... cum ad virum trahitur,

quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit."—Festus, s.v. _rapi_.

[25] _E.g._, among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mordwins, Vedic

Hindoos, and Bohemians.

[26] For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off evil spirits

from a wedding, see Schroeder, _Hochzeitsbräuche der Ester_, 99-102.

[27] For the sacredness of the head especially, see the _Golden Bough_, i.

187-193.

[28] The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also in Livy, i. 9;

Serv. ad Æn., vi. 55; and in Varro, quoted by Festus, p. 351. The

word occurs in Martial, i. 35. 6 and 7; iii. 93. 25; xii. 42. 4, 95.

5 (Friedländer says nothing), and Catullus, lxi. 134 (Robinson Ellis

has nothing to say).

[29] Hartley, _Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 279-281, for examples. The

tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, _F._, vi. 577.

[30] It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago Boxhorn, in

commenting on this passage of Plutarch, laid down a fundamental

proposition of the science of folk-lore:—"Mortales cum inquirerent in

caussas rerum, nec invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt

commenti. Sic ut fabulæ proponerentur tanquam caussæ rerum, cum res

ipsæ essent causeæ fabularum." See his edition of the _Roman

Questions_, printed in vol. v. of the _Thesaurus_ of Grævius (Lugd.,

Batavor, 1696).

[31] _Ethnology in Folk-Lore_, pp. 120 _ff._ Mr. Gomme, however, argues

that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the Aryans from the

non-Aryan inhabitants of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic

Aryans, as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their

development, a fear of dead kindred?

[32] My authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are

(unless special references are given) Wuttke, _Deutsche

Volksaberglaube_, §§ 725-756; Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und

Brauch_, ii. pp. 170-173; and De Rialle, _Mythologie Comparée_, i. p.

125.

[33] Weinhold, _Altnord. Leben_, 476.

[34] The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens Cæsia. See

Cohen, _Méd. Cons._, pl. viii, _Cæsia_.

[35] Ovid, _F._, v. 129-147.

[36] De la Saussaye, _Religionsgeschichte_, i. 281.

[37] Wuttke, § 755.

[38] Waldron's _Isle of Man_, p. 103.

[39] _Encyc. Britan._, art. "Sacrifice."

[40] Frazer, _G. B._, i. 239.

[41] _Daoine Shie_ or _Sluagh Maith_.

[42] Frazer, i. 122.

[43] De Rialle, i. 190.

[44] See _The Secret Commonwealth_ by Mr. Robert Kirk, Minister of

Aberfoyle, 1691.

[45] See Saupe's edition of the _Indiculus_, p. 9.

[46] Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, _c. Symm._, ii. 444.

[47] Frazer, ii. 332.

[48] Preller, _R. M._^3, ii. 198.

[49] Cic. _de Div._, i. 18, 36; Plut. _Ti. Gracch._, i. A similar story is

related of D. Laelius, _Jul. Op. seq._ 58.

[50] _H. N._, xxix. 72.

[51] _C. I. L._, i. 603.

[52] We have no direct evidence of this, but we may infer it from the

analogous case of Dius Fidius:—"Qui per Dium Fidium iurare vult,

prodire solet in compluvium."—Non. Marc., p. 494, quoting Varro. The

temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in the roof

("perforatum tectum," Varro, _L. L._ v. 66), under which one might

swear. Probably the temples of Hercules were similarly provided;

certainly those of Terminus were ("exiguum templi tecta foramen

habent."—Ov. _F._ ii. 672).

[53] Reifferscheid, in the _Annali dell' Instituto_ for 1867, p. 352

_ff._, identifies Hercules with the _genius Jovis_. But, in the first

place, this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts, which

all have exclusively to do with the _genii virorum_. Next, the

_genius Jovis_ is not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before

Reifferscheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. 1, "der römische

Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der Männer."—_R. G._,

i. 367 _n._

[54] Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon are not

satisfactory. He assumes without proof that Juno was always Lucina

(whereas Lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods,

_Lexikon_, pp. 583 and 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is

the spirit that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that

the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, as Birt

says, lacks proof), that the name _Juno_ indicates a light-giving

deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, it does not imply the

giving of light any more than _deus_ does, which is applied to the

_di manes_, the _di indigetes_, _dea bona_, _dea dia_, &c.). The

arguments drawn by Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy,

because borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, the

hypothesis of a Græco-Italian period, on which Roscher relies to

prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, is now discredited.

[55] In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Liv. v. 32. 6, 50. 6, 52.

11); in 211 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus s.v.); in or after 269 a

spirit of silver coin, Argentinus (August., _C. D._ iv. 21 and 28);

but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin, which was first struck

in B.C. 217. See further Roscher's _Lexikon_, s.v. _Indigitamenta_.

[56] So called "quod marem effuso semine liberat."—Augustin, _C. D._ vii.

2.

[57] Finally, with regard to _Matuta_, the very remarkable fact recorded

in _Romane Questions_, 17, that people prayed to her not for any

blessings to their own children, but for their nephews only

(brothers' or sisters' children), immediately suggests that we have

here an indication that the Nair type of family was once known in

Italy. But the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much

value.

[58] She occurs in the following series:—Fluvionia, Mena, Vitumnus,

Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which

see S. August., _C. D._ vii. 3; Tertull., _De An._ 37, and _Ad Nat._

ii. 11.

[59] Liv. v. 47; Dion. Hal. i. 32; Serv. on Æn. viii. 337; W. Becker,

_Handb. d. röm. Altert._, i. 137.

[60] Derived probably from Varro, _R. R._ II. xi. 5.

[61] Livy, i. 45. 3; Dionys., iv. 25; Aur. Vict., _De Vir. Ill._, vii. 9.

[62] As Preller does, _R. M._^3, i. 313.

[63] _e.g._, _C. I. L._ vi. 656, 658, &c.

[64] _C. I. L._, vii. 451.

[65] Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii. 104; _cf._ Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, 383.

"Special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits" (_Golden

Bough_, i. 105).

[66] Gummere, p. 387; _cf._ Bugge, _Studien_, p. 393 _ff._

[67] _Golden Bough_, i. 187 _ff._

[68] _Ibid._, 188. The date of the rite was 13th August; _cf._ Auson., _De

Fer. Rom._, 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The asylum for runaway slaves

afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a

folk-etymology. "Ædem Dianæ dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelæ

sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos" (Festus, p.

343^a, 7, s.v. _Servorum dies_). Birt (Roscher's _Lexikon_, i. 1008)

seems to take this explanation seriously; but the temple on the

Aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of _cervi_ was

not worshipped. Possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the

temple as part of the political changes brought about by the

formation of the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious

centre of the Latin alliance, "Commune Latinorum Dianæ templum"

(Varro, _L. L._ v. 43). Hence, then, the folk-story that Servius

Tullius, "natus servus" (Festus, _l.c._), built the temple and gave

it the right of asylum.

[69] For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.

[70] _Golden Bough_, i. 37 _ff._

[71] _Ibid._, i. 39.

[72] _Golden Bough_, ch. ii.

[73] _Röm. Mythol._^3, i. 201.

[74] Kæmpfer, _History of Japan_, quoted by Mr. Frazer, i. 110.

[75] Kæmpfer, _History of Japan_, quoted by Mr. Fraser, i. 110.

[76] With _Q. R._, 111, _cf._ _Golden Bough_, i. 207; with _Q. R._, 112,

_cf._ _G. B._, i. 183; and generally see i. 117.

[77] _G. B._, i. 130.

[78] For instances see Hartland, _Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 272-274.

[79] Momms., _R. H._, i. 25.

[80] _Ibid._, i. 60.

[81] _G. B._, i. 170. I may point out that in some parts of Europe these

taboos still survive. For six weeks after delivery, the young mother

is forbidden to enter a strange house, or go shopping, or draw water

from a well, or walk over a sowed field (Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii. pp.

435, 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a new-born

child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it as dangerous (_Ibid._,

p. 488, No. 28). For the death-dealing qualities of women, _cf._

Burchard von Worms, _Samlung der Decrete_, Coln, 1548, p. 201_a_

(quoted by Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the

Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six

weeks (Reclus, _Primitive Folk_, 36); she is also tabooed by the

Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills (_Ibid._, 192).

[82] Hartland, _S. of F. T._, p. 93 _ff._ for instances.

[83] "Make of it an image in his likeness (_i.e._, of Namtar, the plague);

apply (the image) to the living flesh of his body (_i.e._, of the

sick man). May the malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the

image" (Lenormant, _Chaldæan Magic_, p. 51). The Buddhists of Ceylon

cure disease in exactly the same way (J. Roberts, _Oriental

Illustrations of Scripture_, p. 171).

[84] _Cf._ C. F. Gordon Cumming, _Two Happy Years in Ceylon_, i. p. 278,

"The astrologer is called in to preside at baby's 'rice feast,' when

some grains of rice are first placed in its month. He selects for the

little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling

planet of that moment. This name he tells only to the father, who

whispers it low in baby's ear—no one else must know it, and, like the

Chinese 'infantile name,' this 'rice name' is never used lest

sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells."

[85] For instances see _Folk Lore_, iii. 137. The Romans themselves

fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5; Stat. Silv., i. 6.

4; Arnob., iv. 24; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).

[86] _Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie_, 16 and 325 (Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii.

435 and 445).

[87] The classical references are: Festus, p. 143 and 385; Dionys., i. 38;

Ov., _F._, i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 _ff._; Varro, _L. L._, vii. 44;

Paul. Diac., p. 15; Lact, I. i. 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47;

Prudent. _C. Symmach._, ii. 295; Cicero _pro Roscio Am._, 35. 100;

Catull., xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc., p. 358b.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12. The

modern literature: first and foremost and final, Mannhardt, _Wald-

und Feldkulte_, p. 265 _ff._, whose explanation is adopted in

Roscher's _Lexikon_; further, Preller, _Röm. M._^3, ii. 135 _ff._;

Marquardt, 190 _ff._; Grimm, _D. M._, 733, _n._ 4. The meaning of the

word _Argei_ has received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number

of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the

twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain for its crops.

[88] See _Rhein. Museum_, 1867, p. 129.

[89] Macrob., i. 10, 11 _ff._; Gell., _N. A._, vii. (vi.) 7; Plut.,

_Rom._, 4. 5; Lactant., i. 20. 5.

[90] "Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quæ tunc

(_i.e._, at the Floralia) mimarum funguntur officio" (Lact. _l.c._).

_Cf._ Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec., _Ep._, 97. 7; Mart., 1 _præf._;

Ov., _F._, iv. 946, v. 183; Tertull., _De Spect._, 17; Min. Felix,

25. 8; Augustin, _C. D._, ii. 27.

[91] The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, _vittis spiceis coronati_,

_C. I. L._, vi. 2104^a 16. They preserved a sheaf of corn (corn-baby,

mother, &c.) from the previous year's harvest; this is the _fruges

aridas_ of _C. I. L._, _l.c._ 6. They consecrated the old corn, the

green corn of the new year, and a loaf, _fruges aridas et virides

contigerunt et panes laureatos_, l.c.; and they sacramentally "ate

the god," _fruges libatas_.

[92] Mommsen, _Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia_, 3 A. 3.

[93] Jordan, _Krit. Beitr._, 75, compares Italian _atta_, "mother" and

Greek ἀκκώ?

[94] "E nos Lases iuvate" = Age nos, Lares, iuvate.

[95] The classical references on this subject of beans are: Diog. Laert.,

viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, ἤτοι ὅτι αἰδοίοις εἰσὶν ὅμοιοι),

Gellius, N. A., iv. 11; Cic., _de Div._, i. 30, ii. 58; Pliny _N.

H._, xviii. 12; Didymus in Geopon., ii. 58; Sext. Emp., _Pyrrh.

Hyp._, iii. 224; Iambl., _Vit. Pyth._, 109 and _Protrept. extr.

Symb._, 37; Anon. (e. Photio), _Vit. Pyth._, 7; Pseudo-Orig., Philos.

ii.; Apollon. Dysc., _Mirab. Hist._, c. 46; Eudocia, p. 368; Suidas,

_s. v._ Συμβ. Πυθαγ..; Eustath., _N._, p. 948.

[96] For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, _Primitive Symbolism_, p.

28.

[97] _R. Q._, 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108.

[98] The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., _Ecl._, viii. 29;

Isid., _Orig._, ix. 8; Plaut., _Cas._, IV. iv. 1; Catull., lxi. 159;

Lucan, _Phars._, ii. 358.

[99] _Ueber die römische Ehe_, p. 360.

[100] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Hochzeitsbuch_, p. 57.

[101] _Ibid._, 84.

[102] _Ibid._, 251.

[103] Weinhold, _Die deutschen Frauen_^2, i. 410.

[104] Haas in Weber's _Ind. Stud._, v. 324, 359, 373.

[105] V. Schroeder, _Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten_, pp. 88 _ff._

[106] Plutarch, _R. Q._, 31. _Cf._ Festus, "In pelle lanata nova nupta

considere solet."

[107] Serv. ad Æn., iv. 374.

[108] Διὸς κῴδιον, Suidas, s.v.

[109] De Witte, _Descr. des Antiq. de l'Hôtel Lambert_, p. 68, pl. 22

(reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dict._, s.v., and in Duruy,

_Hist. des Grecs_, i. 786). The right interpretation of this scene

was first given by Lenormant, _Contemporary Review_, 1880, p. 137.

[110] The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, placed himself

under the protection of a series of Di Indigetes, _e.g._, Subigus,

Prema, Pertunda (S. August., _C. D._, vi. 9).

[111] The Latin phrase is "Aqua et igni accipi." The custom is testified to

by _Dion. Hal._, ii. 30; Varro, _L. L._, v. 61; Serv. ad _Æn._, iv.

167; Ov., _F._, iv. 787; Fest. s.v. Scæv., _Dig._, 24. 1. 66; Stat.,

_Silv._ I. ii. 3; Val. Fl., _Argon._, viii. 244.

[112] Weinhold, i. 375 and 408.

[113] Schrœder, 128 _ff._

[114] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 84.

[115] "Aqua aspergebatur nova nupta," s.v. Facem in nuptiis.

[116] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 59.

[117] Haas, 358.

[118] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 73.

[119] _Ibid._, 92.

[120] _Ibid._, 63.

[121] _Ibid._, 59.

[122] Cat., lxi, 81-86, 110, 119; Claud., _Fescenn._, 106; _De Rapt.

Pros._, ii. 335.

[123] Haas, 327.

[124] Schrœder, 87.

[125] F. B. Jevons, _Kin and Custom_, in the "Journal of Philology," xvi.

pp. 87 _ff._

[126] Moore, _Indian Appeals_, ii. 75.

[127] For which see _R. Q._ 6.

[128] In Chambers's _Encyclopædia_, s.v. "Family."

[129] In Chambers's _Encylopædia_, s.v. "Names."

[130] This custom also crops out in fairy tales. See Mr. J. Jacob's _Indian

Fairy Tales_, p. 28.

[131] Or, nuptiall.

[132] Daughters husband.

[133] Wives father.

[134] This may seeme to have some reference to the former question.

[135] Κρόνος.

[136] Χρόνος.

[137] Or Matuta.

[138] By _Prolepsis_, meaning the place where afterwards Rome stood.

[139] Or Phaulius.

[140] That is to say, _Kalends_, _Nones_, & _Ides_.

[141] ἔπέτειον οἰνον, or, a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely, as some

interpret it.

[142] χρηστοὺς.

[143] μηδένα χρηστὸν

[144] ἀριστερὸς, sinistra.

[145] I suspect this place to be corrupt in the originall.

[146] Or about a dog by the Hippocoontides.

[147] Or, feele paine: alluding haply _Ad rupturam Hymenis_.

[148] Or take delight and pleasure.

[149] σάρον.

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