A WORD ABOUT POLITICS.

It is impossible not to admire the single-mindedness and directness of

purpose which characterise Henty's letters from Paris written at this

period of dire trouble, when chapters which rival in tragedy and sadness

any of those that have gone before were being added to the history of

France. He viewed this time of heart-stirring crisis in a

matter-of-fact style, such as was to be expected from a man of his

temperament and businesslike attributes. He went straight forward with

the work of the day, chronicling details which came under his notice,

and keeping to hard plain facts at a time when visionary speculation was

the rule, and when all those who followed the prodigious happenings in

France were amazed and bewildered by the complexity of the situation,

and by the startling suggestiveness of what the morrow might have in

store for the high-strung and imaginative French people. He kept

sedulously to the point, despite of all, notwithstanding the rumours

concerning what Thiers meant to do, and what Marshal MacMahon had said

to the Comte de Chambord regarding the possibility of the latter being

received at Versailles as "Henri Cinq."

Outside the heated arena of politics in Paris there were all these

larger issues of extreme importance, issues of such significance that

they brought into the tumult of that day the quieter spirit of the old

past. At the dinner tables, and in the _salons_ of Paris, and elsewhere

as well, even up to 1875, the talk was of the coming of Henry the Fifth,

the king of the old line, the great-nephew of his majesty, Louis Seize,

and of King Louis the Eighteenth, and the grandson of Charles the Tenth.

Such an advent would have been in curious contrast to the wild

"chicken-and-champagne" days of the corrupt and materialistic Second

Empire, for the Comte de Chambord had lived in monastic seclusion ever

since his protest in the early "fifties." Maybe in his mimic court at

Frohsdorff, surrounded by all the respect and divinity of a prince who

represented an illustrious tradition, and who found in religion his

greatest solace, the heir to the French crown was nearer to happiness

than he would have been had he boldly come forward and assumed the reins

of power, as he might have done had his character been of blunter fibre.

If this had occurred, the change for Paris from the red dominion of the

Commune to the white lilies, with all they signified, would have been

another strikingly dramatic episode in the chronicles of France.

All these things Henty saw and lived among at that time when people were

disgusted with the preceding twenty years, and wished for something

which was better and more earnest, though precisely what was desired it

would be hard to say. Side by side with rank, uncompromising Anarchism,

were the echoes of an old and aristocratic regime, and learned theorists

were busy weighing the various proposals in the balance, while a sort of

hybrid military republic kept the lists. And all this at a time when

the streets of the capital were perhaps the most dangerous of any in the

world, and social order had gone by the board. At one time it really

seemed as though the spirit of the older France would prevail, that

certain incontestable rights would come up for final adjustment, and

that a thread of policy, of which sight had been lost for some years,

would be finally resumed.

Vague speculation about matters which lay outside his immediate purview

was, however, never Henty's method, but here and there a "newsy" item

crops up in his correspondence, such as that the Prince of Orleans

politely saw Thiers to his carriage, and that people were talking of the

Duc d'Aumale, also that the Princes of Orleans, who had always followed

social and military things rather than political, would abide by what

France said. Of course this was rather a doubtful policy, for France

sometimes speaks with an uncertain voice. The demagogue shouts enough

for a hundred, but the silent thinker who disdains noise would be better

worth hearing. That Henty followed all these things we know, and his

real views crop up here and there; but he was a narrator, not a

commentator. The empire was dead. As an actual political power it died

in 1867, and however much Napoleon the Third might protest against his

deposition, the fact that he had finally lost the throne was there

patent to all. Even the statement of the astute M. Pietri, the

secretary of the disinterested ex-monarch, that his master had not one

centime in foreign funds, seems to have had no effect on the course of

events.

Henty was only a bird of passage, an observer of Paris during a few

moments at a period when the influences of centuries were at work, and

his was by no means exclusively a political view. Empty theorising or

the peering into empty houses did not lie his way; but maybe for this

reason more than any other is it most interesting to con over his

lengthy contributions to the newspapers of that time. The almost

photographic minutiae give the reader a vivid impression of the crucible

period, for everything was in the course of remaking. There was the

first review after the Germans had packed up and gone away, the recoming

of the martial spirit under the leadership of MacMahon, who turned in

his saddle with a "There, gentlemen, what do you think of that?" as the

battalions of cadets, the future officers of the armies of France, came

swinging by before the staff and the foreign attaches. There was the

bright spot of the Belfort incident, when the devoted garrison marched

out with all the honours of war. It was a great and stirring time, when

every moment was lived at fever heat; and Henty looked on as a soldier

as well as a correspondent.

Very soon the French were beginning to look up again. "We have an army

of 450,000 men," was the cry. There were a few pride-saving laurels won

in the defeat of the Commune, civil war though it was. Then we see the

recommencement of the social life of the capital. Wonderful was the

exhibition of recuperative power. The broken bits of civic life were

put together, and an order sent to the factories for a new outfit, as it

were. The Comedie Francaise Company toured in London, and refilled the

empty exchequer; the loan necessary to pay off the more urgent demands

was easily subscribed; and Henty fills in the picture with the unerring

touch of a master hand. It is a pen such as his--dispassionate,

observing, restrained--on which the historian rightly relies.

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