Kneeling to receive the Sacrament had be_The English Church in the Eighteenth Century

felt by the Presbyterians at the time when the great majority of them

were anxious for comprehension within the National Church. Archbishop

Tillotson, acting upon his well-known saying, 'Charity is above

rubrics,' and in accordance with the practice of some of the Elizabethan

divines, was wont to authorise by his example a considerable discretion

on this point.[1149] Bishop Patrick, on the other hand, though no less

earnest in his advocacy of comprehension, did not feel justified in

departing from prescribed order, and when Du Moulin desired to receive

the Sacrament from him, declined, 'not without many kind remarks,' to

administer to him without his kneeling.[1150] After all schemes of

comprehension had fallen through, the concession in question became

very unfrequent. A pamphleteer of 1709 speaks doubtfully as to whether

it still occurred or not.[1151] A greater licence in regard of posture

was one of the suggestions of the 'Free and Candid Disquisitions.'

Through the Georgian period, a negligent habit was by no means unusual

of reading the early part of the Communion service from the reading

desk. Dr. Parr, in 1785, speaking of the changes he had introduced into

his church at Hatton, evidently thought himself very correct in

'Communion service at the altar.'[1152]

Even in Bishop Bull's time the offertory was very much neglected in

country places.[1153] Later in the century its disuse became more

general. There were one or two parishes in his diocese, Secker said,

where the old custom was retained of oblations for the support of the

church and alms for the poor. But often there was no offertory at all:

he hoped it might be revived and duly administered.[1154]

Some remarks have already been made upon the traces which were to be

found in a few exceptional instances, during the eighteenth century, of

the Eucharistic vestments as appointed in Edward VI.'s Prayer-book.

The sacramental 'usages,' so called, belong to the history of the

Nonjurors rather than to that of the National Church. There was,

however, no time when the theological and ecclesiastical opinions

prevalent among the Nonjurors did not find favour among a few English

Conformists, lay and clerical. Thus, the mixture of water with the wine,

in conformity with Eastern practice, and in remembrance of the water and

the blood, seems to have been occasionally found in parish churches.

Hickes said he had found it to be the custom at Barking.[1155] Wesley

also, and the early Oxford Methodists, approved of it.[1156]

In the early part of the seventeenth century George Herbert had said

that the country parson must see that on great festivals his Church was

'perfumed with incense,' and 'stuck with boughs.'[1157] Even as late as

George III.'s reign it appears that incense was not quite unknown in the

English Church. We are told that on the principal holy days it used to

be the 'constant practice at Ely to burn incense on the altar at the

Cathedral, till Thomas Green, one of the prebendaries, and now (1779)

Dean of Salisbury, a finical man, who is always taking snuff, objected

to it, under pretence that it made his head to ache.'[1158]

The bad case into which Church music had fallen was much owing to those

worthy men, the Parish Clerks. These officials were a great institution

in the English Church of the last century. The Parish Clerks of London,

from whom all their brethren in the country borrowed some degree of

lustre, were an ancient and honourable company. They had been

incorporated by Henry III. as 'The Brotherhood of St. Nicolas.' Their

Charter had been renewed by Charles I., who conferred upon them

additional privileges and immunities, under the name of 'The Warden and

Fellowship of Parish Clerks of the City and Suburbs of London and the

Liberties thereof, the City of Westminster, the Borough of Southwark,

and the fifteen Parishes adjacent.'[1159] They had a Hall of their own

in Bishopsgate Street; at St. Alban's Church they had their anniversary

sermon; at St. Bridget's they had maintained, until about the end of the

seventeenth century, a 'music-sermon' on St. Cecilia's day;[1160] and

Clerkenwell derives its name from the solemn Mystery Plays which their

guild in old days used to celebrate near the holy spring.[1161] There

were certain taverns about the Exchange where they met as a kind of

Club, 'men with grave countenances, short wigs, black clothes or dark

camlet trimmed with black.'[1162] In pre-Reformation days they had

ranked among the minor orders of the Church as assistants of the

Priests;[1163] and so, especially in country churches, they might

consider themselves as holding a position somewhat analogous, though on

a humbler scale, to that of Precentors. In 1722 a clergyman, writing to

the Bishop of London on the subject of the poverty and distressed

condition of some of the poorer curates, spoke of the desirability of

again admitting men in holy orders to be Parish Clerks. Early in the

present century Hartley Coleridge made a somewhat similar suggestion.

'How often in town and country do we hear our divine Liturgy rendered

wholly ludicrous by all imaginable tones, twangs, drawls, mouthings,

wheezings, gruntings, snuffles and quidrollings, by all diversities of

dialect, cacologies and cacophonies, by twistings, contortions and

consolidations of visage, squintings and blinkings and upcastings of

eyes.... Then, too, the discretion assumed by these Hogarthic studies of

selecting the tune and verses to be sung makes the psalmody, instead of

an integral and affecting portion of the service, as distracting and

irrational an episode as the jigs and country dances scraped between the

acts of a tragedy.'[1164] There would be no difficulty, he thought, in

getting educated persons to discharge the office for little remuneration

or none, if it were not for the troublesome and often disagreeable

parish business annexed to the office. As it was, the Clerk occupied a

very odd position, uniting the menial duties of a useful Church servant

to other functions, the decent performance of which was utterly beyond

the range of an illiterate man. Many of our readers may be acquainted

with the witty satire in which, with a perpetual side glance at the

fussy self-importance visible in Bishop Burnet's History, Pope writes

'the Memoirs of P.P., Clerk of this Parish.' With what delightful

complacency this diligent representative of his class speaks of taking

rank among 'men right worthy of their calling, of a clear and sweet

voice, and of becoming gravity'--of his place in the congregation at the

feet of the Priest,--of his raising the Psalm,--of his arraying the

ministers with the surplice,--of his responsible part in the service of

the Church! 'Remember, Paul, I said to myself, thou standest before men

of high worship, the wise Mr. Justice Freeman, the grave Mr. Justice

Tonson, the good Lady Jones, and the two virtuous gentlewomen her

daughters, nay the great Sir Thomas Truby, knight and baronet, and my

young master the Squire who shall one day be lord of this manor.' With

what magisterial gravity he descants of whipping out the dogs, 'except

the sober lap-dog of the good widow Howard,'--tearing away the

children's half-eaten apples, smoothing the dog's ears of the great

Bible! How he prides himself in sweeping and trimming weekly the pews

and benches, which were formerly swept but once in three years,--in

having the surplice darned, washed and laid up in fresh lavender, better

than any other parish,--in having discovered a thief with a Bible and

key--in his love of ringing,--in his tutoring young men and maidens to

tune their voice as it were with a psaltery,--in being invited to the

banquets of the Church officers,--in the hints he has given to young

clergymen,--in his loyal attachment to the interests of 'our High

Church.'[1165] Such was the Parish Clerk of the eighteenth century, the

personage upon whom the charge of the musical part of the service mainly

devolved,--whose duty it was to give out[1166] the Psalm, to lead

it,[1167] very commonly to read it out line by line,[1168] and

frequently to select what was to be sung. No wonder, Secker, speaking of

Church psalmody, requested his clergy to take great care how they chose

their clerks.[1169] And no wonder, it may be added, that Church

psalmody, under such conditions, fell into a state which was a reproach

to the Church that could tolerate it.

In the first years of the eighteenth century there were still occasional

discussions whether organs were to be considered superstitious and

Popish.[1170] They had been destroyed or silenced in the time of the

Commonwealth; and it was not without much misgiving on the part of timid

Protestants that after the Restoration one London church after

another[1171] admitted the suspected instruments. An organ which was set

up at Tiverton in 1696 gave rise to much dispute, and was the occasion

of Dodwell writing on 'The lawfulness of instrumental music in holy

offices.'[1172] A pamphleteer in 1699, who signs himself N.N., quoted

Isidore, Wicliffe, and Erasmus against the use of musical instruments in

public worship.[1173] Scotch Presbyterians and English Dissenters

entirely abjured them, till Rowland Hill, near the end of the century,

erected one in the Surrey Chapel.[1174] It was noted on the other hand,

as one of the signs of High Church reaction in Queen Anne's time, that

churches without organs had thinner congregations.[1175]

It is perhaps not too much to say, that through a great part of the

eighteenth century chanting was almost unknown in parish churches, and

was regarded as distinctively belonging to 'Cathedral worship.' Watts,

who, although a Nonconformist, was well acquainted with a great number

of Churchmen, and was likely to be well informed on any question of

psalmody, remarked, in somewhat quaint language, that 'the congregation

of choristers in cathedral churches are the only Levites that sing

praise unto the Lord with the words of David and Asaph the seer.'[1176]

Even in Cathedrals musical services were looked upon with great

disfavour by many, and by many others with a bare tolerance nearly

allied to disapproval. Could the question of their continuance have been

put to popular vote they might probably have been maintained by a small

majority as being conformable to old custom, but without appreciation,

and with an implied understanding that they were wholly exceptional. The

Commissioners of King William's time had suggested that the chanting of

divine service in cathedrals should be laid aside;[1177] and even

Archbishop Sharp, although in many respects a High Churchman, told

Thoresby that he did not much approve of singing the prayers, 'but it

having been the custom of all cathedrals since the Reformation, it is

not to be altered without a law.'[1178] Exaggerated dread of Popery

suspected latent evils, it scarcely knew what, lurking in this kind of

worship. Perhaps, too, it was thought to border upon 'enthusiasm,' that

other religious bugbear of the age. A paper in the 'Tatler' speaks of it

not with disapproval, but with something of condescension to weaker

minds, as 'the rapturous way of devotion.'[1179] In fact, cathedrals in

general were almost unintelligible to the prevalent sentiment of the

eighteenth century. Towards the end of the period a spirit of

appreciation grew up, which Malcolm speaks of as being in marked

contrast with the contemptuous indifference of a former date.[1180] They

were regarded, no doubt, with a certain pride as splendid national

memorials of a kind of devotion that had long passed away. Some young

friends of David Hume, who had been to service at St. Paul's and found

scarcely anybody there, began to speak of the folly of lavishing money

on such useless structures. The famous sceptic gently rebuked them for

talking without judgment. 'St. Paul's,' he said, 'as a monument of the

religious feeling and taste of the country, does it honour and will

endure. We have wasted millions upon a single campaign in Flanders, and

without any good resulting from it.'[1181] There was no fanatic dislike

to cathedrals, as when Lord Brooke had hoped that he might see the day

when not one stone of St. Paul's should be left upon another.[1182] They

were simply neglected, as if both they and those who yet loved the mode

of worship perpetuated in them belonged to a bygone generation. In the

North this was not so much the case. Durham Cathedral especially seems

to have retained, in a greater degree than any other, not only the

grandeur and hospitality of an older period, but also the affections of

the townsmen around it. Defoe, in 1728, found a congregation of 500

people at the six-o'clock morning service.[1183] In most cases, even on

Sundays, the attendance was miserably thin. Doubtless, many individual

members of cathedral chapters loved the noble edifice and its solemn

services with a very profound attachment; but, as a general rule, they

belonged to the past and to the future far more than to the present. The

only mode of utilising cathedrals which seems to have been thoroughly to

the taste of the last century was the converting them into music-halls

for oratorios. Early in the century we find Dean Swift at Dublin

consenting--not, however, without much demur--to 'lend his cathedral to

players and scrapers,' to act what he called their opera.[1184] Next, in

St. Paul's, at the annual anniversary of the Sons of the Clergy, sober

Churchmen saw with disgust a careless, pleasure-loving audience

listening to singers promiscuously gathered from the theatres, and

laughing, and eating, and drinking their wine in the intervals of the

performance.[1185] Then came the festivals of the Three Choirs at

Worcester, Gloucester, and Hereford, very open to objection at a time

when the managers thought of little but how to achieve for their

undertaking popularity and pecuniary success. Sublime as is the music of

'The Messiah,' it was not often performed in the last century without

circumstances which jarred strongly against the devotional feeling of a

deeply religious man like John Newton, and led him to what might

otherwise seem a most unreasonable hatred of oratorios.[1186]

In Queen Anne's time, there was often no part of the Church service in

which the High or Low Church tone of the congregation was more closely

betokened than when the preacher had just entered the pulpit. In the one

case, the Bidding Prayer was said; in the other, there was an extempore

prayer, often of considerable length, commonly called the pulpit prayer.

The Bidding Prayer had its origin in pre-Reformation times. 'The way was

first for the preacher to name and open his text, and then to call on

the people to go to their prayers, and to tell them what they were to

pray for; after which all the people said their beads in a general

silence, and the preacher also kneeled down and said his.'[1187] It was

thus not a prayer, but an exhortation to prayer, and instruction in the

points commended to private but united worship. In Henry VIII.'s time

the Pope's name was omitted, and prayer for the King under his proper

titles strictly enjoined. In Elizabeth's reign, praise for all who had

departed in God's faith was substituted for prayer in their

behalf.[1188] By the existing Canons, as agreed upon in 1603, preachers

were instructed to move the people to join with them in prayer before

the sermon either in the Bidding form, 'or to that effect as briefly as

conveniently they may.'[1189] It was, however, no longer clear whether

it were itself a prayer, or, as in former time, an admonition to pray.

On the one hand, it was called 'a form of prayer,' and was followed

without a pause by the Lord's Prayer, and then by the sermon. On the

other hand, it was prefaced not by the familiar 'Let us pray,' but by

the old bidding, 'Ye shall pray,' or 'Pray ye,' and the congregation

stood as listeners until the Lord's Prayer began.[1190] Hence a

difference in practice arose, curiously characteristic of the

controversies, ecclesiastical and political, which were being agitated

at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth

century. In Charles I.'s reign, many of the clergy had chosen to

consider it a prayer, and taking advantage of the permission to vary it,

had converted it into one of those extempore effusions which Puritan

feeling considered so peculiarly edifying.[1191] It need hardly be added

that the Anglican party were more than ever careful to adhere to the

older usage. After the Restoration, the Bidding Prayer was for a time

not very much used, and the pulpit prayer, as adopted by Low Churchmen

from Puritans and Presbyterians, began in many places to assume a most

prominent position. 'Some men,' Sherlock said, in 1681, 'think they

worship God sufficiently if they come time enough to church to join in

the pulpit prayer.'[1192] High Churchmen could not endure it. 'It is a

long, crude, extemporary prayer,' said South, 'in reproach of all the

prayers which the Church, with such an admirable prudence and devotion,

has been making before.'[1193] The use, however, of extempore prayer in

this part of the service was defended by some of the clergy and bishops,

as agreeable to the people, as conformable to the custom of the Reformed

Churches abroad,[1194] and attractive to those among the Presbyterians

and other denominations who only needed encouragement and a few slight

concessions to exchange occasional for constant conformity. Meanwhile,

at the end of the preceding century, 'the Bidding' had been more

generally revived. Archbishop Tenison, in a circular to the clergy in

1695, had called attention to the neglect of it,[1195] and the Bishop of

London revived its general use in his own diocese, to the astonishment,

says Fleetwood, of many congregations who stared and stood amazed at 'Ye

shall pray.'[1196] In Queen Anne's time it became very general,[1197]

being quite in accord with the High Church sentiment which had then

strongly set in. A political bias also was suspected. Not, perhaps,

without reason; for it was a time when political prepossessions which

could not openly be declared found vent in all kinds of byways. After

the Revolution, while the title of the new sovereign was not yet secure,

the Clergy were specially enjoined, that however else they might vary

their prayer or exhortation to prayer before the sermon, they were in

any case to mention the King by name. It was said--whether in sarcasm or

as a grave reality--that the semi-Jacobite parsons, of whom there were

many, found satisfaction in discovering a mode by which they could 'show

at once their duty and their disgust'[1198] in a manner unexceptionally

accordant with the law and with the Canon. 'Ye are bidden to pray,' or,

as a certain Dr. M---- always worded it, 'Ye must pray,[1199] did not

necessarily imply much heart in fulfilling the injunction by which the

people were called upon to pray for their new lords. But, curiously

enough, when George I. came to the throne, the political gloss attached

to 'the Bidding' became reversed. In the royal directions to the

archbishops, the canonical form, with the royal titles included, was

strictly enjoined;[1200] and consequently not those who used, but those

who neglected it, ran a risk of being set down as having Jacobite

proclivities. It had, however, never been really popular, and few

objected to its gradual disuse. Ever since the Revolution, it had

introduced into a portion of the public worship far too decided an

element of political feeling. The objection was the greater, because the

liberty of variation had given it a certain personal character. If the

preacher did not keep strictly to the words of the Canon, he could

scarcely avoid making it appear, by the names omitted or inserted, what

might be his political, his ecclesiastical, or his academical opinions.

Those, again, whose respect for dignities was in excess--a foible to

which the age was prone--would go through a list of titles, illustrious,

right reverend, and right honourable,[1201] which ill accorded with a

time of prayer. Before the middle of the century, except in university

churches or on formal occasions, the Canon became generally obsolete,

and the sermon was prefaced, as often in our own day, by a Collect and

the Lord's Prayer.

At the opening of the eighteenth century the pulpit was no longer the

power it had been in past days. It had been the strongest support of the

Reformation; and monarchs and statesmen had known well how immense was

its influence in informing and guiding the popular mind on all questions

which bore upon religion or Church politics. In proportion, however, as

the agency of the press had been developed, the preachers had lost more

and more of their old monopoly. Numberless essays and pamphlets

appeared, reflecting all shades of educated opinion, with much to say on

questions of social morality and the duties of Churchmen and citizens.

They did not by any means interfere with the primary office of the

sermon. They were calculated rather to do preaching a good service. When

other means of instruction are wanting, the preacher may feel himself

bound to include a wide range of subjects. When the press comes to his

aid, and relieves him for the most part of the more secular of his

topics, he is the more at liberty to confine himself to matters which

have a primary and direct bearing upon the spiritual life. In any case,

however, whether the change be, on the whole, beneficial or not to the

general character of preaching, it must evidently deprive it of some

part of its former influence.

Yet in the reigns of William and Queen Anne good preaching was still

highly appreciated and very popular. Jablouski said of his Protestant

fellow-countrymen in Prussia, that the sermon had come to be considered

so entirely the important part of the service that people commonly said,

'Will you go to sermon?' instead of 'to church.'[1202] It was not quite

so in England; yet undoubtedly there was very generally something of the

same feeling. 'Many,' said Sherlock, 'who have little other religion,

are forward enough to hear sermons, and many will miss the prayers and

come in only in time to hear the preaching.'[1203] If some of the

incentives to good preaching, and some of the attributes which had

distinguished it, were no longer conspicuous, other causes had come in

to maintain the honour of the pulpit. That stir and movement of the

intellectual faculty which was everywhere beginning to test the power of

reason on all questions of theology and faith had both brought into

existence a new style of preaching, and had secured for it a number of

attentive hearers. The anxious and earnest, but, notwithstanding its

occasional virulence, the somewhat unimpassioned controversy with Rome,

and the newly aroused hopes of reconciling the moderate Dissenters, had

tended to a similar result. A rich, imaginative eloquence, though it

could not fail to have admirers, was out of favour, not only with those

who considered Tillotson the model preacher, but also with High

Churchmen. Jeremy Taylor would hardly have ranked high in Bishop Bull's

estimation. His wit and metaphors, and 'tuneful pointed sentences,'

would almost certainly have been adjudged by the good Bishop of St.

David's unworthy of the grave and solemn dignity of the pulpit.[1204]

And brilliant as were the sallies of Dr. South's vigorous and highly

seasoned declamations, they were rarely of a kind to kindle imagination

and stir emotion. The edge of his arguments was keen and cold; and they

were addressed to the common reason of his hearers, no less than those

of the 'Latitudinarian' Churchmen with whom he most delighted to

contend.

That degradation of religion, which, even in the earlier years of the

century, was beginning to lower the Gospel of redemption into a

philosophy of morality, has been already alluded to. Under its

depressing influence, preaching sank to a very low ebb. Hurd, in 1761,

said, with perfect truth, that 'the common way of sermonising had become

most wretched, and even the best models very defective.'[1205] By that

date, however, improvement had already begun. It was sometimes said, and

the assertion was not altogether unfounded, that these cold pulpit

moralities were in a great measure the recoil from Methodist

extravagances. But far more generally, as the century advanced,

Methodism promoted the beneficial change which had already been noted in

the case of Secker. The more zealous and observant of the Clergy could

not fail to learn a valuable lesson from the wonderful power over the

souls of men which their Methodist fellow-workmen--the irregulars of the

Church--had acquired. And independently of their example, the same

leaven was working among those sharers in the Evangelical revival who

remained steadfast to the established order, as among those who felt

themselves cramped by it. Whatever in other respects might be their

faults of style and matter, they were, at all events, in no point what

some sermons were called--'Stoical Essays,' 'imitations from a Christian

pulpit of Seneca and Epictetus.'[1206] There were many mannerisms, and

there was much want of breadth of thought, but in heart and purpose it

was a true preaching of the Gospel.

Even towards the end of the century there were a few notable instances

of the power which a great preacher might yet command. We are told of

Dean Kirwan, who had left the Roman for the English Church, that even in

times of public calamity and distress, his irresistible powers of

persuasion repeatedly produced contributions exceeding a thousand or

twelve hundred pounds at a sermon; and his hearers, not content with

emptying their purses into the plate, sometimes threw in jewels or

watches in earnest of further benefactions.[1207] A sermon of Bishop

Horsley once produced an effect which would hardly be possible except

under circumstances of great public excitement. When he preached in

Westminster Abbey, before the House of Lords, on January 30, 1793, the

whole assembly, stirred by his peroration, rose with one impulse, and

remained standing till the sermon ended.[1208]

Amid the excited and angry controversies which occupied the earlier

years of the century, the pulpit did not by any means retain a

befitting calm. Later in the century there was no great cause for

complaint on this ground.

Whiston says that he sometimes read in church one of the Homilies. So,

no doubt, did others. But even in 1691 we find it mentioned that they

could not be much used without scandal, as if they were read from

laziness. 'The more the pity,' says the writer in question, 'for they

are good preaching.'[1209] It was one of Tillotson's ideas to get a new

set of Homilies written, as a supplement to the existing ones. There was

to be one for each Sunday and principal holy day in the year; and the

whole was to constitute a semi-authorised corpus of doctrinal and

practical divinity adapted for general instruction and family reading.

Burnet, Lloyd, and Patrick joined in the scheme, and some progress was

made in carrying it out. It met, however, with opposition, and was

ultimately laid aside.[1210]

To nearly every one of the London churches in Queen Anne's time a

Lecturer was attached, independent in most cases of the incumbent.[1211]

A great many of these foundations were an inheritance from Puritan

times. The duty required being only that of preaching, men had been able

to take a Lectureship who disapproved of various particulars in the

order and government of the Established Church, and would not have

entered themselves in the list of her regular ministers.[1212] There had

been some advantage and some evil in this. It had enlarged to some

extent the action of the Church, and provided within its limits a field

of activity for men whose preaching was acceptable to a great number of

Churchmen, but who hovered upon the borders of Nonconformity. Only it

secured this advantage in a makeshift and scarcely authorised manner,

and at the risk of introducing into parishes a source of disunion which

was justly open to complaint. Lecturers were added to the Church system

in towns without being incorporated into it. Room should have been found

for them, without permanently attaching to a parish church a preacher

whose views might be continually discordant with those of the incumbent

and his curates. Under the circumstances, it was perhaps no more than a

prudent requirement of the Act of Uniformity, that Lecturers should duly

sign the Articles and before their first lecture read the Prayers, and

make the same declarations as were obligatory upon other clergymen. They

retained, however, something of the distinctive character which had

marked them hitherto. Generally, they were decided Low Churchmen; the

more so as lectureships were very commonly in the choice of the people,

and the bulk of the electors were just that class of tradesmen in whom

the Puritan, and afterwards the so-called Presbyterian, party in the

Church had found its strongest support. For a like reason they were

sometimes, no doubt, too much addicted to those arts by which the

popular ear is won and retained, and which were particularly offensive

to men whose most characteristic merits and faults were those of a

different system. Bishop Newton said that lectureships were often

disagreeable preferments, as subject to so many humours and

caprices.[1213] On the other hand, the principal Lecturers in London

held a position which able men might well be ambitious of holding. Nor

was the long list of eminent men who had held London lectureships

composed by any means exclusively of the leaders of one section of the

English Church. If it contained the names of Tillotson, and Burnet, and

Fleetwood, and Blackhall, and Willis, and Hoadly, and Herring, it

contained also those of Sharp and Atterbury, of Stanhope, Bennet, Moss,

and Marshall. The Lecture of St. Lawrence Jewry was conspicuously high

in repute. 'Though but moderately endowed in point of profit, it was

long considered as the post of honour. It had been possessed by a

remarkable succession of the most able and celebrated preachers, of whom

were the Archbishops Tillotson and Sharp; and it was usually attended by

a variety of persons of the first note and eminence, particularly by

numbers of the clergy, not only of the younger sort, but several also of

long standing and established character.'[1214] On Friday evenings it

was in fact described as being 'not so much a concourse of people, but a

convocation of divines.'[1215] The suburbs, too, of London had their

Lecturers, supported by voluntary contributions, 'the amount of which

put to shame the scanty stipends of the curates.'[1216] At the end of

the period the Lecturers kept their place, but in diminished

numbers;[1217] their relative importance being the more dimmed by the

increase in number of the parochial clergy, and by the migration from

the old city churches to new ones in the suburbs and chapels of ease

where no such foundations existed.

It is almost sad to note in Paterson's 'Pietas Londinensis' the number

of commemorative sermons founded in London parishes under the vain hope

of perpetuating a name for ever. At that time, however, 'all these

lectures were constantly observed on their appointed days.'[1218]

Funeral sermons had for some time been flourishing far too vigorously.

Bossuet and Massillon have left magnificent examples of the noble pulpit

oratory to which such occasions may give rise. But in England, funeral

sermons were too often a reproach to the clergy who could preach them,

and to the public opinion which encouraged them. Just in the same way as

a book could scarcely be published without a dedication which, it might

be thought, would bring only ridicule upon the personage extravagantly

belauded in it, so it was with these funeral sermons. A good man like

Kettlewell might well be 'scandalised with such fulsome panegyrics; it

grieved him to the soul to see flattery taken sanctuary in the

pulpit.'[1219] They had become an odious system, an ordinary funeral

luxury, often handsomely paid for, which even the poor were ambitious to

purchase.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century baptisms during time of

public service were decidedly unfrequent. There had been at one time

such great and widely-spread scruples at the sign of the cross and the

use of sponsors, that many people had preferred, where they found it

possible, to get their children baptized at home, that these adjuncts of

the rite might be dispensed with. During the Commonwealth, so long as

the public ceremonial of the Church of England was prohibited, private

baptism had become a custom even among those churchmen who were most

attached to the Anglican ritual. Such, thought Sherlock, were the

principal causes of a neglect which seems to have become in his time

almost universal.[1220] Often the form for public baptism was used on

such occasions. But this irregularity was not the worst. There can be no

doubt that these 'home christenings' had got to be very commonly looked

upon as little more than an idle ceremony, and an occasion for jollity

and tippling. This flagrant abuse could not fail to shock the minds of

earnest men. We find Sherlock,[1221] Bull,[1222] Atterbury,[1223]

Stanhope,[1224] Berriman,[1225] Secker,[1226] and a number of other

Churchmen, using their best endeavours to bring about a more seemly

reverence for the holy ordinance.

The taking of fees for baptism was a scandal not to be excused on any

ground of prescription. This appears to have been not very unusual, and

to have been done without shame and without rebuke.[1227] Probably it

chiefly grew out of the above-mentioned habit of having this sacrament

celebrated privately in houses.

Early in the century the sign of the cross in baptism was still looked

upon by many with great suspicion. Even in 1773 Dean Tucker speaks of

it[1228] as one of the two principal charges--the other being that of

kneeling at the Eucharist--made by Dissenters against the established

ritual. Objections to the use of sponsors were not so often heard. They

would have been fewer still if there had been many Robert Nelsons. His

letters to his godson, a young man just setting out to a merchant's

office in Smyrna,[1229] are models of sound advice given by a wise,

Christian-hearted man of the world. Wesley thought the office a good and

expedient one; but regretted, as many other Churchmen before and since

have done, the form in which some of the questions are put.[1230]

In the latter part of the seventeenth and through the earlier years of

the eighteenth century, we find earnest Churchmen of all opinions sorely

lamenting the comparative disuse of the old custom of catechizing on

Sunday afternoons. Five successive archbishops of Canterbury--Sheldon,

Sancroft, Tillotson, Tenison, and Wake--however widely their opinions

might differ on some points relating to the edification of the Church,

were cordially agreed in this.[1231] Sherlock, Kettlewell, Bull,

Beveridge, Sharp, Fleetwood may be mentioned as others who, both by

precept and example, insisted upon its importance. After Bishop

Frampton's inability to take the oaths had caused his deprivation, the

one public ministerial act in which he delighted to take part was to

gather the children about him during the afternoon service, and

catechize them, and expound to them the sermon they had heard.[1232] It

seemed to them all that no preaching could take the place of catechizing

as a means of bringing home to the young and scantily educated the

doctrines of the Christian faith and the practical duties of religion,

and that it was also eminently adapted to create an intelligent

attachment to the Church in which they had been brought up. Such

arguments had, of course, all the greater weight at a time when

elementary schools were as yet so far from general, and the art of

reading was still, comparatively speaking, the accomplishment of a few.

A vigorous but not very effectual attempt was made by many bishops and

clergymen to enforce the canon which required servants and apprentices,

as well as children, to attend the catechizing. Bull, for example, and

Fleetwood, not only urged it as a duty, but charged the churchwardens of

their dioceses to present for ecclesiastical rebuke or penalty all who

refused to comply.[1233] In the Isle of Man the commanding personal

influence of Bishop Wilson succeeded in carrying the system out. But

elsewhere pastoral monitions and ecclesiastical menaces were generally

unavailing to overcome the repugnance which people who were no longer

children felt to the idea of submitting themselves to public

questioning.[1234] Bishop Bull, at Brecknock, practically confessed the

futility of the effort by giving a dole of twelve-pence a week to old

people of that town on condition of their submitting to the ordeal.

Richard Baxter, in the seventeenth century, had said of confirmation

that, so far from scrupling the true use of it, there was scarce any

outward thing in the Church he valued more highly. But he liked not, he

added, the English way. Dioceses were so vast that a bishop could not

perform this and other offices for a hundredth part of his flock. Not

one in a hundred was confirmed at all; and often the sacred rite wore

the appearance of 'a running ceremony' and 'a game for boys.'[1235] Half

a century later, in 1747, we find exactly the same reproach in Whiston's

'Memoirs.' 'Confirmation,' he said, 'is, I doubt, much oftener omitted

than performed. And it is usually done in the Church of England in such

a hurry and disorder, that it hardly deserves the name of a sacred

ordinance of Christianity.'[1236] Fifty years again after this a

clergyman, speaking of the great use of confirmation fitly prepared for

and duly solemnised, describes it as being very constantly nothing

better than 'a holiday ramble.'[1237] If, as Secker in one of his

Charges said, the esteem of it was generally preserved in England,[1238]

it certainly retained that respect in spite of circumstances which must

inevitably have tended to bring it into disregard and contempt. But

there was generally one preservative at least to keep the rite from

degenerating into a mere unedifying ceremony. There was no period in the

last century when the office and person of a bishop was not looked upon

with a good deal of reverence among the people generally; nor is there

any part of a bishop's office in which he speaks with so much weight of

fatherly authority as when he confirms the young. And, besides, it would

be very erroneous to suppose that there were not many bishops and many

clergymen who did their utmost to make the rite an impressive reality.

That abominable system of clandestine marriages which reached its acme

in the neighbourhood of the Debtors' Prison in the Fleet, has been made

mention of by many writers.[1239] Apart from these glaring scandals

there had been up to that date much irregularity in marriages. Banns

were an established ordinance; but notwithstanding the remonstrances of

some of the clergy, who urged, like Parson Adams, that the Church had

prescribed a form with which all Christians ought to comply,[1240] they

were, as Walpole says, 'totally in disuse, except among the inferior

people.'[1241] Licences were obtained too easily,[1242] and not

sufficiently insisted upon, and evening marriages were by no means

unknown.[1243] After 1753 these abuses ceased. But most readers will

remember that until a very recent date Church feeling had not restored

to their proper honour the publication of banns. They were thought

somewhat plebeian; and the high-fashionable and aristocratic method was

to celebrate a marriage by special licence in a drawing-room, and with

curtailed service.[1244]

The costly but ugly and unmeaning appurtenances which a simpler taste

will soon, it is to be hoped, banish from our funerals, were customary

long before the eighteenth century began. In George III.'s reign a

prodigal expenditure on such occasions began to be thought less

essential. Before that time the relatives of the deceased were generally

anxious that the obsequies should be as pompous as their means would

possibly allow. It was still much as it had been in the days of Charles

II., when 'it was ordinarily remarked that it cost a private gentleman

of small estate more to bury his wife than to endow his daughter for

marriage to a rich man.'[1245] The bodies of 'persons of condition,'

and of wealthy merchants or tradesmen, were often laid out in state in

rooms draped with black, illuminated with wax candles, and thrown open

to neighbours and other visitors.[1246] Sometimes, as at Pepys' funeral,

an immense number of gold memorial rings were lavished even among

comparatively slight acquaintances.[1247]

Throughout the whole of the eighteenth century Church discipline was in

some respects a much greater reality than it is in our own day. No doubt

in its later years the difference lay more in possibilities than in

actual fact; so that the alterations in the law of excommunication made

by the Act of 1813, exceedingly important as they were to persons who

had come under censure of the ecclesiastical courts, had no very visible

or direct bearing upon the English Church in general. Excommunication

had been for some time becoming more than ever an unfamiliar word,

limited almost entirely to the use of law courts. When, therefore,

various obsolete practices relating to it were swept away and its

consequences rendered less formidable, it is probable that few but

lawyers were cognisant of any change. But in the first half of the last

century, amid a number of complaints that notorious vice so continually

escaped the formal censure of the Church, it is also evident that

presentments and excommunications were far from uncommon, and that even

open penance was not an excessive rarity. Episcopal instructions on the

subject are frequent. Thus Archbishop Sharp requests his clergy to be

very careful of anything like persecution; but where they cannot reform

habitual delinquents, such as drunkards, profane persons, neglecters of

God's worship, &c., by softer means, to take measures that they be

presented. He would then do all he could before proceeding to

excommunication. When that sentence had been actually denounced he

allowed the clergyman to absolve the offender in sickness, when

penitent, without the formal absolution under the Court Seal.

Commutation for penances he did not approve of, but would sometimes

allow them on the advice of the minister of the parish; the commutation

to be entirely applied to Church uses and as notoriously as the offence

had been. The public good was to be the rule.[1248] Secker's

instructions to the clergy of Oxford in 1753 are still more full, though

he prefaces them by the acknowledgment that he is 'perfectly sensible

that both immorality and religion are grown almost beyond the reach of

ecclesiastical power, which, having been in former times unwarrantably

extended, hath been very unjustly cramped and weakened many ways.'[1249]

Five years later, in his first Canterbury Charge, Secker speaks much

less confidently on this subject. Wickedness, he said, of almost every

kind, had made dreadful progress, but ecclesiastical authority was 'not

only too much hindered, but too much despised to do almost anything to

any purpose. In the small degree that it could be exerted usefully he

trusted it would be.'[1250] He expressed himself to the same effect and

still more regretfully in his last written production, his 'Concio coram

synodo' in 1761.'[1251]

Fleetwood reminded the clergy and churchwardens that they were to

present not only for flagitious conduct, but also for non-attendance at

worship, for neglecting to send children or servants to be catechized,

for not paying Church rates, and for public teaching without

licence.[1252]

While a system of Church discipline carried out by presentments and

excommunications was still, more or less effectually, in force,

commutation of penance was very properly a matter for grave and careful

consideration. It was obvious that laxity on such a point might fairly

lay the Church open to a reproach, which Dissenters did not fail to

make, of 'indulgences for sale.'[1253] One of William III.'s injunctions

of 1695 was that 'no commutation of penance be made but by the express

order of the bishop, and that the commutation be applied only to pious

and charitable uses.'[1254] Early in Queen Anne's reign, in consequence

of abuses which existed, the subject was debated in Convocation, and

some stringent resolutions passed, by which it was hoped that

commutations, where allowed, might be rendered perfectly

unexceptionable.[1255] Some lay chancellors, on the other hand, wished

to do away with penance altogether, and to substitute a regular system

of fines payable to the public purse.[1256]

The poet Wordsworth has said that one of his earliest remembrances was

the going to church one week-day to see a woman doing penance in a white

sheet, and the disappointment of not getting a penny, which he had been

told was given to all lookers-on.[1257] This must have been a very rare

event at that date--about 1777.[1258] Early in the century this sort of

ecclesiastical pillory was somewhat more common. But it was evidently

quite unfrequent even then. Pope's parish clerk is made to speak of it

as distinctly an event. This, which was called 'solemn penance,' as

contrasted with that lesser form which might consist only of confession

and satisfaction, was an ordeal which sounds like a strange anachronism

in times so near our own. Bishop Hildesley thus describes it in the Isle

of Man, where it was enforced upon certain delinquents far more

generally than elsewhere. 'The manner of doing penance is primitive and

edifying. The penitent, clothed in a white sheet, &c., is brought into

the church immediately before the Litany, and there continues till the

sermon is ended; after which, and a proper exhortation, the congregation

are desired to pray for him in a form prescribed for the purpose.' This

having been done, so soon as it could be certified to the bishop that

his repentance was believed to be sincere, he might be received back

again, 'by a very solemn form,' into the peace of the Church.[1259] In

England generally the ceremony was in all respects the same,[1260]

except that no regular form existed for the readmission of penitents.

Jones of Alconbury, in the 'Free and Candid Disquisitions' (1749), spoke

of the need of a recognised office for this purpose. That which was

commonly used had no authority, and was very imperfect. A form also for

excommunication was also, he thought, a definite want of the English

Church. For want of some such solemnity, excommunication was very

deficient in impressiveness, not at all understood by the people in

general, and less dreaded than should be, as signifying for the most

part nothing more than the loss of a little money.[1261]

The strongly marked division of opinion which had prevailed during the

reign of Elizabeth and Charles I. as to the mode of observing Sunday no

longer existed. Formerly, Anglicans and Puritans had taken for the most

part thoroughly opposite views, and the question had been controverted

with much vehemence, and often with much bitterness. Happily for

England, the Puritan view, in all its broader and more general features,

had won peaceful possession of the ground. The harsher and more rigid

observances with which many sectarians had overburdened the holy day,

were kept up by some of the denominations, but could not be maintained

in the National Church. In fact, their concession was the price of

conquest. Anglican divines, and the great and influential body of laymen

who were in accord with them, would never have acquiesced in

prescriptions and prohibitions which were tenable, if tenable at all,

only upon the assumption of a Sabbatarianism which they did not pretend

to hold. But the Puritan Sunday, in all its principal characteristics,

remained firmly established, and was as warmly supported by High

Churchmen as by any who belonged to an opposite party. It has been aptly

observed that several of Robert Nelson's remarks upon the proper

observance of Sunday would have been derided, eighty or a hundred years

previously, as Puritanical cant by men whose legitimate successors most

warmly applauded what he wrote.[1262] No one whose opinion had any

authority, desired, after Charles II.'s time, to revive the 'Book of

Sports,' or regretted the abolition of Sunday wakes. Amid all the laxity

of the Restoration period--amid the partial triumph of Laudean ideas

which marked the reign of Queen Anne--amid the indifference and

sluggishness in religious matters which soon afterwards set

in--reverence for the sanctity of the Lord's Day, and a fixed purpose

that its general character of sedate quietness should not be broken

into, grew, though it was but gradually, among almost all classes, into

a tradition which was respected even by those who had very little care

for other ordinances of religion.

Such, undoubtedly, was the predominant feeling of the eighteenth

century; and it is difficult to overestimate its value in the support it

gave to religion in times when such aid was more than ordinarily needed.

There are many aspects of Church life in relation to the social history

of the period which the authors of these chapters are well aware they

have either omitted entirely, or have very insufficiently touched upon.

It is not that they have undervalued their interest as compared with

matters which have been more fully discussed, but simply that the plan

of their work almost precluded the attempt at anything like complete

treatment of the whole of a subject which may be viewed from many sides.

C.J.A.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 838: Review of Milner's _Church Arch_, in _Q. Rev._ vol. vi.

63.]

[Footnote 839: Warburton and Hurd's _Correspondence_, 3.]

[Footnote 840: James Fergusson's _History of the Modern Styles of

Architecture_, 246.]

[Footnote 841: Id. 246.]

[Footnote 842: Id. 255.]

[Footnote 843: M.E.C. Walcot, _Traditions, &c., of Cathedrals_, 47.]

[Footnote 844: Quoted in _Q. Rev._ vol. vi. 62.]

[Footnote 845: Id. vol. lxix. iii.]

[Footnote 846: _Parentalia_, p. 305. _Q. Rev._ vol. ii. 133.]

[Footnote 847: _Il Penseroso._]

[Footnote 848: _Persian Letters_, No. xxvi.]

[Footnote 849: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, 1714, 236.]

[Footnote 850: Cawthorne's Poems.--Anderson's _English Poets_, x. 425.]

[Footnote 851: Seward's _Anecdotes_, 1798, ii. 312.]

[Footnote 852: J. Fergusson's _Mod. Archit._ 282.]

[Footnote 853: Its advocates were very desirous, about this time, of

substituting the term 'English' for 'Gothic.'--Sayers, ii. 440. _Q.

Rev._ ii. 133, iv. 476.]

[Footnote 854: Sayers' 'Architect. Antiquities.'--_Life and Works_, ii.

476.]

[Footnote 855: _Gentleman's Mag._ 1799, 858.]

[Footnote 856: _Gentleman's Mag._ 1799, 667-70, 733-6, 858-61.]

[Footnote 857: A.P. Stanley's _Hist. Memorials of Westminster Abbey_,

540-2.]

[Footnote 858: M.E.C. Walcot, _Traditions & Customs of Cathedrals_,

47-55.]

[Footnote 859: _Gentleman's Mag._ 1799, 669.]

[Footnote 860: Id.]

[Footnote 861: Walcot, 52.]

[Footnote 862: Id. 51.]

[Footnote 863: _London Parishes_, &c., 146.]

[Footnote 864: H. Walpole's _Letters_, i. 360.]

[Footnote 865: Defoe's _Tour through the whole Island_, i. 85.]

[Footnote 866: Many of them, however, could not yet have recovered from

the treatment they had endured in the time of the Commonwealth. Though

the Parliamentary committee appointed to decide the question had happily

decided against the demolition of cathedrals, they were allowed to fall

into a miserable state of dilapidation and decay.]

[Footnote 867: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 151-4.]

[Footnote 868: In his _Charge to the Clergy of St. Asaph_, 1710.]

[Footnote 869: Bishop Butler's _Primary Charge_, 1751.]

[Footnote 870: Horne's 'Thoughts on Various Subjects'--_Works_, i. 286.]

[Footnote 871: J. Hervey, 'Medit. among the Tombs'--_Works_, i. 1.]

[Footnote 872: W. Longman's _History of St. Paul's_, chap. 4. See

especially the account quoted there from Earle's _Microcosmography_,

1628.]

[Footnote 873: Quoted in Id.]

[Footnote 874: _Hen. IV._ part ii. act i. sc. 2.]

[Footnote 875: Pilkington, quoted in Walcot's _Cathedrals_, 82.]

[Footnote 876: 'Heraclitus Ridens,' quoted in J. Malcolm's _Manners, &c.

of London_, i. 233.]

[Footnote 877: Walcot, 81.]

[Footnote 878: A.P. Stanley's _Hist. Memorials of Westminster_, 535.]

[Footnote 879: Pepys' _Diary_, vol. v. 113, 114.]

[Footnote 880: Lord Braybrook's note to _Pepys_, v. 114.]

[Footnote 881: Burns' _Eccles. Law_, i. p. 328. High Churchmen, however,

sometimes had their jest at the special love of the opposite party for

'their own Protestant Pews.'--T. Lewis's _Scourge_, Apr. 8, 1717, No.

10.]

[Footnote 882: Anderson's _British Poets_, ix. 82.]

[Footnote 883: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, _passim_.]

[Footnote 884: Prior's _Poems_, 'Epitaph on Jack and Joan'--_British

Poets_, vii. 448.]

[Footnote 885: 'Baucis and Philemon'--_B. Poets_, ix. 13.]

[Footnote 886: Fielding's _Jos. Andrews_, book iv. chap. i.]

[Footnote 887: A.J.B. Beresford Hope, _Worship in the Church of

England_, 1874, 17.]

[Footnote 888: Such an instance was once mentioned to the writer by

Bishop Eden, the late Primus of the Episcopal Church in Scotland.]

[Footnote 889: Walpole's _Letters_, ii. 35, quoted by Walcot, 56.]

[Footnote 890: Walcot, 53.]

[Footnote 891: _Considerations on the present State of Religion_, 1801,

p. 47.--Polwhele's Introduction to _Lavington_, § ccxx. &c.]

[Footnote 892: _Considerations_, &c. 53. _Q. Rev._ vol. x. 54.]

[Footnote 893: _A.L. Barbauld's Works_, by Lucy Aikin, ii. p. 459.]

[Footnote 894: 'Hints on English Architecture'--Dr. F. Savers' _Life and

Works,_ ii. 203. So also Bishop Watson, in 1800, complained that not

only were there many too few churches in London, but 'the inconvenience

is much augmented by the pews which have been erected therein. He would

have new churches built with no appropriated seats, simply

benches'--_Anecdotes of Bishop Watson's Life_, ii. 111.]

[Footnote 895: Fielding's _Joseph Andrews_, chap. 13.]

[Footnote 896: Robert Blair's _The Grace_, lines 36-7.]

[Footnote 897: Quoted, with some humour, by Bishop Newton, in defending

Sir Joshua Reynolds' proposals for paintings in St. Paul's.--_Works_, i.

142.]

[Footnote 898: Christoph. Smart's _Poems_, 'The Hop Garden,' book ii.]

[Footnote 899: Fleetwood's 'Charge of 1710'--_Works_, 479.]

[Footnote 900: Secker's 'Charge of 1758'--_Eight Charges_, 191.]

[Footnote 901: John Byrom's _Poems_--Chalmer's _B. Poets_, xv. 214.]

[Footnote 902: Beresford Hope, _Worship in the Church of E._ 19.]

[Footnote 903: _Tatler_, No. 264.]

[Footnote 904: _Parochial Antiquities_--Jeaffreson, ii. 16 (note).]

[Footnote 905: Gay's _Poems_, 'The Dirge'--Anderson's _B. Poets_, viii.

151.]

[Footnote 906: Burns' _Eccles. Law_, i. 370.]

[Footnote 907: A few still remain, as at Rycote, in Oxfordshire.]

[Footnote 908: 'Smoothing the dog's ears of the great bible ... in the

black letter in which our bibles are printed.'--'Memoirs of a Parish

Clerk,' Pope's _Works_, vii. 225.]

[Footnote 909: Walcot, 115.]

[Footnote 910: _Gentleman's Mag._ vol. lxix. 667.]

[Footnote 911: Beresford Hope, _Worship_, &c., 68, 129.]

[Footnote 912: Secker's _Fourth Charge_ (1750), 154, and _Fifth Charge_

(1753), 180.]

[Footnote 913: _Pietas Londinensis_, _passim_.]

[Footnote 914: W. Longman's _Hist. of St. Paul's_, p. 145.]

[Footnote 915: Ralph Thoresby's _Correspondence_, ii. 384.]

[Footnote 916: Alex. Gilchrist's _Life of Blake_, i. 41.]

[Footnote 917: Quoted, with a similar passage from _Story's Journal_, by

Walcot, 104.]

[Footnote 918: Ralph Thoresby's _Diary_, i. 60.]

[Footnote 919: Report of Conference of 1641, upon 'Innovations in

Discipline,' quoted in Hunt's _Religious Thought in England_, i. 196.]

[Footnote 920: Quoted in Beresford Hope, _Worship_, &c., p. 232.]

[Footnote 921: Quoted by Hunt, iii. 48, note.]

[Footnote 922: Thoresby's _Diary_, i. 60.]

[Footnote 923: E. Nelson's _Life of Bishop Bull_, 52.]

[Footnote 924: Quoted in a review of Surtees' 'Hist. Durham,' _Q. Rev._

39, 404. The charge was so persistently repeated that Archbishop Secker

thought it just to his friend's memory to publish a formal defence. He

regretted, however, that the cross had been erected. It was a cross of

white marble let into a black slab, and surrounded by cedar work, in the

wall over the Communion Table.--T. Bartlett's _Memoirs of Bishop

Butler_, 91, 155.]

[Footnote 925: _Guardian_, No. 21, April 4, 1713.]

[Footnote 926: There were, however, some who put up pictures about the

altar, and defended their use as 'the books of the vulgar.'--_Life of

Bishop Kennet_, in an. 1716, 125.]

[Footnote 927: Lathbury's _History of the Nonjurors_, 256.]

[Footnote 928: _Diary of Mary Countess Cowper_ (1714-20), pub. 1864, 92;

and _Life of Bishop White Kennet_, 1730, 141-2.]

[Footnote 929: A very different anecdote may be told of an altar-piece

in St. John's College, Cambridge. 'At Chapel,' wrote Henry Martyn, in

1800, 'my soul ascended to God: and the sight of the picture at the

altar, of St. John preaching in the wilderness, animated me exceedingly

to devotedness to the life of a missionary.'--_Journal_, &c., ed. by S.

Wilberforce, quoted in Bartlett's _Memoirs of Bishop Butler_, 92.]

[Footnote 930: Longman's _Hist. of St. Paul's_, 141.]

[Footnote 931: 'Essay upon Painting.'--Anderson's _B. Poets_, ix. 824.]

[Footnote 932: _Memoirs of Sir J. Reynolds_, by H.W. Beechy, 224.]

[Footnote 933: Bishop Newton's _Life and Works_, 1787, i. 142-4.]

[Footnote 934: _Memoir_, &c., i. 225.]

[Footnote 935: Alex. Gilchrist's _Life of W. Blake_, i. 96.]

[Footnote 936: Milman's _Annals of St. Paul_, quoted by Longman, _Hist.

of St. P._ 153.]

[Footnote 937: Jas. Dallaway on _Architecture_, &c., 443-5.]

[Footnote 938: Beresford Hope, _Worship_, &c. 19.]

[Footnote 939: 'When they startle at a dumb picture in a window.'--T.

Lewis, in _The Scourge_, Apr. 9, 1717, No. 9.]

[Footnote 940: Various illustrations of this may be found in Paterson's

_Pietas Londinensis_.]

[Footnote 941: A new one was substituted for it in 1864.]

[Footnote 942: C. Winslow, _Hints on Glass Colouring_, i. 206.]

[Footnote 943: Id. 207.]

[Footnote 944: J. Dallaway, _Architecture_, &c., 446.]

[Footnote 945: Winslow, _Hints_, &c., 207.]

[Footnote 946: Dallaway, 446.]

[Footnote 947: C. Winslow, _Memoirs Illustrative of the Art of Glass

Painting_, 153.]

[Footnote 948: C. Winslow, _Hints_, i. 216.]

[Footnote 949: C. Winslow, _Memoirs_, &c., 153.]

[Footnote 950:

'Shapes that with one broad glare the gazer strike,

Kings, bishops, nuns, apostles, all alike.'--_T. Warton_.]

[Footnote 951: Beechy's _Memoirs of Sir Josh. Reynolds_, 239.]

[Footnote 952: C. Winslow, _Hints_, &c., i. 211.]

[Footnote 953: Hartley Coleridge, _Marginalia_, 253.]

[Footnote 954: C. Winslow, _Memoirs_, &c., 176.]

[Footnote 955: Dallaway's _Architecture_, &c., 454.]

[Footnote 956: _Q. Rev._ vol. xcv. 317, 'Review of Gatty and Ellacombe

on Bells.' The two next sentences are based on the same authority.]

[Footnote 957: Hearne's _Reliquiæ_, May 22, 1733, Jan. 2, 1731, May 2,

1734, &c.]

[Footnote 958: _Q. Rev._ vol. xxxix. 308.]

[Footnote 959: _Q. Rev._ vol. xcv. 328.]

[Footnote 960: Oliver Goldsmith's 'Life of K. Nash, _Works_, iii. 374.]

[Footnote 961: Brand's _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 221.]

[Footnote 962: T. Pennant's _Holywell_, &c., 99.]

[Footnote 963: T. Webb's _Collect. of Epitaphs_, 1775, i. pref.]

[Footnote 964: Secker's _Eight Charges_ 182. Charge of 1753.]

[Footnote 965:

'Lest her new grave the parson's cattle raze.

For both his cow and horse the churchyard graze.'

Gay's _Shepherd's Week_.]

[Footnote 966: _Q. Rev._ vol. xc. 294.]

[Footnote 967: T. Webb's _Collection of Epitaphs_, 1775, ii. 28.]

[Footnote 968: Elegy written in a churchyard in S. Wales, 1787, W.

Mason's _Works_, 1811, i. 113.]

[Footnote 969: Quoted in Brand's _Popular Antiquities_, ii. 299.]

[Footnote 970: _Spectator_, No. 388, May 20, 1712.]

[Footnote 971: 'Project, &c.' 1709--Swift's _Works_, viii. 105, with Sir

W. Scott's note.]

[Footnote 972: Calamy's _Own Life_, ii. 289.]

[Footnote 973: _Annals of England_, iii. 202.]

[Footnote 974: Secker's _Fifth Charge_, 1753. Butler's _Durham Charge_,

1751.]

[Footnote 975: _Considerations on the Present State of Religion_, 1801,

chap. v.]

[Footnote 976: _Q. Rev._ vol. x. 57.]

[Footnote 977: K. Polwhele's Introduction to _Harrington_, cclxxxi.]

[Footnote 978: Beveridge's _Necessity and Advantages of Public Prayer_,

34.]

[Footnote 979: Lathbury's _Hist. of the Nonjurors_, 77.]

[Footnote 980: Baxter's _English Nonconformity_, chap. 41. Quoted in

Bingham's 'Origines Ecclesiasticæ:'--_Works_ ix. 128.]

[Footnote 981: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, 305.]

[Footnote 982: _Guardian_, No. 65, May 26, 1713.]

[Footnote 983: R. Nelson, _Practice of True Devotion_, chap. i. § 3.]

[Footnote 984: Brokesby's _Life of Dodwell_, 1715, 542.]

[Footnote 985: Nelson's _Life of Bishop Bull_, 375-6.]

[Footnote 986: _Archbishop Sharp's Life_, by his Son, i. 201.]

[Footnote 987: Whiston's _Memoirs_, 1749, 124.]

[Footnote 988: Thoresby's _Diary_, Aug. 8, 1702, i. 375.]

[Footnote 989: Goldsmith's 'Life of Nash'--_Works_, iii. 277-8. De Foe's

_Tour through Great Britain_, 1738, i. 193, ii. 242.]

[Footnote 990: Lloyd's _Poems_, 'A Tale,' c. 1757, Cowper's _Poems_,

'Truth.']

[Footnote 991: B. Hope, _Worship, &c., in the Ch. of E._, 20.]

[Footnote 992: _Pietas Londinensis_, _passim_.]

[Footnote 993: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 77.]

[Footnote 994: Whiston mentions this with approval in his _Memoirs_,

1769, x. 138. It is mentioned of Archbishop Sharp that he always kept

Wednesday and Friday as days of humiliation, and Friday as a

fast.--_Life_, ii. 81. Hearne and Grabe were very much scandalised at

Dr. Hough making Friday his day for entertaining strangers.--Hearne's

_Reliquiæ_, ii. 30. The boys at Appleby School, about 1730, always, as

is incidentally mentioned, went to morning prayers in the Church on

Wednesdays and Fridays ('Memoir of R. Yates,' appended to G.W. Meadley's

_Memoirs of Paley_, 123).]

[Footnote 995: R.A. Willmott, _Lives of Sacred Poets_, 1838, ii. x.

173.]

[Footnote 996: Gilbert Wakefield's _Memoirs_, 1792, x. 137.]

[Footnote 997: James Hervey's _Works_, 1805. _Letter_ cxiv. Oct. 28,

1753--_Works_, vol. vi.]

[Footnote 998: _London Parishes_, &c.]

[Footnote 999: A. Andrews' _The Eighteenth Century_, 63.]

[Footnote 1000: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_.]

[Footnote 1001: Johnson's _Clergyman's Vade-Mecum_, 1709, i. 179.]

[Footnote 1002: _Life of Kettlewell_, 1719, 24.]

[Footnote 1003: Burnet's _Four Discourses to the Clergy of Sarum_, 1694,

338.]

[Footnote 1004: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, Introd.]

[Footnote 1005: Fleetwood's _Works_, 716.]

[Footnote 1006: Johnson's _Vade-Mecum_, i. 189]

[Footnote 1007: E.g. Malcolm's _London_, &c., i. 18.]

[Footnote 1008: Walcot's _Cathedrals_, &c. (of Rochester), 102.]

[Footnote 1009: Doran's Note to _Horace Walpole's Journal_, i. 89.]

[Footnote 1010: Bramston, quoted in id.]

[Footnote 1011: C. Cruttwell's _Life of Bishop Wilson_, 370.]

[Footnote 1012: _Life of Kettlewell_, 24. Paterson's _Pietas

Londinensis_, Introduction. H.B. Wilson's _Hist. of Merchant Taylors_,

1075. Chr. Wordsworth's _Memoirs of W. Wordsworth_, 8.]

[Footnote 1013: _The Church of England Vindicated_, &c., 1801, 15.]

[Footnote 1014: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 49.]

[Footnote 1015: Boswell's _Life of Johnson_, ii. 191.]

[Footnote 1016: Beresford Hope, _Worship_, &c., 22.]

[Footnote 1017: J.B. Pearson, in _Oxford Essays_, 1858, 165.]

[Footnote 1018: Horsley's _Charges_, 114.]

[Footnote 1019: Brand's _Popular Antiq._ 1777, i. 491.]

[Footnote 1020: _Spectator_, No. 282.]

[Footnote 1021: Gay's _Trivia_, ii. 438.]

[Footnote 1022: Walcot's _Cathedrals_, &c., 137.]

[Footnote 1023: Gay's _Trivia_, ii. 442.]

[Footnote 1024: Stukeley's _Hist. of Carausius_, ii. 164. Quoted by

Walcot, 137.]

[Footnote 1025: Paterson's _Pietas Lond._]

[Footnote 1026: As at St. Dunstan's-in-the-West, &c., id. 80.]

[Footnote 1027: See p. 68.]

[Footnote 1028: _Piet. Lond._ 272.]

[Footnote 1029: Walcot's _Cathedrals_, &c., 137.]

[Footnote 1030: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, 157.]

[Footnote 1031: Id.]

[Footnote 1032: _Spectator_, No. 161, Sept. 4, 1711.]

[Footnote 1033: Nelson's _Life of Bull_, 312.]

[Footnote 1034: Macaulay's _History of Claybrook_, 1791, 93, quoted by

Brand, ii. 12.]

[Footnote 1035: Wither's _Emblems_, 1635, quoted by Brand.]

[Footnote 1036: J. Walton's _Life of Hooker_.--Hooker's _Works_, 1850,

i. 63.]

[Footnote 1037: Secker's _Charges_, 143.]

[Footnote 1038: Wilson's _Hist. of St. Lawrence Pountney_, 114.]

[Footnote 1039: Secker's _Charges_, 143.]

[Footnote 1040: J. Brand's _Popular Antiquities_, i. 199.]

[Footnote 1041: De Foe's _Works_, Chalmers, vol. xx. 8, note.]

[Footnote 1042: _A Collection of Parl. Protests_, 1737, 164.]

[Footnote 1043: _Life of Ken_, by a Layman, ii. 653.]

[Footnote 1044: Whiston's _Memoirs_, 1749, 132.]

[Footnote 1045: Id. and 406.]

[Footnote 1046: G. Wakefield's _Memoirs_, 1792, 182.]

[Footnote 1047: Malcolm's _Manners and Customs of London_, ii. 16-19.]

[Footnote 1048: Id. 23.]

[Footnote 1049: Brand's _Pop. Antiq._ i. 406-8.]

[Footnote 1050: Paterson's _Pietas Lond._ 23, 154, 164.]

[Footnote 1051: Burn's _Eccl. Law_, iii. 235.]

[Footnote 1052: H.J. Stephen's _Commentaries on the Laws_, 1858, iii.

54.]

[Footnote 1053: Dean Prideaux' _Life and Letters_, 1747, 95, and R.

South's _Sermons_, 1823, iv. 186.]

[Footnote 1054: Prideaux, as above.]

[Footnote 1055: Burnet, quoted in J. Hunt's _Hist. of Rel. Thought in

E._ iii. 223.]

[Footnote 1056: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 6.]

[Footnote 1057: B. Hope, _Worship in the Ch. of E._, 10. Secker makes

the same remark, _Eight Charges_, 295.]

[Footnote 1058: Bishop Newton's _Life and Works_, i. 115.]

[Footnote 1059: J. Newton's _Memoirs_, 54.]

[Footnote 1060: _The Church of England Vindicated_, 1801, 40.]

[Footnote 1061: _Considerations on the Present State of Religion_, 1801,

21, 29.]

[Footnote 1062: H. More's _Memoirs_, i. 573.]

[Footnote 1063: H. More's _Memoirs_, i. 656.]

[Footnote 1064: Id. 458.]

[Footnote 1065: R. Thoresby's _Diary_ (of 1684), i. 178.]

[Footnote 1066: _Spectator_, No. 20.]

[Footnote 1067: _Spectator_, No. 50.]

[Footnote 1068: Id. No. 259.]

[Footnote 1069: The scandalous interruptions during service which C.

Simeon met with (1792-5) were, of course, of a different

nature.--_Simeon's Memoirs_, 86-92.]

[Footnote 1070: R. Polwhele's Introduction to _Lavington_, ccxliv.]

[Footnote 1071: Tindal, vol. i. and _Somers Tracts_, x. 349, quoted in

W. Palin's _Hist. of the Ch. of E. from_ 1688 _to_ 1717, 218.]

[Footnote 1072: Quoted in id. 228.]

[Footnote 1073: _Gibson Papers_, v. 9. Quoted in J. Stoughton's _Church

of the Revolution_, 324.]

[Footnote 1074: Hooper's MS., quoted by Palin, 220.]

[Footnote 1075: Cripps's _Laws of the Church_, 675.]

[Footnote 1076: R. Burn's _Eccles. Law_, iii. 273.]

[Footnote 1077: Johnson's _Vade Mecum_, i. 281.]

[Footnote 1078: _Worship in the Church of England_, 9.]

[Footnote 1079: J. Johnson's _Vade Mecum_, i. 21.]

[Footnote 1080: _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, by his Son, i. 355.]

[Footnote 1081: B. Hope, _Worship_, &c., 109, 1211.]

[Footnote 1082: Gibson's _Codex Jur. Eccl._ 303, 472. This opinion is

referred to with approval in _An Account of London Parishes_, &c.]

[Footnote 1083: Blomefield's _Hist. of Norwich_, quoted in id. 140.]

[Footnote 1084: A.P. Stanley's _Memoirs of Westminster Abbey_, 192.]

[Footnote 1085: Defoe's _Tour_, 1727, iii. 189, also Thoresby's _Diary_,

i. 60.]

[Footnote 1086: B. Hope, _Worship_, &c., 138.]

[Footnote 1087: _Gent. Mag._ for 1804, quoted in id.]

[Footnote 1088: _The Scourge_, by T. Lewis, Feb. 11, 1717.]

[Footnote 1089: Sherlock, _On Public Worship_, 114.]

[Footnote 1090: _The Scourge_, May 16, 1717.]

[Footnote 1091: Quoted in Stoughton's _Church of the Revolution_, 323.]

[Footnote 1092: E. Thoresby's _Diary_, ii. 341.]

[Footnote 1093: _Tatler_, No. 129.]

[Footnote 1094: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 182.]

[Footnote 1095: R. South's _Sermons_, iv. 191, also _Strype Corresp._

quoted by Stoughton, _Ch. of the Rev._, 323.]

[Footnote 1096: Mr. Wordsworth, however, mentions a portrait of 1730,

showing the interior of an English church in which the celebrant at the

Eucharist is robed in a black gown.--_Univ. Soc. in the Eighteenth

Cent._, 533.]

[Footnote 1097: Walcot's _Cathedrals_, &c., 121.]

[Footnote 1098: Christopher Pitt's _Art of Preaching_, c. 1740.

Anderson's _Br. Poets_, viii. 821.]

[Footnote 1099: _Spectator_, No. 21.]

[Footnote 1100: Id. No. 609.]

[Footnote 1101: Id., and Oldham, in the _Tatler_, No. 255.]

[Footnote 1102: Swift's 'Project for the Adv. of Rel.'--_Works_, ix. 97.

_Spectator_, No. 608.]

[Footnote 1103: Hearne's _Reliq._ Feb. 1719-20, quoted in Chr.

Wordsworth, _Univ. Soc. in Eighteenth Century_, 36, 516.]

[Footnote 1104: Fielding's _Joseph Andrews_, b. i. chap. 16, b. ii.

chaps. 3, 7, &c.]

[Footnote 1105: Cf. C. Churchill's _Independence_:--

'O'er a brown cassock which had once been black,

Which hung in tatters o'er his brawny back.']

[Footnote 1106: _Hardships, &c., of the Inf. Clergy_, in a letter to the

Bishop of London, 1722, 20, 93, 246.]

[Footnote 1107: _Admonition to the Younger Clergy_, 1764, and

_Philagoretes on the Pulpit_, &c., quoted by Chr. Wordsworth,

_Universities_, &c., 526, 529.]

[Footnote 1108: J.C. Jeaffreson's _B. of the Clergy_, ii. 253.]

[Footnote 1109: _Mrs. Abigail, &c., with some Free Thoughts on the

Pretended Dignity of the Clergy_, 1700.]

[Footnote 1110: Quoted in _Justice and Necessity of Restraining the

Clergy_, &c., 1715, 41]

[Footnote 1111: Jeaffreson, ii. 231.]

[Footnote 1112: R. South's _Sermons_, vol. iv. 192.]

[Footnote 1113: Dean Swift's _Works_, vol. viii. 313.]

[Footnote 1114: Chap. iii. p. 26 quoted in A. Andrews' _Eighteenth

Century_.]

[Footnote 1115: _Considerations Addressed to the Clergy_, 1798, 14.]

[Footnote 1116: _Spectator_, No. 455. Burnet, as a matter of opinion,

thought this more consonant with primitive usage, and, except during

confession, more expressive of the feelings of faith and

confidence.--_Four Discourses_, &c., 1694, 323.]

[Footnote 1117: _The Scourge_, 1720, No. 3.]

[Footnote 1118: Cruttwell's _Life of Bishop Wilson_, 12; and Fleetwood's

'Letter to an Inhabitant of St. Andrew's, Holborn,' 1717--_Works_. 1737,

722-3.]

[Footnote 1119: Id.]

[Footnote 1120: Towards the end of the century, on the other hand, there

were many churches where kneeling was sufficiently uncommon as almost to

call special attention. Thus Admiral Austen was remarked upon as '_the_

officer who kneeled at church' (Jane Austen's _Memoirs_, 23); and C.

Simeon writes in his _Diary_, '1780, March 8. Kneeled down before

service; nor do I see any impropriety in it. Why should I be afraid or

ashamed of all the world seeing me do my duty?' (_Memoirs_, 19).]

[Footnote 1121: _Tatler_, No. 241.]

[Footnote 1122: J. Hunt, _Relig. Thought in England_, i. 197.]

[Footnote 1123: Sherlock _On Public Worship_, 1681, ii. ch. 2.]

[Footnote 1124: Fleetwood's _Works_, 1737, 723.]

[Footnote 1125: G. Hickes, _Devotions_, &c., second ed., 1701, Pref.]

[Footnote 1126: Second Charge, 1741, Secker's _Eight Charges_, 1769.]

[Footnote 1127: T. Bisse, _The Beauty of Holiness_, eighth ed. 1721, 50,

note.]

[Footnote 1128: J. Watts, 'Miscellaneous Thoughts'--_Works_, ix. 380.]

[Footnote 1129: _Tatler_, No. 211.]

[Footnote 1130: _Spectator_, No. 112.]

[Footnote 1131: Id. No. 54.]

[Footnote 1132: Bingham's _Works_, ix. 259. Cruttwell, 12. Walcott, 204.

_Somers Tracts_, ix. 507. Watts's _Works_, ix. 380. Wakefield's

_Memoirs_, 156. _The Scourge_, No. 3.]

[Footnote 1133: Bisse, _Beauty of Holiness_, 145.]

[Footnote 1134: South's _Works_, iv. 191.]

[Footnote 1135: Lathbury's _Hist. of the Nonjurors_, 156, 507-8. Parry's

_Hist. of the Ch. of E._, iii, 165.]

[Footnote 1136: This gave occasion to a special pastoral letter of the

Bishop of London, Dec. 26, 1718.]

[Footnote 1137: Whiston's _Memoirs_, at date 1720, 249.]

[Footnote 1138: Thus we find Dr. Parr speaking of 'reviving' its use in

his parish. Johnstone's 'Life of Parr'--_Q. Rev._ 39, 268. Expressions

of dislike to parts of it among Churchmen are very numerous throughout

the century.]

[Footnote 1139: Barbauld's _Works_, by Aikin, ii. 151. Bishop Watson's

_Life_, i. 395.]

[Footnote 1140: J. Johnson, _Clergyman's Vade Mecum_, i. 12, and Heylin

(_Hist._ pl. ii. cap. 4) quoted by him.]

[Footnote 1141: N. Bisse, _Beauty of Holiness_, 123. C. Crutwell's _Life

of Bishop Wilson_, 265 (in the Isle of Man, First and Second Services

are the regular terms used in official ecclesiastical notices). _London

Parishes_, 8.]

[Footnote 1142: Sherlock _On Public Worship_, 1681, 205, 219.]

[Footnote 1143: Beveridge _On Frequent Communion_, 155, 173.]

[Footnote 1144: Fleetwood for example, 'Charge to the Ely Clergy,'

1716--_Works_, 1737, 699.]

[Footnote 1145: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 63.]

[Footnote 1146: E.C.M. Walcott's _Customs of Cathedrals_, 101.]

[Footnote 1147: Quoted in _The Church of England Vindicated_, &c., 1801,

5.]

[Footnote 1148: _Two Letters Concerning the Methodists_, by the Rev.

Moore Booker, 1751, Pref. iv.]

[Footnote 1149: Burnet's Funeral Sermon on Tillotson, quoted in

Lathbury's _Nonjurors_, 156.]

[Footnote 1150: Du Moulin's _Sober and Dispassionate Reply_, &c., 1680,

32.]

[Footnote 1151: _The Church of England's Complaint against the

Irregularities of some of the Clergy_, 1709, 15.]

[Footnote 1152: J. Johnstone's _Life of Dr. Parr_, qu. in _Q. Rev._ 39,

268.]

[Footnote 1153: R. Nelson's _Life of Bull_, 52.]

[Footnote 1154: Charge of 1741--Secker's _Eight Charges_, 63.]

[Footnote 1155: C. Leslie's 'Letter about the New Separation'--_Works_,

i. 510. He adds that some clergymen of the Ch. of E. always used

unleavened bread at the Sacrament.]

[Footnote 1156: L. Tyerman's _Oxford Methodists_, Pref. vi. Other

allusions to an occasional preference for this usage occur in Bishop

Horne's _Works_, App. 203, and _Gent. Mag._ 1750, xx. 75. In some

editions of Bishop Wilson's _Sacra Privata_, there is a prayer for a

blessing on the bread and wine-and-water.]

[Footnote 1157: Herbert's _Country Parson_ quoted in Brand's _Pop.

Antiquities_, i. 521.]

[Footnote 1158: Walcott's _Customs of Cathedrals_, 137.]

[Footnote 1159: _London Parishes_, &c., 20.]

[Footnote 1160: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_, 52.]

[Footnote 1161: Id. 104.]

[Footnote 1162: _Spectator_, No. 372.]

[Footnote 1163: H.W. Cripps's _Law of the Ch._, &c., 218.]

[Footnote 1164: Hartley Coleridge, _Essays and Marginalia_, ii. 338.]

[Footnote 1165: Pope's _Works_, vii. 222-35. Naturally, Jacobite parsons

were robed by Jacobite clerks. 'Who hath not observed several parish

clerks that have ransacked Hopkins and Sternhold for staves in favour of

the race of Jacob.'--Addison, in _The Freeholder_, No. 53.]

[Footnote 1166: John Wesley (_Works_, x. 445), records an amusing

reminiscence of his boyhood: 'One Sunday, immediately after sermon, my

father's clerk said with an audible voice: "Let us sing to the praise,

&c., an hymn of my own composing:

King William is come home, come home!

King William home is come!

Therefore let us together sing

The hymn that's called Te D'um."']

[Footnote 1167: Singing the first line, in order to put the congregation

in tune.--_Spectator_, No. 284. 'The clerk ordered to sing a Psalm, and

so keep the congregation together, while Mr. Claxton was

away.'--Thoresby's _Diary_, April 4, 1713.]

[Footnote 1168: Bishop Gibson specially directed the clergy to instruct

their clerks to do this. Charge of 1721, Gibson's _Charges_, 1744, 18.]

[Footnote 1169: Secker's _Charges_, 65. At St. Lawrence Pountney, the

candidates for the office had to 'take the desk' on trial on successive

Sundays.--H.B. Wilson, _Hist. of St. Lawr. P._, 160.]

[Footnote 1170: _Somers Tracts_, xii. 161. _The Scourge_, p. 123.]

[Footnote 1171: Paterson's _Pietas Lond._, _passim_.]

[Footnote 1172: Brokesby's _Life of Dodwell_, 359, 369.]

[Footnote 1173: _A Discourse concerning the Rise, &c., of Cathedral

Worship_, 1699.]

[Footnote 1174: V.R. Charlesworth's _Life of Rowland Hill_, 156.]

[Footnote 1175: Bishop Kennet's _Life_, 1730, 126.]

[Footnote 1176: J. Watts's 'Essay on Psalmody'--_Works_, ix. 8.]

[Footnote 1177: Teale's _Lives of Eminent E. Laymen_, 260.]

[Footnote 1178: R. Thoresby's _Diary_, March 16, 1697.]

[Footnote 1179: _Tatler_, No. 198.]

[Footnote 1180: J.P. Malcolm, _Manners, &c., of London_, i. 230.]

[Footnote 1181: Caldwell Papers, quoted in _Q. Rev._ 97, 404.]

[Footnote 1182: Laud's _Hist. of his Troubles_, 201, quoted in Southey's

_Book of the Church_, 472.]

[Footnote 1183: Walcott's _Cathedrals_, 101.]

[Footnote 1184: Dr. Swift, _To Himself on St. Cecilia's Day_. Anderson's

_B. Poets_, ix. 107.]

[Footnote 1185: Malcolm's _London_, i. 267.]

[Footnote 1186: J. Newton's _Sermons on the Messiah_, 1784-5.]

[Footnote 1187: Burnet's _Hist. of Ref._, quoted in S. Hilliard's

_Obligation of the Clergy to keep strictly to the Bidding form_, 1715,

8.]

[Footnote 1188: Wheatley's _B. of Common Prayer_, 1860, 171.]

[Footnote 1189: Canon 55.]

[Footnote 1190: Bisse's _Beauty of Holiness_, 1721, 154.]

[Footnote 1191: Hilliard's _Obligations, &c._, 19.]

[Footnote 1192: Sherlock _On Public Worship_, 1681, 188.]

[Footnote 1193: South's _Works_, iv. 180. He elsewhere calls it 'a long,

crude, impertinent, upstart harangue.' So also _Complaint of the Ch. of

E._, 1709, 19, and Thoresby's _Diary_, June 14, 1714. _The Royal Guard_,

&c., 1684, 49.]

[Footnote 1194: J. Bingham's _French Church's Apology for the Ch. of

E._--_Works_, ix. 106.]

[Footnote 1195: Stoughton's _Church of the Revolution_, 205.]

[Footnote 1196: Fleetwood's _Defence of Praying before Sermon_,

1720--_Works_, 738.]

[Footnote 1197: G.G. Perry's _Hist. of the Ch._, 3, 228.]

[Footnote 1198: _The Justice and Necessity of restraining the Clergy_,

&c., 1715, 64.]

[Footnote 1199: _The Justice and Necessity of Restraining the Clergy_,

&c., 1715, 64.]

[Footnote 1200: _Direction to our Archbishops_, &c., Dec. 11, 1714, §

vi.]

[Footnote 1201: _Spectator_, No. 312.]

[Footnote 1202: Jablouski's Correspondence, in _Archbishop Sharp's

Life_, by his Son, ii. 157, App. 2, 3.]

[Footnote 1203: Sherlock, _On Rel. Worship_, 66.]

[Footnote 1204: Nelson's _Life of Bull_, 420.]

[Footnote 1205: Warburton and Hurd's _Correspondence_, 31.]

[Footnote 1206: Horsley's _Charges_, 6; _Reflection on the Clergy_, &c.,

1798, 42.]

[Footnote 1207: Pref. to W.B. Kirwan's _Sermons_, quoted in _Q. Rev._,

xi. 133.]

[Footnote 1208: A.P. Stanley's _Hist. Mem. of Westminster Abbey_, 535.]

[Footnote 1209: _Officium Cleri_, 1691, 31.]

[Footnote 1210: Birch's _Life of Tillotson_, cclv.]

[Footnote 1211: Paterson's _Pietas Londinensis_.]

[Footnote 1212: _The Church of England's Complaint_, &c., 1709, 21-2.

_The Scourge_, No. 10, 1717. Polwhele's Preface to Lavington, 220.]

[Footnote 1213: Bishop Newton's _Life and Works_, i. 85.]

[Footnote 1214: J. Nichols' _Literary Anecd. of Eighteenth Cent._ iv.

152.]

[Footnote 1215: _Archbishop Sharp's Life_, by his Son, i. 31.]

[Footnote 1216: _Hardships of the Inferior Clergy in and about London_,

&c., 1722, 85.]

[Footnote 1217: _London Parishes_, &c.]

[Footnote 1218: Paterson's _Piet. Lond._ 49, 50.]

[Footnote 1219: Teale's _Lives_, 253. So also _Complaint of the Ch. of

E._ 1709, 23.]

[Footnote 1220: Sherlock _On Public Worship_, pt. ii. ch. 4.]

[Footnote 1221: Id.]

[Footnote 1222: Nelson's _Life of Bull_, 39, 366.]

[Footnote 1223: F. Williams' _Memoirs of Atterbury_, i. 266.]

[Footnote 1224: Nichols' _Lit. An._ iv. 169.]

[Footnote 1225: J. Wilson's _Hist. of Merch. Taylors_, 1075.]

[Footnote 1226: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 254.]

[Footnote 1227: Gilbert Wakefield's _Memoirs_, 282; _Miseries of the

Inferior Clergy_, &c., 1722, 18.]

[Footnote 1228: Dean Tucker's _Works_, 1772; _Letter to Dr. Kippis_, 23;

_Works_, vol. i.]

[Footnote 1229: Secretan's _Life of Nelson_.]

[Footnote 1230: Wesley's _Works_, x. 507-9.]

[Footnote 1231: J. Nichols' _Lit. Anecd._ i. 475; Tillotson's _Works_,

iii. 514-16.]

[Footnote 1232: Lathbury's _Hist. of the Nonjurors_, 203.]

[Footnote 1233: Nelson's _Life of Bull_, 359; Fleetwood's _Works_, 472.]

[Footnote 1234: Sherlock _On Public Worship_, 204; _Life of Kettlewell_,

91; Secker's _Charges_, 53.]

[Footnote 1235: Baxter's _English Nonconformity_, chap. 19, quoted in J.

Bingham's _Works_, 'Objection of Dissenters Considered,' b. iii. ch.

21.]

[Footnote 1236: Whiston's _Memoirs_, 469.]

[Footnote 1237: _The Church of England Vindicated_, &c., 1801, 15.]

[Footnote 1238: Secker's Charge of 1741.]

[Footnote 1239: Lord Mahon's _History_, chap. 31; C. Knight's _Old

England_; A. Andrews' _Eighteenth Century_, chaps. 3 and 4; Malcolm's

_Manners and Customs of London_, ii. 272.]

[Footnote 1240: Fielding's _Thomas Andrews_, b. ii. ch. 13.]

[Footnote 1241: H. Walpole's _Memoirs of George II._ 342.]

[Footnote 1242: Fleetwood's _Works_, 469; _Archbishop Sharp's Life_, i.

353.]

[Footnote 1243: _Church of England's Complaint_, 1709, Preface.]

[Footnote 1244: Beresford Hope, _Worship in the Ch. of E._ 26.]

[Footnote 1245: J.C. Jeaffreson's _Book about Clergy_, ii. 92.]

[Footnote 1246: A. Andrews' _Eighteenth Century_, chap. v.]

[Footnote 1247: S. Pepys' _Diary_, v. App. 452.]

[Footnote 1248: _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, i. 209-13.]

[Footnote 1249: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 166-72.]

[Footnote 1250: Secker's _Eight Charges_, 239.]

[Footnote 1251: Id. 370.]

[Footnote 1252: Fleetwood's _Works_, 472, 474, 479.]

[Footnote 1253: T. Lewis, _Danger of the Church Estab._ &c. 1720.]

[Footnote 1254: G.G. Perry's _Hist. of the Ch. of E._ iii. 100.]

[Footnote 1255: Gibson's _Codex_, 1046, quoted in Burns' _Eccl. Law_,

Art. 'Penance.']

[Footnote 1256: J. Johnson, _Vade Mecum_, ii. cvii.]

[Footnote 1257: _Memoirs of W. Wordsworth_, by Christoph. Wordsworth,

1851, 8.]

[Footnote 1258: So also in the South of England, between 1799 and 1803.

'The two women she took most notice of in the parish were the last

persons who ever did penance at Hurstmonceaux, having both to stand in a

white sheet in the Churchyard; so that people said, "There are Mrs. Hare

Naylor's friends doing penance."'--A.J.C. Hare's _Memorials of a Quiet

Life_, i. 143. In 1805, one Sarah Chamberlain did penance in like manner

at Littleham Church, near Exmouth.]

[Footnote 1259: Hildesley's _History of the Isle of Man_, in Cruttwell's

_Life of Wilson_, 371.]

[Footnote 1260: Burns' _Eccles. Law_, Art. 'Penance'; Andrews'

_Eighteenth Century_, 303.]

[Footnote 1261: _Free and Candid Disquis._ 1749, § xviii.]

[Footnote 1262: J.C. Jeaffreson's _B. of the Clergy_, ii. 140.]

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED OR REFERRED TO.

* * * * *

NO AUTHOR QUOTED AT SECOND HAND IS INCLUDED IN THIS LIST.

_The dates indicating the editions used are inserted for the convenience

of those who desire to verify quotations._

* * * * *

Abigail, Mrs., 'A Female Skirmish, &c,' 1700.

Addison, Jos., 'Works,' 4 vols. (Tickell), 1804.

'Address to that Honest part of the Nation called the Lower Sort,' 1745.

'Adventurer, The' (R. Hawkesworth), 1755.

Aikin, J., 'Letters on English Poetry,' 1804.

Aikin, Lucy, 'Life of Joseph Addison,' 1843.

'Annals of the Reign of George III.,' 2 vols., 1816.

Akenside, M., 'Poems,' (Anderson).

Alison, Sir A., 'Life of Marlborough,' 2 vols., 1852.

Anderson, 'Poets of Great Britain,' 13 vols., 1793-5.

Anderson, J.S.M., 'History of the Colonial Church,' 3 vols., 1856.

Andrews, A., 'The Eighteenth Century,' 1856.

'Annals of England,' 3 vols., 1848.

'Apology for the Parliament,' &c. (Penal Laws against certain

Protestants), 1697.

Arnold, M., 'Culture and Anarchy,' 1869.

Arnold, Dr. T., 'Fragments on the Church,' 1844.

'Miscellaneous Works' (A.P. Stanley), 1845.

Aspin, W., 'Alkibla,' 1721 and 1731.

'Asylum for Fugitive Pieces in Prose and Verse,' 1785.

Atterbury, Bp. F., 'Letters, Visitation Charges,' &c., 1783.

'Memoirs, by Folkestone Williams,' 2 vols., 1869.

Austen, Jane, 'Memoirs of,' by J.E. Austen-Leigh, 1870.

Balguy, Archdeacon, 'Charges,' 1785.

Barbauld. A.L., 'Works with Memoir,' by Lucy Aikin, 2 vols., 1825.

Barclay, R., 'Apology for the Quakers,' 1849.

Baur, 'Kirchengeschichte der neueren Zeit,' 1863.

Baxter, R., 'Works,' 23 vols. (Orme), 1830.

Beattie, W., 'Life and Letters of T. Campbell,' 3 vols., 1849.

Behmen, J., 'Works,' 4 vols. (W. Law), 1764.

Benson, J., 'Life of Fletcher,' about 1805.

Bentley, R., 'Boyle Lectures for 1692,' 1724.

'Remarks on Discourse of Free-thinking' (Phileleutherus Lipsiensis),

1743.

'Works,' 3 vols. (Dyce), 1838.

Berkeley, Bp. G., 'Works,' 3 vols., 1861.

'Life and Works,' 3 vols. (A.C. Fraser), 1871.

Beveridge, Bp., 'On Public Prayer,' 1840.

Kneeling to receive the Sacrament had been one of the principal scruples