It would be a useful influence for us. Baudelaire desired perfection,

and we have never realised that perfection is a thing to aim at. He only

did what he could do supremely well, and he was in poverty all his life,

not because he would not work, but because he would work only at certain

things, the things which he could hope to do to his own satisfaction. Of

the men of letters of our age he was the most scrupulous. He spent his

whole life in writing one book of verse (out of which all French poetry

has come since his time), one book of prose in which prose becomes a

fine art, some criticism which is the sanest, subtlest, and surest which

his generation produced, and a translation which is better than a

marvellous original. What would French poetry be to-day if Baudelaire

had never existed? As different a thing from what it is as English

poetry would be without Rossetti. Neither of them is quite among the

greatest poets, but they are more fascinating than the greatest, they

influence more minds. And Baudelaire was an equally great critic. He

discovered Poe, Wagner, and Manet. Where even Sainte-Beuve, with his

vast materials, his vast general talent for criticism, went wrong in

contemporary judgments, Baudelaire was infallibly right. He wrote

neither verse nor prose with ease, but he would not permit himself to

write either without inspiration. His work is without abundance, but it

is without waste. It is made out of his whole intellect and all his

nerves. Every poem is a train of thought and every essay is the record

of sensation. This 'romantic' had something classic in his moderation, a

moderation which becomes at times as terrifying as Poe's logic. To

'cultivate one's hysteria' so calmly, and to affront the reader

(_Hypocrite lecteur, mon semblable, mon frère_) as a judge rather than

as a penitent; to be a casuist in confession; to be so much a moralist,

with so keen a sense of the ecstasy of evil: that has always bewildered

the world, even in his own country, where the artist is allowed to live

as experimentally as he writes. Baudelaire lived and died solitary,

secret, a confessor of sins who has never told the whole truth, _le

mauvais moine_ of his own sonnet, an ascetic of passion, a hermit of the

brothel.

To understand, not Baudelaire, but what we can of him, we must read, not

only the four volumes of his collected works, but every document in

Crépet's _Oeuvres Posthumes_, and, above all, the letters, and these

have only now been collected into a volume, under the care of an editor

who has done more for Baudelaire than any one since Crépet. Baudelaire

put into his letters only what he cared to reveal of himself at a given

moment: he has a different angle to distract the sight of every

observer; and let no one think that he knows Baudelaire when he has read

the letters to Poulet-Malassis, the friend and publisher, to whom he

showed his business side, or the letters to la Présidente, the

touchstone of his _spleen et idéal_, his chief experiment in the higher

sentiments. Some of his carefully hidden virtues peep out at moments, it

is true, but nothing that everybody has not long been aware of. We hear

of his ill-luck with money, with proof-sheets, with his own health. The

tragedy of the life which he chose, as he chose all things (poetry,

Jeanne Duval, the 'artificial paradises') deliberately, is made a little

clearer to us; we can moralise over it if we like. But the man remains

baffling, and will probably never be discovered.

As it is, much of the value of the book consists in those glimpses into

his mind and intentions which he allowed people now and then to see.

Writing to Sainte-Beuve, to Flaubert, to Soulary, he sometimes lets out,

through mere sensitiveness to an intelligence capable of understanding

him, some little interesting secret. Thus it is to Sainte-Beuve that he

defines and explains the origin and real meaning of the _Petits Poèmes

en Prose: Faire cent bagatelles laborieuses qui exigent une bonne humeur

constante (bonne humeur nécessaire, même pour traiter des sujets

tristes), une excitation bizarre qui a besoin de spectacles, de foules,

de musiques, de réverbères même, voilà ce que j'ai voulu faire!_ And,

writing to some obscure person, he will take the trouble to be even more

explicit, as in this symbol of the sonnet: _Avez-vous observé qu'un

morceau de ciel aperçu par un soupirail, ou entre deux cheminées, deux

rochers, ou par une arcade, donnait une idée plus profonde de l'infini

que le grand panorama vu du haul d'une montagne?_ It is to another

casual person that he speaks out still more intimately (and the occasion

of his writing is some thrill of gratitude towards one who had at last

done 'a little justice,' not to himself, but to Manet): _Eh bien! on

m'accuse, moi, d'imiter Edgar Poe! Savez-vous pourquoi j'ai si

patiemment traduit Poe? Parce qu'il me ressemblait. La première fois que

j'ai ouvert un livre de lui, j'ai vu avec épouvante et ravissement, non

seulement des sujets rêvés par moi, mais des phrases, pensées par moi,

et écrites par lui, vingt ans auparavant._ It is in such glimpses as

these that we see something of Baudelaire in his letters.

1906.

WALTER PATER

Writing about Botticelli, in that essay which first interpreted

Botticelli to the modern world, Pater said, after naming the supreme

artists, Michelangelo or Leonardo:

But, besides these great men, there is a certain number of artists

who have a distinct faculty of their own by which they convey to us

a peculiar quality of pleasure which we cannot get elsewhere; and

these, too, have their place in general culture, and must be

interpreted to it by those who have felt their charm strongly, and

are often the objects of a special diligence and a consideration

wholly affectionate, just because there is not about them the

stress of a great name and authority.

It is among these rare artists, so much more interesting, to many, than

the very greatest, that Pater belongs; and he can only be properly

understood, loved, or even measured by those to whom it is 'the

delicacies of fine literature' that chiefly appeal. There have been

greater prose-writers in our language, even in our time; but he was, as

Mallarmé called him, 'le prosateur ouvragé par excellence de ce temps.'

For strangeness and subtlety of temperament, for rarity and delicacy of

form, for something incredibly attractive to those who felt his

attraction, he was as unique in our age as Botticelli in the great age

of Raphael. And he, too, above all to those who knew him, can scarcely

fail to become, not only 'the object of a special diligence,' but also

of 'a consideration wholly affectionate,' not lessened by the slowly

increasing 'stress of authority' which is coming to be laid, almost by

the world in general, on his name.

In the work of Pater, thought moves to music, and does all its hard work

as if in play. And Pater seems to listen for his thought, and to

overhear it, as the poet overhears his song in the air. It is like

music, and has something of the character of poetry, yet, above all, it

is precise, individual, thought filtered through a temperament; and it

comes to us as it does because the style which clothes and fits it is a

style in which, to use some of his own words, 'the writer succeeds in

saying what he _wills_.'

The style of Pater has been praised and blamed for its particular

qualities of colour, harmony, weaving; but it has not always, or often,

been realised that what is most wonderful in the style is precisely its

adaptability to every shade of meaning or intention, its extraordinary

closeness in following the turns of thought, the waves of sensation, in

the man himself. Everything in Pater was in harmony, when you got

accustomed to its particular forms of expression: the heavy frame, so

slow and deliberate in movement, so settled in repose; the timid and yet

scrutinising eyes; the mannered, yet so personal, voice; the precise,

pausing speech, with its urbanity, its almost painful conscientiousness

of utterance; the whole outer mask, in short, worn for protection and

out of courtesy, yet moulded upon the inner truth of nature like a mask

moulded upon the features which it covers. And the books are the man,

literally the man in many accents, turns of phrase; and, far more than

that, the man himself, whom one felt through his few, friendly,

intimate, serious words: the inner life of his soul coming close to us,

in a slow and gradual revelation.

He has said, in the first essay of his which we have:

The artist and he who has treated life in the spirit of art desires

only to be shown to the world as he really is; as he comes nearer

and nearer to perfection, the veil of an outer life, not simply

expressive of the inward, becomes thinner and thinner.

And Pater seemed to draw up into himself every form of earthly beauty,

or of the beauty made by men, and many forms of knowledge and wisdom,

and a sense of human things which was neither that of the lover nor of

the priest, but partly of both; and his work was the giving out of all

this again, with a certain labour to give it wholly. It is all, the

criticism, and the stories, and the writing about pictures and places, a

confession, the _vraie vérité_ (as he was fond of saying) about the

world in which he lived. That world he thought was open to all; he was

sure that it was the real blue and green earth, and that he caught the

tangible moments as they passed. It was a world into which we can only

look, not enter, for none of us have his secret. But part of his secret

was in the gift and cultivation of a passionate temperance, an

unrelaxing attentiveness to whatever was rarest and most delightful in

passing things.

In Pater logic is of the nature of ecstasy, and ecstasy never soars

wholly beyond the reach of logic. Pater is keen in pointing out the

liberal and spendthrift weakness of Coleridge in his thirst for the

absolute, his 'hunger for eternity,' and for his part he is content to

set all his happiness, and all his mental energies, on a relative basis,

on a valuation of the things of eternity under the form of time. He asks

for no 'larger flowers' than the best growth of the earth; but he would

choose them flower by flower, and for himself. He finds life worth just

living, a thing satisfying in itself, if you are careful to extract its

essence, moment by moment, not in any calculated 'hedonism,' even of the

mind, but in a quiet, discriminating acceptance of whatever is

beautiful, active, or illuminating in every moment. As he grew older he

added something more like a Stoic sense of 'duty' to the old, properly

and severely Epicurean doctrine of 'pleasure.' Pleasure was never, for

Pater, less than the essence of all knowledge, all experience, and not

merely all that is rarest in sensation; it was religious from the first,

and had always to be served with a strict ritual. 'Only be sure it is

passion,' he said of that spirit of divine motion to which he appealed

for the quickening of our sense of life, our sense of ourselves; be

sure, he said, 'that it does yield you this fruit of a quickened,

multiplied consciousness.' What he cared most for at all times was that

which could give 'the highest quality to our moments as they pass'; he

differed only, to a certain extent, in his estimation of what that was.

'The herb, the wine, the gem' of the preface to the _Renaissance_ tended

more and more to become, under less outward symbols of perfection, 'the

discovery, the new faculty, the privileged apprehension' by which 'the

imaginative regeneration of the world' should be brought about, or even,

at times, a brooding over 'what the soul passes, and must pass, through,

_aux abois_ with nothingness, or with those offended mysterious powers

that may really occupy it.'

When I first met Pater he was nearly fifty. I did not meet him for about

two years after he had been writing to me, and his first letter reached

me when I was just over twenty-one. I had been writing verse all my

life, and what Browning was to me in verse Pater, from about the age of

seventeen, had been to me in prose. Meredith made the third; but his

form of art was not, I knew never could be, mine. Verse, I suppose,

requires no teaching, but it was from reading Pater's _Studies in the

History of the Renaissance_, in its first edition on ribbed paper (I

have the feel of it still in my fingers), that I realised that prose

also could be a fine art. That book opened a new world to me, or,

rather, gave me the key or secret of the world in which I was living. It

taught me that there was a beauty besides the beauty of what one calls

inspiration, and comes and goes, and cannot be caught or followed; that

life (which had seemed to me of so little moment) could be itself a work

of art; from that book I realised for the first time that there was

anything interesting or vital in the world besides poetry and music. I

caught from it an unlimited curiosity, or, at least, the direction of

curiosity into definite channels.

The knowledge that there was such a person as Pater in the world, an

occasional letter from him, an occasional meeting, and, gradually, the

definite encouragement of my work in which, for some years, he was

unfailingly generous and attentive, meant more to me, at that time, than

I can well indicate, or even realise, now. It was through him that my

first volume of verse was published; and it was through his influence

and counsels that I trained myself to be infinitely careful in all

matters of literature. Influence and counsel were always in the

direction of sanity, restraint, precision.

I remember a beautiful phrase which he once made up, in his delaying

way, with 'wells' and 'no doubts' in it, to describe, and to describe

supremely, a person whom I had seemed to him to be disparaging. 'He

does,' he said meditatively, 'remind me of, well, of a steam-engine

stuck in the mud. But he is so enthusiastic!' Pater liked people to be

enthusiastic, but, with him, enthusiasm was an ardent quietude, guarded

by the wary humour that protects the sensitive. He looked upon undue

earnestness, even in outward manner, in a world through which the artist

is bound to go on a wholly 'secret errand,' as bad form, which shocked

him as much in persons as bad style did in books. He hated every form of

extravagance, noise, mental or physical, with a temperamental hatred: he

suffered from it, in his nerves and in his mind. And he had no less

dislike of whatever seemed to him either morbid or sordid, two words

which he often used to express his distaste for things and people. He

never would have appreciated writers like Verlaine, because of what

seemed to him perhaps unnecessarily 'sordid' in their lives. It pained

him, as it pains some people, perhaps only because they are more acutely

sensitive than others, to walk through mean streets, where people are

poor, miserable, and hopeless.

And since I have mentioned Verlaine, I may say that what Pater most

liked in poetry was the very opposite of such work as that of Verlaine,

which he might have been supposed likely to like. I do not think it was

actually one of Verlaine's poems, but something done after his manner in

English, that some reviewer once quoted, saying: 'That, to our mind,

would be Mr. Pater's ideal of poetry.' Pater said to me, with a sad

wonder, 'I simply don't know what he meant.' What he liked in poetry was

something even more definite than can be got in prose; and he valued

poets like Dante and like Rossetti for their 'delight in concrete

definition,' not even quite seeing the ultimate magic of such things as

_Kubla Khan_, which he omitted in a brief selection from the poetry of

Coleridge. In the most interesting letter which I ever had from him, the

only letter which went to six pages, he says:

12 EARL'S TERRACE,

KENSINGTON, W.,

_Jan. 8, 1888._

MY DEAR MR. SYMONS,--I feel much flattered at your choosing me as

an arbiter in the matter of your literary work, and thank you for

the pleasure I have had in reading carefully the two poems you have

sent me. I don't use the word 'arbiter' loosely for 'critic'; but

suppose a real controversy, on the question whether you shall spend

your best energies in writing verse, between your poetic

aspirations on the one side, and prudence (calculating results) on

the other. Well! judging by these two pieces, I should say that you

have a poetic talent remarkable, especially at the present day, for

precise and intellectual grasp on the matter it deals with.

Rossetti, I believe, said that the value of every artistic product

was in direct proportion to the amount of purely intellectual force

that went to the initial conception of it: and it is just this

intellectual conception which seems to me to be so conspicuously

wanting in what, in some ways, is the most characteristic verse of

our time, especially that of our secondary poets. In your own

pieces, particularly in your MS. 'A Revenge,' I find Rossetti's

requirement fulfilled, and should anticipate great things from one

who has the talent of conceiving his motive with so much firmness

and tangibility--with that close logic, if I may say so, which is

an element in any genuinely imaginative process. It is clear to me

that you aim at this, and it is what gives your verses, to my mind,

great interest. Otherwise, I think the two pieces of unequal

excellence, greatly preferring 'A Revenge' to 'Bell in Camp.'

Reserving some doubt whether the watch, as the lover's gift, is not

a little bourgeois, I think this piece worthy of any poet. It has

that aim of concentration and organic unity which I value greatly

both in prose and verse. 'Bell in Camp' pleases me less, for the

same reason which makes me put Rossetti's 'Jenny,' and some of

Browning's pathetic-satiric pieces, below the rank which many

assign them. In no one of the poems I am thinking of, is the

inherent sordidness of everything in the persons supposed, except

the one poetic trait then under treatment, quite forgotten.

Otherwise, I feel the pathos, the humour, of the piece (in the

full sense of the word humour) and the skill with which you have

worked out your motive therein. I think the present age an

unfavourable one to poets, at least in England. The young poet

comes into a generation which has produced a large amount of

first-rate poetry, and an enormous amount of good secondary poetry.

You know I give a high place to the literature of prose as a fine

art, and therefore hope you won't think me brutal in saying that

the admirable qualities of your verse are those also of imaginative

prose; as I think is the case also with much of Browning's finest

verse. I should say, make prose your principal _métier_, as a man

of letters, and publish your verse as a more intimate gift for

those who already value you for your pedestrian work in literature.

I should think you ought to find no difficulty in finding a

publisher for poems such as those you have sent to me.

I am more than ever anxious to meet you. Letters are such poor

means of communication. Don't come to London without making an

appointment to come and see me here.--Very sincerely yours,

WALTER PATER.

'Browning, one of my best-loved writers,' is a phrase I find in his

first letter to me, in December 1886, thanking me for a little book on

Browning which I had just published. There is, I think, no mention of

any other writer except Shakespeare (besides the reference to Rossetti

which I have just quoted) in any of the fifty or sixty letters which I

have from him. Everything that is said about books is a direct matter of

business: work which he was doing, of which he tells me, or which I was

doing, about which he advises and encourages me.

In practical things Pater was wholly vague, troubled by their

persistence when they pressed upon him. To wrap up a book to send by

post was an almost intolerable effort, and he had another reason for

hesitating. 'I take your copy of Shakespeare's sonnets with me,' he

writes in June 1889, 'hoping to be able to restore it to you there lest

it should get bruised by transit through the post.' He wrote letters

with distaste, never really well, and almost always with excuses or

regrets in them: 'Am so over-burdened (my time, I mean) just now with

pupils, lectures, and the making thereof'; or, with hopes for a meeting:

'Letters are such poor means of communication: when are we to meet?' or,

as a sort of hasty makeshift: 'I send this prompt answer, for I know by

experience that when I delay my delays are apt to be lengthy.' A review

took him sometimes a year to get through; and remained in the end, like

his letters, a little cramped, never finished to the point of ease, like

his published writings. To lecture was a great trial to him. Two of the

three lectures which I have heard in my life were given by Pater, one on

Mérimée, at the London Institution, in November 1890, and the other on

Raphael, at Toynbee Hall, in 1892. I never saw a man suffer a severer

humiliation. The act of reading his written lecture was an agony which

communicated itself to the main part of the audience. Before going into

the hall at Whitechapel he had gone into a church to compose his mind a

little, between the discomfort of the underground railway and the

distress of the lecture-hall.

In a room, if he was not among very intimate friends, Pater was rarely

quite at his ease, but he liked being among people, and he made the

greater satisfaction overcome the lesser reluctance. He was particularly

fond of cats, and I remember one evening, when I had been dining with

him in London, the quaint, solemn, and perfectly natural way in which he

took up the great black Persian, kissed it, and set it down carefully

again on his way upstairs. Once at Oxford he told me that M. Bourget had

sent him the first volume of his _Essais de Psychologie Contemporaine_,

and that the cat had got hold of the book and torn up the part

containing the essay on Baudelaire, 'and as Baudelaire was such a lover

of cats I thought she might have spared him!'

We were talking once about fairs, and I had been saying how fond I was

of them. He said: 'I am fond of them, too. I always go to fairs. I am

getting to find they are very similar.' Then he began to tell me about

the fairs in France, and I remember, as if it were an unpublished

fragment in one of his stories, the minute, coloured impression of the

booths, the little white horses of the 'roundabouts,' and the little

wild beast shows, in which what had most struck him was the interest of

the French peasant in the wolf, a creature he might have seen in his own

woods. 'An English clown would not have looked at a wolf if he could

have seen a tiger.'

I once asked Pater if his family was really connected with that of the

painter, Jean-Baptiste Pater. He said: 'I think so, I believe so, I

always say so.' The relationship has never been verified, but one would

like to believe it; to find something lineally Dutch in the English

writer. It was, no doubt, through this kind of family interest that he

came to work upon Goncourt's essay and the contemporary _Life of

Watteau_ by the Count de Caylus, printed in the first series of _L'Art

du XVIII^e Siècle_, out of which he has made certainly the most living

of his _Imaginary Portraits_, that _Prince of Court Painters_ which is

supposed to be the journal of a sister of Jean-Baptiste Pater, whom we

see in one of Watteau's portraits in the Louvre. As far back as 1889[4]

Pater was working towards a second volume of _Imaginary Portraits_, of

which _Hippolytus Veiled_ was to have been one. He had another subject

in Moroni's _Portrait of a Tailor_ in the National Gallery, whom he was

going to make a Burgomaster; and another was to have been a study of

life in the time of the Albigensian persecution. There was also to be a

modern study: could this have been _Emerald Uthwart_? No doubt _Apollo

in Picardy_, published in 1893, would have gone into the volume. _The

Child in the House_, which was printed as an _Imaginary Portrait_, in

_Macmillans Magazine_ in 1878, was really meant to be the first chapter

of a romance which was to show 'the poetry of modern life,' something,

he said, as _Aurora Leigh_ does. There is much personal detail in it,

the red hawthorn, for instance, and he used to talk to me of the old

house at Tunbridge, where his great-aunt lived, and where he spent much

of his time when a child. He remembered the gipsies there, and their

caravans, when they came down for the hop-picking; and the old lady in

her large cap going out on the lawn to do battle with the surveyors who

had come to mark out a railway across it; and his terror of the train,

and of 'the red flag, which meant _blood_.' It was because he always

dreamed of going on with it that he did not reprint this imaginary

portrait in the book of _Imaginary Portraits_; but he did not go on with

it because, having begun the long labour of _Marius_, it was out of his

mind for many years, and when, in 1889, he still spoke of finishing it,

he was conscious that he could never continue it in the same style, and

that it would not be satisfactory to rewrite it in his severer, later

manner. It remains, perhaps fortunately, a fragment, to which no

continuation could ever add a more essential completeness.

Figures of Several Centuries · 第 14 / 17 段